In the years which followed the peace of 1815, the 全住民 of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain 増加するd 速く. The first 正確な国勢（人口）調査 appeared in 1801 and the その後の decennial returns furnished a basis for calculating the 率 of 増加する. The 全住民 of England, むちの跡s, and Scotland was 12,596,803 in 1811; 14,391,631 in 1821; and 16,539,318 in 1831—an 増加する in each 事例／患者 of about 15 per cent. Between 1821 and 1831 the total 全住民 of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain and Ireland rose in numbers from 21,193,458 to 24,304,799. [1]

After 1815 alarm began to be felt at this 早い growth, and 全住民 which had been looked upon as the strength of the nation was coming to be considered its 悪口を言う／悪態. With the end of the war, too, there was an 増加するing 量 of pauperism and 苦しめる. The large public 負債, the 停止 of war 支出 and the natural reaction after the war, together with two 連続する bad 収穫s, dislocated 貿易（する） and 産業, and threw numbers out of 雇用. The 支出 on poor 救済 in 1801 量d to ｣4,017,871, or 9s. 1d. per 長，率いる in England and むちの跡s, and in 1831 to ｣6,798,838, or 9s. 9d. per 長，率いる." [2] Porter calculated that "the 負わせる of pauper 支出, in 割合 to the 全住民 at the two periods was as seven in 1831 to four in 1801." [3]

Malthus had in 1797, and again in 1803, called attention to the fact that 全住民, unless checked, tended to 増加する faster than the means of subsistence. The 国勢（人口）調査 returns appeared to 立証する his 結論s, and his doctrines grew in 人気 until they 支配するd the minds of 経済学者s and statesmen haunted by the spectre of over-全住民. [4]

In these circumstances the "条件 of England question," as Carlyle called it, 圧力（をかける）d for a 解答. 治療（薬）s were sought both for the 救済 of pauperism and 苦しめる, and for 少なくなるing the "圧力 of 全住民 upon the means of subsistence." の中で these one 資源, which 設立する much support, was 移住. In the eighteenth century no one had talked of a 黒字／過剰全住民. 全住民 meant 国家の strength, and 移住 was not encouraged. There was "no surer way to 非難する a 植民地 than to show that it tended to 減らす the 全住民 of the mother-country." [5] But in the 早期に nineteenth century the 除去 of the redundant 全住民 to the 植民地s and どこかよそで was 勧めるd as a means of relieving paupers, of 減ずるing the poor 率, and of 少なくなるing the 供給（する） of an overstocked 労働 market.

James Mill's article on "植民地化" in the Encyclop訶ia Britannica in 1822 was a Malthusian essay on 全住民, an 経済的な argument against the monopoly of 植民地の貿易（する）, and a denunciation of the 政府 of the "many" in the 利益／興味s of the "few," rather than an account of the 原則s and practice of 植民地化. He gave a 用心深い固守 to 移住 as a 治療（薬） for over-全住民, recommending it on two 条件s: first, that the land colonized 産する／生じるd a better return to 労働 than that left by the emigrant; secondly, that the expense of 除去するing emigrants was not so 広大な／多数の／重要な as to 原因（となる） more loss by the 支出 of 資本／首都 than was 伸び（る）d by the diminution of numbers.

の中で the most 熱心な支持するs of 移住 was Robert John Wilmot Horton, [6] who had entered the House of ありふれたs in 1814. In 1822 [7] he became Under-国務長官 for War and the 植民地s, when he すぐに associated himself with 植民地の questions, 特に in relation to Canada and to 移住. It was he who, in 1822, introduced into the House of ありふれたs the abortive 法案 for the Union of the Canadas which was so vigorously …に反対するd in the Lower 州. [8] Though 所有するd of little ability, he was a man of 広大な／多数の／重要な energy and perseverance, [9] and he was doomed to spend seven or eight years—from 1823 to 1830—in 勧めるing on the British public a 計画／陰謀 of 移住 which had many obvious defects and received some 公式の／役人 but little popular support. Speaking, in 1858, of 植民地化 and 移住 in 1826, James Stephen said: "They who 参加する with me in the melancholy advantage of 存在 able to remember the 進歩 of public events so long as thirty-two years ago, will call to mind how, at that time, Mr. Wilmot Horton (the pleasantest of companions and the most restless of 政治家，政治屋s) wedded himself to that 広大な／多数の／重要な原因（となる）; how enthusiastic was the garrulity of those espousals, and how they gave birth to a progeny of reviews and articles and 報告（する）／憶測s and 調書をとる／予約するs and 小冊子s either 逃亡者／はかないもの or motionless, without number and without end." [10]

In his examination of the 条件s of the 労働ing 全住民 of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain, Wilmot Horton 設立する a 明言する／公表する of pauperism and 苦しめる, which, as a 信奉者 of Malthus, he ascribed to the fact that 全住民 was redundant. [11] 労働, he 持続するd, was 単に a 商品／必需品, bought and sold in the market, and 支配する like every other 商品／必需品 to fluctuations in value. [12] The price of 労働 was 治める／統治するd by the same 法律s that 治める／統治するd the prices or other 商品／必需品s. [13] "No one would 否定する," he told the House of ありふれたs in 1827, "that the 原則 which 規制するd the price of 商品／必需品s also 規制するd the price of the 労働 of those who produced them; and that, whenever the 供給（する） became in either 事例／患者 in 超過, as compared with the 需要・要求する, the price must 沈む until the market was （疑いを）晴らすd of that 割合 of the article, whether a 商品／必需品 or 労働, which was really in 超過." [14] 給料, then, depended on the 割合 which 資本／首都 bore to 労働. [15] With 労働 in 超過（機の）カム価値低下, a consequent 落ちる in 給料, and 失業. While to the labourers this "inconvenient 超過 of 全住民" [16] meant, he considered, destitution; to the 残り／休憩（する） of the community it meant a large and 増加するing 支出 in 持続するing an army of 非，不，無-生産者s. [17] The problem and its 解答 he 明言する／公表するd in these 条件: low 給料 were the 原因（となる） of pauperism; redundancy of 全住民 the 原因（となる） of low 給料. The 治療（薬）, then, was to raise 給料 by readjusting the 割合 between 資本／首都 and 労働. [18] This could be done either by 増加するing the 親族量 of 資本／首都, or by 減少（する）ing the 量 of 労働. To 増加する the 供給（する） of 資本／首都 in its relation to 労働 was, he thought, a practical impossibility, so that the 除去 of 労働 by 移住 was the only feasible way of raising 給料. [19] "If, therefore, the market could by any means, such as 移住, be （疑いを）晴らすd of those 手渡すs which were at the 現在の moment superabundant, it followed that the 残りの人，物 would find the 給料 of 労働増加するd to such an 量 as would afford them an 適する remuneration." [20] For Ireland 付加対策 were necessary, because in that country the evil of redundancy was 強めるd by the 広大な／多数の／重要な number of small landholders who were living in a 明言する／公表する of extreme poverty, and 急速な／放蕩な増加するing their numbers. He 示唆するd not only that the 黒字／過剰 pauper 全住民 should be 除去するd, but also that the small holdings should be thrown together so that it might be profitable to 雇う English 資本／首都 in Irish 農業. [21]

The one question of theory which he regarded as doubtful was whether the "vacuum" 原因（となる）d by 移住 would not as quickly be filled again by an 増加する of 全住民 at home, which would 原因（となる）給料 to 落ちる once more. Indeed, although he 示唆するd some 予防の対策, he 恐れるd that all the evils of redundancy would 始める，決める in again, but not before the cost of 移住 was more than covered by the economy of sending paupers abroad instead of keeping them in idleness at home. [22] At the worst the ratepayers were no more ひどく重荷（を負わせる）d, while many paupers would be better off.

Looking 単に at the advantages which would result to 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain from the 除去 of her superfluous labourers, this 計画（する） would be 平等に efficacious whether the emigrants went to a British 植民地 or to another country; but the 利益／興味s of the whole empire, he thought, 需要・要求するd that the 植民地s should have the advantage of this stream of 移住. In this 尊敬（する）・点 he 堅固に …に反対するd the 著名な経済学者, J. R. McCulloch, who, though inclined to 受託する his 計画（する）, thought it immaterial whether paupers were sent to Canada or to any other country which had 商業の relations with England. [23] In 1822 Wilmot Horton saw that the 植民地s were 苦しむing for want of 労働, and that they needed something more than the natural 増加する of 全住民 if they were to 栄える. [24] 見解（をとる）ing the 事柄 in this light he 明言する／公表するd the problem to be that of "making the redundant 労働 and the 悪口を言う／悪態 of the mother-country, the active 労働 and the blessing of the 植民地s." [25] In 移住 the 利益／興味s of the two were 相互の, for the 植民地 would relieve the mother-country of her labourers, and by their 援助（する） would 増加する in wealth and 供給する a market for British 製造（する）s. [26] Horton was no 支持する of discontinuing 植民地の設立s. The 見込みのある増加する of 全住民 in Canada would, he thought, 妨げる those 植民地s from becoming part of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. [27] Indeed, his 推論する／理由 for returning to the fray of 論争 in 1839, after an absence of seven years, was to 勧める the necessity for 可決する・採択するing an 大きくするd system of 植民地化ーするために強化する the 関係 between 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain and her American 植民地s. [28]

植民地化, however, was to him not an end in itself, but 単に a means of ridding 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain of her redundant 全住民. He wrote not on 植民地化, but on the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of pauperism. "植民地化 abroad," he wrote to Poulett Thomson in 1830, "as a 治療（薬） for the evils of a 比較して redundant 全住民 is, and has been, with me, only a subordinate 反対する of 調査. I consider it only as the best and cheapest 方式 of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of that Abstraction of superfluous 労働ing 全住民 from the general 労働 market, which I 競う to be the Main 治療（薬） for the 苦しめるd 条件 of the 労働ing classes of the 部隊d Kingdom." [29] Could he have discovered a better means he would not have 支持するd 植民地化. "If it can be shown that the superfluous 全住民 so abstracted can be 性質の／したい気がして of more economically and more advantageously at home than abroad, I shall never be 設立する to 圧力（をかける） for a moment the 治療（薬） of 植民地の移住." [30]

Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） was to have a 明言する／公表する-controlled and a 明言する／公表する-補佐官d 移住. [31]

In the first place those paupers who wished to emigrate were to be 供給するd by the 政府 with a 解放する／自由な passage to Canada, and a 解放する／自由な認める of 100 [32] acres of land there, 支配する to 条件s of cultivation. After five years a small やめる-rent of 2d. per acre was to be 課すd, and the proceeds were to be 適用するd to 地元の目的s, such as 改善するing the means of communication. The emigrants were also to be 供給するd with farming 器具／実施するs, 在庫／株, and a 十分な供給（する） of 準備／条項s to last them for one year.

The 計画／陰謀 was 限定するd to paupers. Only those "完全に destitute of all means of subsistence" [33] were to be sent. The emigrants and their children were to 没収される all （人命などを）奪う，主張するs upon parochial support. But there was to be no compulsion on anyone to emigrate. Only those who "ardently 願望（する）d" [34] to go were to be taken. He thought that paupers would be attracted by the prospect which a new country 申し込む／申し出d them of escaping from their unhappy 状況／情勢 at home. "It is considered as unquestionable, although this 手段 is not in the slightest degree compulsory, that the poor man who 申し込む／申し出s his strength and energy as a labourer, but who, finding no 需要・要求する, or at least no 適する需要・要求する for his services, is compelled to receive "parish 救済" for the 保護 of his own 存在 and that of his family, will 受託する this 適切な時期 of bettering his 条件, by laying the 創立／基礎 for 未来 independence, with 切望 and 感謝; when 十分な time has elapsed, and proper 苦痛s been taken to make him understand the true nature and character of the change that is 提案するd for him." [35]

Wilmot Horton always 主張するd on the importance of that part of his 計画／陰謀 which 関係のある to settling the emigrants on the land and making 準備／条項 for them after their arrival. He distinguished between this 計画（する） and the unsystematic and unregulated 移住 which was at that time going on from the British 小島s to Canada; between "移住 where the individuals were 直す／買収する，八百長をするd to the 国／地域, and that desultory 肉親，親類d of 移住 which consisted in 単に伝えるing them to a 確かな place and then leaving them to make their way as they could." [36] Emigrants, he thought, should not be 扱う／治療するd 単に as 見込みのある labourers. It was a mistaken notion that "移住 should be 行為／行うd on the 原則 of 供給（する）ing labourers only to the 植民地s—that the expense should be 限られた／立憲的な to the carrying of the emigrants out, and 上陸 them on the shores to be 性質の／したい気がして of as chance or circumstances might direct." [37] In his 見解（をとる） such 移住, while it might serve the 目的単に of getting rid of a redundant 全住民 yet exposed the emigrants to worse evils; [38] for, as was the fact then and afterwards, 労働ing emigrants to Canada, before they could reach the places where work might be 設立する, 苦しむd 広大な／多数の／重要な hardships, [39] and were passing over in large numbers to the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. [40] Under his 計画／陰謀 the pauper emigrant was to be 設立するd at once as a landholder and a 見込みのある雇用者 of 労働. [41] "The 植民／開拓者 would be 堅固に直す／買収する，八百長をするd in the 国／地域, instead of taking his chance of 得るing subsistence: instead of 存在 like a 工場／植物 thrown 負かす／撃墜する upon the earth, either to take root, or to be withered by the sun, he would be like a young and vigorous tree 始める，決める by a careful 手渡す, with all the advantages of 国／地域 and 気候." [42]

In the second place, for the expenses of 移住, the 政府, which was to manage the 請け負うing, was to 前進する money by way of 貸付金 to the parishes on the 安全 of the poor 率, which was to be mortgaged for the 目的. The sum 前進するd by the 政府 would, then, be repaid by the parish by means of a terminable annuity. His earliest 提案, in 1823, did not 熟視する／熟考する any 返済 by the emigrants of the cost of their 場所. Later, however, he 示唆するd that they should 耐える part, [43] and the 原則 or 返済 was 堅固に recommended by the Select 委員会 on 移住 in 1827. [44] Still later he recurred to his former 計画（する）, and abandoned the 原則 of 返済 on the grounds that it would be 人気がない in the 植民地s and with the emigrants themselves, and that the expense incurred in 移住 was a small price for the parish to 支払う／賃金 compared with the cost of 持続するing those emigrants as paupers at home. [45] Indeed, the 長，指導者 argument which he brought 今後 in support of this part of his 計画（する） was that parishes would, by emigrating their paupers to Canada, save かなり by the resulting diminution in the 量 of poor 救済 which they would need to dispense. The redundant pauper, unable to procure 雇用, however able to work, was a 税金 upon the community, and his 除去 could be carried out at such a cost as to relieve the community from this 重荷（を負わせる）, without incurring so much expense as was necessary to 持続する him at home. [46] Wilmot Horton calculated what would be the 年次の告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 on the parish necessary to 返す the expenses of 移住, and he compared it with the actual 年次の cost to the parish of supporting those emigrants at home. The 資本／首都 sum necessary to settle a family of four in Canada によれば his 計画（する） he 概算の at about ｣80, [47] while the 年次の cost of 持続するing that family as paupers at home was about ｣10 per 長，率いる. [48] The 年次の告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 which would 返す the sum of ｣80 was very much いっそう少なく than ｣40, and the difference was so much （疑いを）晴らす伸び（る） to the parish and to the community.

This 計画（する） of 貸付金 and mortgage of the poor 率 was, as it stood, not applicable to Scotland or Ireland, but there would be little difficulty in 適用するing it, he thought, if a 基金 could be raised as 安全 for the 貸付金, either by public or 私的な subscription in those countries. [49] He believed that landlords there would find it to their 利益／興味 to 支払う／賃金 the expenses of an 移住 which would 除去する their 黒字／過剰 tenantry and enable them to throw small holdings together and carry on 農業 on a larger 規模.

While the parish and 私的な雇用者伸び（る）d in this way by 移住, the pauper became in Canada a happy and 繁栄する独立した・無所属 proprietor. 移住 would mean for him the "transmutation of pauperism into comparative 繁栄," [50] and, for his fellow-paupers at home, more and better-paid 雇用. This 過程, 有益な alike to mother-country and 植民地, might, he believed, go on 無期限に／不明確に with advantage to all 関心d.

"It must not be forgotten, in a 包括的な見解（をとる） of such a system, that the pauper, for whose 労働 no remuneration can be afforded at home, will be transmuted by this 過程 into an 独立した・無所属 proprietor, and at no distant period will become a 消費者 of the 製造（する）d articles of his native country. Nor, on the other 手渡す, can any calculable period be 割り当てるd for the termination of such a system, until all the 植民地s of the British empire are saturated, and millions 追加するd to those who speak the English language, and carry with them the liberty and the 法律s and the sympathies of their native country.

"Such a system would direct the tide of 移住に向かって parts of the British empire, which must be considered as integral, though separated by geographical position. The defence or these 植民地の所有／入手s would be more easily 供給（する）d within themselves, and their 増加するing 繁栄 would not only relieve the mother-country from pecuniary 需要・要求するs that are now 不可欠の, but that 繁栄 in its reaction would augment the wealth and the 資源s of the mother-country itself." [51]

Throughout the discussion which these 計画（する）s evoked, Wilmot Horton and every one else seems to have looked upon the problem under consideration as one 関心ing a large 集まり of individuals whom they lumped together under the 指名する of paupers. There was no 評価 of the fact that one pauper might 異なる essentially from another, that one might be a competent but unfortunate labourer, while another might be an incapable who had broken 負かす／撃墜する hopelessly in the struggle for 存在. From all that was said and written it might have been thought that the 領収書 of parish 救済 made its 受取人s 似ている one another in all 尊敬（する）・点s. Wilmot Horton wrote as if paupers were a homogeneous class, and they were anything but that. No 疑問 many of them were out of work 農業の labourers, but there were also many who had come by さまざまな roads of inefficiency to the dead end of parish 救済.

Nor was there any consideration of the question whether the actual individuals whom it was 提案するd to send out were qualified to earn their living in a new country. The problem of 取引，協定ing with paupers was 明言する／公表するd in abstract 条件 such as "超過 of 全住民," "需要・要求する and 供給（する） of 労働," and "黒字／過剰労働," as if 失業した labourers やむを得ず似ているd one another in anything else but 失業. It shows a curious difference from modern ways of thought, for one of the first questions which would arise now in such a 計画／陰謀 of 移住 would be "What 肉親，親類d of people is it 提案するd to send out, and what are they 有能な of doing in a new country?" It was impossible for such a 計画／陰謀 as this, depending so 大部分は on the success of the emigrants in 農業, to 後継する without a careful examination of, and 差別 between, the さまざまな types of paupers with a 見解（をとる） to selecting those only who would be suitable to the 条件s of a new country. Wakefield, indeed, was the only critic who pointed this out when he showed that the type of emigrants sent out under this system was unsuitable.

In 1823, and again in 1825, 試みる／企てるs were made on a small 規模 to put Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） into practice. In each 事例／患者 a 認める of money was made by 議会—｣15,000 in 1823, [52] and ｣30,000 in 1825, [53] for the 目的 of settling paupers in Canada. There had been some earlier 認めるs for 移住 both to Canada and to the Cape of Good Hope. In 1819 ｣50,000 was 投票（する）d for 移住 to the Cape, and in 1821 ｣68,760 for 移住 from the south of Ireland to Canada and the Cape. [54] But the 認めるs of 1823 and 1825 異なるd from these in that they were advisedly made to carry out 実験s on the lines 支持するd by Wilmot Horton. The 解決／入植地s which were 設立するd by these means were 試みる／企てるs to discover whether paupers might be 位置を示すd in Canada at a いっそう少なく cost than was necessary for their 維持／整備 at home; and the 反対する of the 政府 was "to show, by a few 裁判，公判s, to those who might be 利益／興味d in 今後ing such a system, and in 除去するing a redundant 全住民, the 緩和する with which it might be carried into 影響, and the good consequences resulting from it." [55] The 解決／入植地s were made only upon a small 規模, and were ーするつもりであるd to 実験（する） the practicability of 除去するing 全住民 rather than to cure any 存在するing redundancy. The 実験 of 1823 was carried out "not from any 期待 that the small 移住 which then took place could produce any sensible 影響 upon the superabundant 全住民 of the south of Ireland, but 単に for the sake of having before them the 影響 of an 実験 tried upon a small 規模, before they 投機・賭けるd upon a 計画（する） of 移住 upon a large one." [56]

The 認める of 1823 was 充てるd partly to 移住 to Canada, and partly to 移住 to the Cape. By its means 350 labourers were sent out to the Cape at the 政府's expense to 会合，会う the 需要・要求する there for 労働. They were not 位置を示すd on the land, nor were they furnished after their arrival with 準備／条項s or 在庫／株. "This 移住," said Wilmot Horton in 1823, "evidently has not the least of the character of the 移住 to Canada, 存在設立するd 単に on the 需要・要求する for labourers at the Cape." [57]

But the greater part of the 認める was spent in sending 571 pauper emigrants [58] from the south of Ireland to Canada, under the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of Mr. Peter Robinson, and in settling them on 認めるs of land. In 一致 with Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） the emigrants received a 解放する／自由な passage, 準備／条項s for one year, farming 器具／実施するs, and 在庫／株; while to each 長，率いる of a family was given seventy acres of land, 支配する, after five years, to a やめる-rent of 2d. per acre. By 支払う／賃金ing an 量 equal to twenty years' 購入（する） of the やめる-rent the freehold of the land might be 得るd at any time. [59]

The Select 委員会 on the 条件 of the 労働ing Poor in Ireland, which sat in 1823, after 診察するing into the particulars of this 実験, 表明するd their approbation of the 原則s on which it had been 行為／行うd and their hope that it might lead to 満足な results. [60] After this 推薦, and the 報告（する）／憶測s as to the success of the 解決／入植地, another 認める of ｣30,000 was made in 1825, which was expended altogether on pauper 場所 in Canada. The expense of the 実験 of 1823 had been about ｣22 per 長，率いる, [61] and it was calculated that the 認める would be 十分な for the 場所 of 1,500 people. 現実に 2,024 were sent, and the 付加 expense was met by another 認める of ｣20,480 in 1827, of which, however, half was to be spent in making thhe necessary 調査するs and 調査s in Canada before any large 団体／死体 of emigrants could be introduced. [62] These paupers were settled in Canada on the same 条件 as those of 1823, but at the わずかにいっそう少なく cost of ｣20 per 長，率いる. [63]

The 証拠 as to the success of these 実験s is 相反する. Wilmot Horton always （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that they had been 完全に successful, and brought a good many opinions of 独立した・無所属観察者／傍聴者s in support of his 論争. [64] Indeed, those who saw the 解決／入植地s in their first few years were, with the exception of Lieut.-陸軍大佐 Cockburn, [65] of this opinion. [66] Although on Wilmot Horton's own showing the mortality amongst them was 25 per 1,000, [67] yet the 大多数 of the emigrants did 大いに改善する their 条件. The 移住 Commissioners of 1832 設立する that "the result, so far as the happiness of the 植民／開拓者s is 関心d, has been most gratifying." [68] But as 実験s in settling paupers on the land, the 計画／陰謀s were 失敗s; for the 条件s were rarely 実行するd, and the 認めるs in many 事例／患者s abandoned. In 1843 Lord Stanley complained that, of the 貸付金s necessary to 設立する these 解決／入植地s, "not a 選び出す／独身 shilling had ever been 回復するd." [69] But this was not a fair 実験（する） of success, for it was never ーするつもりであるd that the expenses of 解決／入植地 should be repaid. "The 実験s of 1823 and 1825 were carried on by money 絶対投票（する）d by 議会, without any 見解（をとる） to 返済; they were 学校／設けるd for the 目的 of trying whether the 詳細（に述べる）s would 後継する in practice, not for the 目的 of considering the question whether it would be expedient, either to lend money upon 安全, or to 投票（する） it in large sums, as a 国家の実験." [70] A better 実験（する） is 一連の会議、交渉／完成する in the fact that, when five years had elapsed and the やめる-rent began, many 植民／開拓者s left for the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, while, of those who remained, many 辞退するd to 支払う／賃金 rent, and few 実行するd the 条件s on which they were to 得る their freeholds. [71]

In 新規加入 to 得るing these 認めるs for 実験の目的s, Wilmot Horton's activity 原因（となる）d two Select 委員会s of the House of ありふれたs to be 任命するd to consider the 支配する of 移住. The first 委員会 sat in 1826, the second in 1827, and of both he was Chairman.

The 委員会 of 1826 in its 報告（する）／憶測 [72] considered that the 証拠 before it had 設立するd the fact "that there are 広範囲にわたる地区s in Ireland, and 地区s in England and Scotland, where the 全住民 is at the 現在の moment redundant; in other words, where there 存在するs a very かなりの割合 of able-団体／死体d and active labourers, beyond that number to which any 存在するing 需要・要求する for 労働 can afford 雇用." This led to destitution and 悲惨, and a 削減 of 給料 so 広大な／多数の／重要な that in England the parochial 率脅すd to 吸収する the whole 賃貸しの of the country. In the next place the 委員会設立する that the British 植民地s were 有能な of 吸収するing any 割合 of the redundant 全住民 which might be sent to them. The 国家の wealth would be 大いに増加するd by the 移住 of 失業した labourers, who, at home, 消費するd more than they produced, but in a new country would produce more than they 消費するd. They therefore recommended 移住 "as one obvious and 即座の手段 for 訂正するing in some degree this redundancy of 全住民, and for mitigating the 非常に／多数の evils which appear to result from its 存在." They did not, however, 示唆する any particular 計画／陰謀 of 移住, but contented themselves with laying 負かす／撃墜する the 原則s によれば which it should be 行為／行うd. First, it should be voluntary; next, it should only 適用する to 永久の pauperism; lastly, any expense incurred by the 政府 should be 最終的に repaid, e.g., by emigrants or out of the poor 率.

The 委員会 of 1827 supported and 確認するd without exception the findings and 原則s of the 1826 委員会. [73] They recommended 移住 from Ireland and England ーするために治療（薬） redundancy, to save the cost of 持続するing paupers at home, and to 増加する the general 繁栄 of the empire. "移住 appears to your 委員会 to be a 治療（薬）井戸／弁護士席価値（がある） consideration, whether with 言及／関連 to the 改善するd 条件 of the 全住民 at home, and the saving of that expense which as it appears to your 委員会 is now incurred in 持続するing a 部分 of them, or with 尊敬（する）・点 to the 繁栄 of our 植民地s." They went somewhat さらに先に than the earlier 委員会 in 提案するing that 移住 should be 財政／金融d by a 貸付金 to be repaid 徐々に by the emigrant, and that a Board of 移住 should be formed under the direct 支配（する）／統制する of the 政府. On two grounds they 正当化するd their 提案s: "First, the real saving 影響d at home by the 除去 of pauper labourers, 遂行する／発効させるing no real 機能（する）／行事s as labourers, and not 与える／捧げるing to the 年次の生産／産物; secondly, the probability of direct though 進歩／革新的な返済 from those labourers, when placed as emigrants in the 植民地s; and the indirect consequence of the 増加するd 需要・要求するs for British 製造（する）s 伴う／関わるd in the circumstance of an 増加するing 植民地の全住民."

Fully 納得させるd that his 実験s of 1823 and 1825 had 首尾よく論証するd the 経済的な advantage of 移住 over home 維持／整備 of paupers, and 防備を堅める／強化するd by the 報告（する）／憶測s of the 移住委員会s, Wilmot Horton proceeded to bring 今後 a 計画／陰謀 for 移住 on a 規模 large enough to be a real 治療（薬） for redundancy.

On April 17th, 1828, and again on March 23rd, 1830, he introduced into the House of ありふれたs a 法案 "to enable parishes to mortgage their poor 率s for the 目的 of 供給するing for their able-団体／死体d paupers, by 植民地化 in the British 植民地s." [74] As before, the 政府 was to 前進する the necessary money by way of 貸付金, and the poor 率 was to be the 安全 for 返済. 移住 was to be voluntary, and the emigrants were to be settled on the land and not 単に sent out to 供給する労働 for the 植民地s. But he had left office in 1828, with others of Huskisson's 信奉者s and, after some discussion, おもに by 対抗者s, the 法案 did not reach a second reading. [75]

On February 22nd, 1831, Lord Howick introduced a 法案 into the House of ありふれたs which was to all 意図s and 目的s Wilmot Horton's 法案. [76] It 刺激するd 類似の対立, and in the troublous times of 1831 did not get as far as a second reading. [77] In the Poor 法律行為／法令／行動する of 1834, however, a section was 挿入するd, 許すing parishes to mortgage their poor 率s for the 目的s of 移住, [78] but this section remained a dead letter. [79]

In 1831 Wilmot Horton was knighted and made 知事 of Ceylon, where he remained for seven years. On his return to England he tried to 生き返らせる利益／興味 in his 計画／陰謀s by the 出版（物） of a 小冊子, Ireland and Canada, 1839, in which he 勧めるd pauper 移住 to Canada as a cure for the 条件 of Ireland. But by that time the Wakefield theory held the field, and some of his former 支持者s had gone over to the 競争相手（軍の）野営地，陣営, so that he was again 不成功の.

Wilmot Horton's 計画（する）, though 欠陥のある in many 尊敬（する）・点s, was meant 本気で as an 試みる／企てる to solve the difficult problem of pauperism in England, and to make the 植民地s more 繁栄する and more useful to the mother-country. He met, however, not only with 対立, but with a public 無関心／冷淡 to 植民地化, even considered as a means of solving this problem, which Gibbon Wakefield afterwards was long unable to 追い散らす. "Nothing," Wilmot Horton wrote in 1839, "but the 有罪の判決 I feel of the imperative necessity at this moment for the 採択 of vigorous 対策, could induce me again to 勇敢に立ち向かう the 無関心／冷淡, to use the mildest 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, with which the 支配する has been hitherto received." [80] As a cure for an 認める redundancy of 全住民, 移住 without 言及／関連 to any particular 計画／陰謀設立するかなりの support. [81] In 1828 the 年４回の Review 明言する／公表するd that "the 治療（薬） is as obvious as the necessity for having 頼みの綱 to it is 緊急の." [82] In 1824 the Edinburgh Review, arguing against 抑制s on 移住, 宣言するd, "Whenever 全住民 is redundant and the 給料 of 労働 depressed, every 施設せねばならない be given to 移住. Were it carried to a かなりの extent, it would have the 影響, by 少なくなるing the 供給（する） of 労働 in the market, to raise the 率 of 給料, and to 改善する the 条件 of the labourers who remain at home." [83] Again, in 1826, an article in this Review 概算の the cost of 伝えるing one million emigrants to America, and 設立するing them there, at about ｣14,000,000, and 追加するd, "We have no hesitation in 説 that, though it were twice as 広大な／多数の／重要な, it would be 井戸／弁護士席 and advantageously laid out in 安全な・保証するing the 反対する in 見解（をとる）." [84] But even to those who agreed with him that 移住 was a 治療（薬） for redundancy of 全住民, his 計画（する） was so 明白に欠陥のある that he 伸び（る）d little support. "I have never received," he wrote in 1830, "the 援助 of any party in 議会, nor have I experienced the support of the public 圧力（をかける）." [85] Those who were 利益／興味d in bettering the 条件 of the people 設立する fault with his particular 治療（薬）. In the House of ありふれたs "the proposition of 植民地化 was at once scouted as theoretical, sneered at as visionary, and, above all, 拒絶するd as expensive." [86]

The 存在 of destitution and 失業, and the consequent growth of pauperism was universally 認める, but it was by no means universally agreed that redundancy of 全住民 was the 原因（となる）. There were many who 受託するd neither the Malthusian 決まり文句／製法 nor the proposition that 労働 was then redundant. [87] To them the problem was not how best to get rid of paupers. They agreed as to the evil of pauperism, but, disbelieving in redundancy, did not 受託する移住 as a 治療（薬）, but 示唆するd other 代案／選択肢s, e.g., that of 雇うing labourers in colonizing the waste lands at home. [88] "The best 植民地s we could 工場／植物," said Michael Sadler, in 1831, "either with a 見解（をとる） to the 現在の or 永久の advantages of the country, were those that might be 工場／植物d on the 砂漠s of our European empire." [89]

William Cobbett, 否定するing redundancy, and thinking 全住民 a blessing and not a 悪口を言う／悪態, 堅固に …に反対するd Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） as 存在 one for sending poor people out of their native country. [90] To him the 提案するd 行為／法令／行動する of 1830 was "An 行為／法令／行動する to 辞退する救済 to all able-団体／死体d persons who will not be 輸送（する）d to the 押し寄せる／沼地s and 激しく揺するs and snows of Nova Scotia or Canada." [91] The mortgage of the poor 率 was an 試みる／企てる to "pawn the whole of the land and houses of England, ーするために raise money to 雇う ships to carry the working people out of the country." [92] There was, he considered, no redundancy either of 全住民 or of 労働, but only of 課税. [93] The 原因（となる） of the 苦しめる was not 黒字／過剰全住民, but bad 法律s and 激しい税金s, and his 治療（薬） was to 除去する these instead of 除去するing paupers. [94]

Two main 反対s were made to Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） by those who were inclined to 受託する移住 as a 治療（薬）. First it was argued that, no 事柄 on what 規模 it was carried out, the abstraction of 全住民 would leave a "vacuum" which would be filled up すぐに by the 傾向 of 全住民 to 増加する beyond the means of subsistence. This would entail all the evils of redundancy in an accentuated form, because the 資本／首都 spent in 移住 would be abstracted from the 基金 necessary to furnish 雇用 at home. [95]

While this 反対適用するd 一般に to any 計画／陰謀 of 移住, the second 反対 on the 得点する／非難する／２０ of expense 適用するd to Wilmot Horton's 提案するd means of carrying on 移住. The main 仮定／引き受けること upon which his 計画／陰謀 was based, すなわち, that it was cheaper to 位置を示す paupers in Canada than to 持続する them at home, met with no general 受託. In 1839 he wrote: "Now, up to the 現在の hour, notwithstanding an infinite variety of 出版（物）s, notwithstanding the lectures which I gave 公然と at the Mechanics' 会・原則, I have never been able to 伸び（る） an assent to the proposition 'that home 維持／整備 of paupers is a greater 税金 than the annuity necessary to 返す the sum 前進するd for 植民地化.' This proposition has been placed by me, as I have already said, again and again, before the public; but except from 科学の persons, with whom I have placed myself in の近くに communication, I have never been able to 得る either from 政府, from 議会, from the Reviews, or from the public in general, anything like a 満足な assent to a proposition which appears to me to be incapable of 存在否定するd." [96] The 移住 Commissioners of 1832, after admitting the success of his 実験s of 1823 and 1825, as far as the happiness of the 植民／開拓者s was 関心d, 報告（する）／憶測d that "as a means of 救済 to the mother-country, the expense of such undertakings plainly （判決などを）下すd them unavailable, since, however 有益な to the parties 現実に除去するd, the 手段 was far too 高くつく／犠牲の大きい to be persevered in to any useful extent." [97] Indeed, expense was the 長，指導者激しく揺する on which his 計画（する） struck. The general feeling was that, although 移住, if 行為／行うd without too 広大な／多数の／重要な an 支出, might be 生産力のある of 広大な／多数の／重要な利益s to the emigrants and to the community as a whole, yet it was dangerous to lend money upon the 安全 of 返済 by emigrants. "If it can be 明確に論証するd that the expenses of sending out emigrants in the first instance can be repaid to the 明言する／公表する, either by persons and 団体／死体s of persons 利益／興味d in getting rid of the redundant 部分 of the 全住民, or by the emigrants themselves, there would be manifestly a 国家の伸び（る） from 移住. The 条件 of the emigrants themselves would be altered for the better, and by their abstraction, some 救済, although slight and 一時的な, would be afforded to the 残り／休憩（する） of the 全住民." [98] But it was 恐れるd that there was no certainty of 返済 by the emigrants, and this 恐れる was 確認するd by experience. Nor was his 計画（する） of mortgaging the poor 率 to 安全な・保証する the 貸付金 any いっそう少なく dangerous. In it his 対抗者s saw "the 開始／学位授与式 of a 地方自治体の国家の負債 which is to 圧倒する the country." [99]

Indeed, Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） carried within itself the seeds of 失敗. It 熟視する／熟考するd a 確かな and 永久の告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 for a problematical 未来利益. If the "vacuum" were to fill again, the 率s would be 重荷（を負わせる）d with the 維持／整備 of two large classes of paupers, one at home, and one in the 植民地s. Even if the vacuum did not fill, and 産業増加するd with a smaller 全住民, the parish might find itself saddled with a 負債 incurred for 除去するing pauper 労働 which was now 不正に needed at home. [100] The pauper's 条件 was not やむを得ず one of 永久の destitution, but depended 大部分は on the fluctuations in the 労働 market, which might easily 改善する and relieve the parish of the 重荷（を負わせる） of his 維持／整備. A signal proof of the 有効性，効力 of this 反対 occurred in 1827. The 移住委員会 of that year, in 見解（をとる） of the 苦しめる then 存在するing amongst English and Scottish weavers, 堅固に recommended a 認める of ｣50,000 from the 国家の基金s "in furtherance of an 移住 from the 製造業の地区s, at once as a 救済 from 現在の苦しめる, and as an important 国家の実験 for the 未来." They based their 推薦s upon "the 緊急 and the peculiarity of the 事例／患者," [101] but, before the end of the year, 条件s had so 改善するd and the 需要・要求する for 労働 so changed, that there were no claimants for the 利益. [102]

Wilmot Horton's 長，指導者対抗者s, though from 広範囲にわたって different points of 見解（をとる）, were Mr. Michael Sadler, and the 支持するs of systematic 植民地化 under the leadership of Edward Gibbon Wakefield. The former was an uncompromising 対抗者 of Malthus, and wrote 調書をとる／予約するs to 証明する that the Malthusian "原則 of 全住民" was wrong. [103] In 新規加入, he was a man of 深く，強烈に宗教的な and 人道的な feeling, and this 計画（する） appeared to him to be irreligious and unnatural in that it sinned against the true 法律 of 全住民 which was the 法律 "of nature and of God." [104] Wakefield afterwards complained of him as one of "those unreasoning men who would 決定する questions in political economy by 引用するing scripture." [105]

Another 反対 he raised to 移住 was that it drove people from their native land. Getting rid of paupers in this way 量d to making poverty a 罪，犯罪, and transportation its 罰. In the House of ありふれたs and どこかよそで he 堅固に attacked the 計画（する）, 否定するing redundancy of 全住民, 支持するing home 植民地化 and poor 法律s for Ireland, and pointing to the mortality of the 植民／開拓者s of 1823 and 1825 as 証拠 of its 失敗. [106]

But even this 対立 excited little 利益／興味. Wakefield wrote in 1849, "Twenty years ago 植民地化 was in no 尊敬（する）・点 a 支配する of public opinion; the public neither knew nor cared anything at all about it. There 存在するd indeed at that time, a 論争 between Mr. Wilmot Horton and Mr. Michael Thomas Sadler 関心ing 移住, which the infinite zeal of the disputants 軍隊d into some public notice; but as the only question between them was, whether, as Mr. Sadler 競うd, paupers せねばならない 'dwell in the land' ーするために be fed, or, as Mr. Wilmot Horton 提案するd, be sent abroad out of the way, the public took no real 利益／興味 in the 論争. Still いっそう少なく did Mr. Horton, notwithstanding his singular perseverance, excite a general 利益／興味 in his 計画（する）s of mere pauper 移住." [107] Nor was Wilmot Horton under any misapprehension as to his success. In 1830 he wrote, "I have heard that men of high 評判 have 表明するd their 悔いる 'that I would continue to bore the House of ありふれたs with my absurd opinions.'" [108]

The 支持するs of systematic 植民地化 always looked on Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） by way contrast to their own. They 反対するd in the first place to the mother-country spending money on 移住 to the 植民地s when, by 可決する・採択するing their system of sales of 植民地の waste land, a 基金 might easily be raised which would give the same advantages without any expense to the mother-country. [109] In the next place they 反対するd to mortgaging the poor 率, and creating a 永久の告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 for a 一時的な救済. In their 注目する，もくろむs not only was Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） ruinously expensive, but it was 不十分な to its 目的. [110] The 実験s in "the cruel art of pauper 場所" [111] had failed because of their expense, and because paupers were not suitable colonists. [112] "Though Mr. Horton 棒 his hobby so as to induce 議会 to try on a small 規模 a 高くつく／犠牲の大きい and deterrent 実験 of his 井戸／弁護士席-meant suggestions, he soon 棒 it to death." [113] They 掴むd on the 準備／条項s 奪うing emigrants of parochial support as a proof that the authors of the 計画（する）推定する／予想するd 失敗. If the 実験 were successful, they argued, there was no need for the pauper to lose his 解決／入植地 as he would only return to the parish in 事例／患者 of 失敗. [114] In short, they considered the 計画（する） "the most expensive and least 効果的な" [115] that could be 工夫するd. It was an "irrational 計画／陰謀—a mere 転換 in haste and alarm, occasioned by the 現在の truly alarming 条件 of the peasantry." [116]

More important than all this, it was not a 計画（する） of 植民地化 at all, but one of mere 移住. It was "not 設立するd on any 原則s of 植民地化; he does not regard 移住 as, what it plainly is, but one, and only the second, element of 植民地化." [117]

It overlooked the most important, すなわち, the 処分 of 植民地の waste lands. 移住 was only one 成分 of 植民地化, and its 機能（する）／行事単に was to 供給（する）植民地s with 労働. [118] In the same way as Wilmot Horton had distinguished between desultory, unregulated 移住 and his 計画（する） of 規制するd and systematic 移住, so they distinguished between his 計画（する） of mere 移住 and their own of systematic 植民地化. Their 激しい非難 may be summed up under the phrase coined afterwards by Charles Buller—the whole 計画／陰謀 was nothing いっそう少なく than "shovelling out paupers." [119] They 非難するd Wilmot Horton and his 計画（する）s for making 移住一般に distasteful. In this 尊敬（する）・点 pauper-場所 was as much a deterrent as transportation. [120] They complained that in his 計画（する） the advantage, not of the pauper emigrant, but of the ratepayer, was 目だつ; and that this, together with the fact that the 植民／開拓者s of 1823 and 1825 had 苦しむd hardships, created a dislike to pauper 移住, and therefore to all 移住. [121] Again, they complained of the "language of apathy or disgust in which public opinion speaks 関心ing all 対策 for the 昇進／宣伝 of 植民地化," [122] and for this 無関心／冷淡 they 非難するd Wilmot Horton's activities. Indeed, they 表明するd their opinion of him in no 手段d 条件. He was an "insufferable political bore"; [123] his seven years' advocacy of 移住 had disgusted people with the について言及する of the word; [124] and "until that 熱心な and persevering, but ignorant and 干渉 pretender in political economy, shall 中止する to torment the public and the 植民地の Office with his '準備s to show' there will be difficulty in 設立するing 合理的な／理性的な見解（をとる）s on this 深く，強烈に利益／興味ing 支配する" of 植民地化. [125] Wilmot Horton's 指名する served Wakefield long afterwards as a contemptuous phrase to 表明する the antithesis of true 植民地化. In 1848, when Lord Grey had come into office again, with Benjamin Hawes and Charles Buller to 補助装置 him in 植民地の改革（する）, and was disappointing the 期待s of the systematic colonizers by 提案するing a 貸付金 for 移住 on lines of which they disapproved, Wakefield wrote, "It is a 計画／陰謀 for nothing else than the shovelling out of paupers at the public expense. Lord Grey, Buller, and Hawes having failed in all their 約束s with 尊敬（する）・点 both to 植民地化 and 政府, 落ちる支援する upon Wilmot-Hortonism." [126]

Wilmot Horton's 失敗 to excite 利益／興味 in his 計画（する）s, or to get them carried into 影響 upon any large 規模, 公表する／暴露するd the fact that the mother-country was not then 用意が出来ている to spend any かなりの量 of the public 基金s in 移住, even as a cure for redundancy of 全住民. Voluntary 移住 would not be discouraged as it furnished an 出口 for 全住民, and helped to make the 植民地s 繁栄する. It might even be 規制するd by 政府, but it would not be carried on at the public cost. In this way the ground was （疑いを）晴らすd for the favourable 歓迎会 of the Wakefield system, which in practice 所有するd the 広大な／多数の／重要な attraction of 供給するing a 基金 for 移住 in a comparatively simple and 安価な manner.

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 II.

4 "It is true, that for years past the cry has been echoed from all 味方するs, that the country is over-peopled, Mr. Malthus has 'frighted the 小島 from her propriety' with the tales of 悲惨な苦しめる which the '原則 of 全住民' has produced, is producing, and cannot fail, for all time to come, to produce. We have been taught to think the time 近づく at 手渡す when, like ネズミs, we shall be driven by 超過 of numbers to eat one another. Mothers have been long looked upon as the 広大な／多数の／重要な pests of society—Dr. Jenner as the prime enemy to humanity, for having 削減（する） off one of the 古代の natural 'checks to 全住民.' A 連隊 of chubby urchins excites a shudder in the humane political 経済学者, who, in their actual health, sees only the 約束 of their 未来悲惨."—年４回の Review for May, 1830.

6 At first R. J. Wilmot, but later he 追加するd the 指名する of Horton. He was knighted in 1831.

7 So Horton in 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830. The Dict. Nat. Biog. gives the date as 1821.

9 Greville, referring to Wilmot Horton's lectures to the London Mechanics' 学校／設ける, at the end of 1830, wrote: "He deserves 広大な／多数の／重要な credit for his exertions, the 反対する of which is to explain to the 労働ing classes some of the truths of political economy, the folly of thinking that the breaking of 機械／機構 will better their 条件, and, of course, the efficacy of his own 計画（する） of 移住 . . . . He is 十分な of zeal and 活気／アニメーション, but so 全く without method and 協定 that he is hardly intelligible." Memoirs, Vol. ii, p. 100.

10 演説（する）／住所 on the British 植民地s and 植民地化, 1858, p. 7.

11 See the 輪郭（を描く） of a 計画（する） of 移住 to Upper Canada, 手渡すd in by him to the Select 委員会 on the 雇用 of the Poor in Ireland, 1823. Acc. and Pap., 1823, Vol. vi. See also Letter to Sir Francis Burdett, 1825, p. 25. 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, pp. 21-2. Ireland and Canada, 1839, pp. 9-10, and p. 16.

12 Lectures to the London Mechanics' 学校／設ける, 1831, Lecture i, p. 7.

15 Letter to Sir F. Burdett, 1825, p. 2. 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 3rd Series, p. 70.

16 輪郭（を描く） of a 計画（する） of 移住 in Acc. and Pap., 1823, Vol. vi.

17 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, p. 21.

21 Letter to Sir F. Burdett, 1826, pp. 30-8. 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1829, pp. 80-5.

22 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, p. 22.

24 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, p. 34.

29 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, pp. 22-3.

31 See 一般に his 輪郭（を描く） of a 計画（する） of 移住 手渡すd in to the Select 委員会 of 1823 on the 雇用 of the Poor in Ireland. Acc. and Pap., 1823, Vol. vi, p. 331.

32 This was his first 提案. In practice the 量（機の）カム to be 70 acres, with a その上の reserve of 30 which might be 購入（する）d by the 植民／開拓者. See memorandum of 条件 for Robinson's 植民／開拓者s 手渡すd in by Wilmot Horton to 1823 委員会 on 雇用 of the Poor in Ireland.

36 Wilmot Horton's speech, February 15th, 1827. Hansard, New Series, Vol. xvi, pp. 480-1. See also Third 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on 移住, 1827. Acc. and Pap., 1826-7, Vol. v, p. 223; and 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1829, Part i, p. 21.

45 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, p. 8.

47 Letter to Sir F. Burdett, 1825, p. 19. His 見積（る）変化させるd. In 1823 he put it at ｣30, and in 1829 at ｣15, per 長，率いる. 輪郭（を描く） of a 計画（する） of 移住, 1823, and 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, p. 40.

54 虫垂 xviii to 報告（する）／憶測 of the Departmental 委員会 on 農業の解決／入植地s in British 植民地s, Vol. ii, Cd. 2979, p. 327. This 報告（する）／憶測明言する／公表するs that the 認める of ｣50,000 in 1819 was never spent; but see S. C. Johnson, History of 移住 to North America, 1913, p. 19.

55 Wilmot Horton in the House of ありふれたs, 1826. Hansard, New Series, Vol. xiv, at p. 1362.

58 "The whole of those who had been sent out were in fact paupers, divested of all means of procuring a subsistence at home, and utterly incapable of 供給するing for themselves and families."—Wilmot Horton, Hansard, New Series, Vol. xiv, p. 1361.

61 Mr. Peter Robinson's 証拠 before the 1827 移住委員会. Acc. and Pap., 1826-7, Vol. v.

64 Hansard, New Series, Vol. xvi, pp. 476 et seq. 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1829, pp. 5-8, and pp. 24-8, 引用するing Col. Talbot and Capt. Basil Hall. Ireland and Canada, 1839, pp. 37 et seq., 引用するing Lieut. Rubidge.

65 See his 証拠 before 1826 委員会 on 移住, 特に to Question 1565. Acc. and Pap., 1826, Vol. iv, p. i. His 報告（する）／憶測, however, in 1827, was more favourable. Acc. and Pap., 1828, Vol. xxi, p. 359.

66 See, e.g., Robinson's 報告（する）／憶測 on the 1823 解決／入植地. Acc. and Pap., 1825, Vol. xviii, p. 358; and the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Commissioners for 移住, 1832. Acc. and Pap., 1831-2, Vol. xxxii, p. 209.

67 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, Third Series, p. 84.

73 Third (and final) 報告（する）／憶測 in Acc. and Pap., 1826-7, Vol. v, p. 223. For a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of the members of this 委員会 of 1827 see 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1829, pp. 10-11.

74 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 4th Series, p. 86.

76 See the 法案 in 1830-1. Acc. and Pap., Vol. i, p. 463; Horton's 法案s of 1828 and 1830 do not appear in the Acc. and Pap. for those years.

77 Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. ii, pp. 875 et seq. William Cobbett wrote to Howick: "This 法案 is a 遺産／遺物, or heirloom, which you are so unfortunate as to 相続する from Wilmot Horton, your 前任者 in office." 週刊誌 Political 登録（する）, April 9th, 1831. A 同時代の satirist put the same idea somewhat 異なって:

"Horton's old mantle Howick makes his own,
Across his shoulders whimsically thrown;
And vapid lingo finds a hackney'd 主題
In 移住, as a social 計画／陰謀,
運命にあるd to （判決などを）下す th' English nation blest,
By getting rid of paupers as a pest;
If 餓死するing hinds and all their tribe will go
Where hungry cravings 非，不，無 can ever know;
Where Indian mothers and their sucking squaws
Find ceaseless practice for their 巡査 jaws;
Or where th' Australian to the stranger 産する／生じるs,
In savage sulk, his boundless 支持を得ようと努めるd and fields;
Where 犯人s that escaped the gallows-tree
Become possessors of 広い地所s in 料金,
And those 広い地所s, from genial 選択, choose
In 地区s 在庫／株d with thieves and kangaroos."

Crayons from the ありふれたs; or Members in Relievo, by Peregrine Palette, 1831, pp. 53-4.

78 4 & 5 W. IV, c. 76, ｧ 62. A somewhat 類似の section was 挿入するd in the Irish Poor 法律行為／法令／行動する of 1838, 1 & 2 Vic, c. 56, ｧ 51.

80 Ireland and Canada, 1839, pp. 73-4. Cf. 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1829, p. iv, where he speaks of the "general apathy and 不信 which have 大（公）使館員d to the 原則s, opinions, and 推薦s of the 移住委員会."

81 年４回の Review, March, 1828; April, 1831. Edinburgh Review, January, 1824; December, 1826; January, 1828. Westminster Review, January, 1828: "We subscribe, then, to the expediency of 移住 from Ireland, as a 一時的な political 手段, and not upon the 必須の長所s of the 計画／陰謀 itself."

85 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 4th Series, pp. iii-iv.

87 Michael Sadler in the House of ありふれたs, Hansard, New Series, Vol. xxi, p. 1728. James Grattan, ibid. Vol. xix, pp. 1509-10. Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine for February, 1828.

88 See the speeches in Hansard, New Series, Vol. xvi, p. 302 (Benett); Vol. xviii, p. 956 (Leycester); Vol. xxi, p. 1141 (Sadler).

90 Cobbett's 週刊誌 Political 登録（する）, March 3rd, 1827; March 29th, 1828; and March 12th, 1831.

95 Westminster Review, October, 1826. See speeches in Hansard, New Series, Vol. xvi, p. 490 (James Grattan); p. 509 (Joseph Hume); Vol. xviii, p. 956 (Benett); pp. 960-1 (W. Whitmore); p. 1554 (Huskisson); Vol. xix, p. 1513 (Warburton).

96 Ireland and Canada, 1839, pp. 53-4. See also Edinburgh Review, January, 1828.

99 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 4th Series, p. 91.

100 See Peel's speech in 1828. Hansard, New Series, Vol. xix, pp. 1515 et seq.

103 e.g., Ireland, its evils and their 治療（薬）s, 1829. The 法律 of 全住民, 1830, 2 vols. The true 法律 of 全住民 he 明言する／公表するd to be "the fecundity of human 存在s under 類似の circumstances, 変化させるs inversely as their numbers on a given space." Ireland, 2nd Ed., 1829, p. xxviii.

105 England and America, Vol. ii, p. 96. The motto of Sadler's 調書をとる／予約する on Ireland was "Dwell in the land and verily thou shalt be fed."

108 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism, 1830, 1st Series, p. 12.

109 Charles Tennant, Correspondence with Nassau 上級の関心ing Systematic 植民地化, 1831, p. 16.

120 See E. G. Wakefield, England and America, 1833, Vol. ii, pp. 218 et seq.

122 Charles Tennant, Letter to Sir G. Murray on Systematic 植民地化, 1830, p. 52.

126 Letter to R. S. Rintoul, May 1st, 1848, 創立者s of Canterbury, 1868 (Ed. by E. J. Wakefield), p. 27. He 追加するd a characteristic comment, "My 目的（とする） will be to 阻止する the 計画／陰謀 in the bud."

一時期／支部 III

THE FOUNDING OF THE SWAN RIVER COLONY

In the 早期に part of the year 1827, Captain James Stirling, of the 王室の海軍, left Port Jackson, New South むちの跡s, in H.M.S. Success on a voyage of 探検 to the West Coast of Australia. He was …を伴ってd by Mr. Frazer, a botanist, who had been 現在の at the 開始 of a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of new country in Australia. [1] Having 診察するd the coast 近づく Swan River and 侵入するd some distance inland, Stirling, on his return, sent in to the 植民地の Office a 報告（する）／憶測 on the country's suitability for 植民地化. [2] Previous accounts from Dutch and French explorers had been very unfavourable. They had 設立する neither fresh water, fertile 国／地域, nor a 安全な船の停泊地. によれば Stirling the country was 井戸／弁護士席供給（する）d with each of these 必須のs, and he gave a glowing account of its fitness for 植民地化. It was, he wrote, "the land which, of all that I have seen in さまざまな４半期/4分の1s of the world, 所有するs the greatest natural attraction." [3] It appeared to him as "a 位置／汚点／見つけ出す so 適格の for 解決／入植地 that it cannot long remain unoccupied. It is not inferior in any natural 必須の質 to the plain of Lombardy." [4]

Stirling 警告するd the 植民地の Office that "some foreign 力／強力にする may see the advantage of taking 所有／入手 should His Majesty's 政府 leave it unappropriated." [5] The Admiralty repeated this 警告, and 勧めるd that the 解決／入植地 of Albany should without hesitation be transferred to Swan River, lest the French or the Americans should assume 所有／入手 of the only 安全な船の停泊地 on the West Coast of Australia. [6] This 解決／入植地 of Albany on King George's Sound in 1825, and those at Melville Island in 1824, and at Raffles Bay in 1827, were all 罪人／有罪を宣告する解決／入植地s 設立するd for 恐れる of the French, [7] and the same 動機 now induced the 政府 to decide on a new, but 解放する／自由な, 解決／入植地 at Swan River. [8] It was rumoured that the French were about to 掴む such an attractive place and thus 妨害する English 貿易（する） both with India and the East Coast of Australia. At a later time, indeed, these rumours were 証明するd to be 誤った, [9] but, for the moment, they spurred the 政府 into activity. Huskisson 示唆するd, 早期に in 1828, that the East India Company might 設立する the 植民地, and he 約束d that every 施設 would be given to them by the 政府. [10] The Company, however, did not think it expedient, and the 政府 gave up the 事業／計画（する） on grounds of economy. [11]

Stirling's 報告（する）／憶測 attracted much attention in England, and the 提案 dropped by the 政府 was taken up in August, 1828, by 私的な individuals. The first 申し込む／申し出（機の）カム from Captain Stirling and Major Moody (of the 王室の Engineers). Rightly assuming that expense was the 政府's 反対 to 設立するing the 植民地, they asked 許可 to form an 協会 of 私的な資本主義者s to whom a proprietary 借り切る／憲章 should be 認めるd on the lines of those of Pennsylvania and Georgia. [12] But although the 政府 would not 設立する a 解決／入植地 themselves, they were 決定するd not to lose 支配（する）／統制する over any 提案するd new 植民地. They did not, therefore, 受託する this 申し込む／申し出, "as it was みなすd 望ましい to 演習 a more 即座の支配（する）／統制する over the 解決／入植地 by 政府 than by such an 協定 it would 所有する." [13]

The next 申し込む／申し出（機の）カム very soon afterwards from another 団体／死体 of 資本主義者s, consisting of Mr. Thomas Peel (second cousin of Sir Robert Peel), Sir Francis Vincent, Mr. E. W. H. Schenley, and 陸軍大佐 Potter MacQueen. They formed themselves into an 協会 to colonize at Swan River by sending there 10,000 植民／開拓者s, and a 予定割合 of 在庫／株, within the next four years. They reckoned their 支出 at ｣30 per 長，率いる of people sent out, and asked in return for a 認める of 4,000,000 acres, 存在 at the 率 of 1s. 6d. per acre. [14] Believing that their 計画／陰謀 had received the 言葉の許可／制裁 of the 政府, they bought a ship, and began to make the necessary 準備s. [15] But the 政府 was not 用意が出来ている to part with such an enormous 量 of land on these 条件s, nor were they anxious that the 実験 should be made on such a large 規模 in the first instance, because of the 広範囲にわたる苦しめる which would result in 事例／患者 of 失敗. The 政府提案するd, therefore, to 限界 the 認める to a 最大限 of one million acres, half of which was to be given on the arrival of the first 大型船, 供給するd not いっそう少なく than 400 植民／開拓者s were sent out then. The other half was to be 認めるd by degrees as fresh 植民／開拓者s arrived. [16] At the same time they laid 負かす／撃墜する条件s as to cultivation and 投資 of 資本／首都 which were to 適用する not only to the 提案するd 協会, but to any other 植民／開拓者s who chose to emigrate there. The 政府宣言するd its 意向 to 背負い込む no expense in 設立するing the 植民地. No 罪人／有罪を宣告するs or any other 囚人s were to be sent there. Any 植民／開拓者 emigrating was to receive a 認める of land at the 率 of forty acres for every ｣3 of 資本／首都投資するd. 支払う／賃金ing a labourer's passage was to count as an 投資 of 資本／首都 at the pate of 200 acres for each passage paid. If, within twenty-one years, the land was not cultivated and 改善するd to the satisfaction of the 知事 it was to 逆戻りする to the 栄冠を与える. The 政府 also 発表するd their 意向 of 厳密に持続するing not only these 条件s, but all 契約s for service in the 植民地 which might be made with labourers or others. [17] The 政府 of the 植民地 was to be in the 手渡すs of Captain Stirling, who was to receive no salary until the 植民地 was successful. Instead of salary he was to have a 認める of 100,000 acres, 支配する to the same 条件s as other 植民／開拓者s, except that he was 許すd to have a 優先 of choice. A 法案設立するing the 政府 of the 植民地 was 約束d for the next 開会／開廷／会期 of 議会. [18] The 協会主張するd that they, too, had been given a 優先 of choice, [19] and this was, in the end, 許すd to them as to 250,000 acres. In all 尊敬（する）・点s but this they were to be placed on the same 地盤 as other 植民／開拓者s. [20]

At the beginning of the year 1829, 借りがあるing to these changes in the 初めの計画（する）, the other members of the 協会 withdrew, leaving Peel, who was 用意が出来ている to 受託する the 条件 of the 政府. [21] New 規則s for ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s were published by the 植民地の Office in January, 1829, 含む／封じ込めるing two important changes from the 条件 of 1828. In the first place the 認めるs in 割合 to the 資本／首都 were only to 適用する to 植民／開拓者s arriving in the 植民地 before the end of 1830. In the next place the period of twenty-one years 許すd for cultivation was 減ずるd to ten. [22] For those who arrived after 1830 the 政府 was later to make new 規則s. The final 協定 made with Peel was that if he landed at least 400 植民／開拓者s before November 1st, 1829, he was to receive 250,000 acres, which he was 許すd to 示す out on the 地図／計画する, and which would be reserved for him until that date. If he 実行するd this 条件 he could subsequently （人命などを）奪う，主張する, by a その上の投資 of 資本／首都, land to the extent of another 750,000 acres. The 初めの称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of twenty-one years was 許すd to him for cultivation. If he had landed no 植民／開拓者s by November 1st, 1829, his 優先 of choice lapsed, and he was to be 正確に／まさに on the same 地盤 as any other 植民／開拓者投資するing in the 植民地. [23]

In the beginning of February, 1829, a small 準備の探検隊／遠征隊, under the leadership of Captain Stirling, sailed from Spithead in the ships Parmelia and Sulphur. After touching at Cape Town the Parmelia, with. Stirling on board, arrived at Swan River on June 1st, the Sulphur arriving seventeen days later. One month before, Captain Fremantle, 事実上の／代理 under 指示／教授／教育s, had arrived from Sydney, and had taken 所有／入手 of the West Coast of Australia in the 指名する of His Majesty King George IV. Captain Stirling at once began to form a 解決／入植地, and to 準備する for the 推定する／予想するd stream of 移民，移住（する）s. [24]

合間 a 法案 had been introduced into the House of ありふれたs on April 3rd by Sir George Murray to 供給する for the 政府 of the new 植民地. The 法案 passed through its several 行う／開催する／段階s in both Houses with little or no discussion. On the second reading in the House of ありふれたs, Joseph Hume made some 反対 to the 力／強力にする left in the 手渡すs of a 選び出す／独身 individual. In 委員会, too, he 問い合わせd as to the expense, and was told by Murray that "it was 行為／行うd on the lowest possible 規模." [25]

The 年４回の Review for April, 1829, 含む／封じ込めるd a puffing article, setting 前へ／外へ the advantages of colonizing the Swan River country. The 事業／計画（する） was recommended as a 治療（薬） for over-全住民 in Britain, and as a means of creating new markets for British 製造（する）s. The new 植民地 was vaunted as superior to New South むちの跡s in several 尊敬（する）・点s. In the first place it had a better 国／地域 and 気候. In the next place its geographical position in regard to Europe and to India was more favourable to 商業 than that of New South むちの跡s. For it was 予報するd a 早い growth like that of Singapore. In the last place it was to be a 解放する／自由な解決／入植地, untainted by the presence of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. [26]

にもかかわらずたびたび（訪れる） disclaimers the impression got abroad that the 植民地 was to be 設立するd by the 政府, or, at any 率, with its approbation and co-操作／手術. [27] The 植民地の Office was credited with the keenest 利益／興味 in the success of the new 植民地, and the 年４回の Review's article was 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd of 存在公式の／役人 in origin. [28] Horace Twiss, then 議会の Under-国務長官 for the 植民地s, was considered to be the real 創立者 of the 植民地. When Shaw Lefevre, who held this position in 1834, asked his 長，指導者, Stanley, to consider carefully the 事業／計画（する） of colonizing South Australia, Stanley replied that "Hay had 設立するd Fernando Po, Twiss had 設立するd Swan River, and he, Lefevre, 手配中の，お尋ね者, he supposed, to 設立する Spencer's 湾." [29] After the first intimation of the 意向 to form a 植民地 the 政府 received 非常に／多数の使用／適用s for 解放する／自由な passages from ーするつもりであるing emigrants. [30] But all these they 辞退するd as there was no 移住基金, and they were 決定するd to 避ける all expense. A 願望（する） for 移住 manifested itself not only の中で poorer people, but の中で資本主義者s of かなりの所有物／資産／財産. Indeed, the prospects held out by the new 植民地 appeared very favourable. New South むちの跡s had recently made remarkable 進歩 in a small space of time, and, によれば報告（する）／憶測s, this country was not only better 据えるd for 商業, but more fertile and with a more equable 気候. Again a very 広大な／多数の／重要な attraction was that it was to be the first 解放する／自由な解決／入植地 on the shores of Australia. The 植民／開拓者s were never to 耐える the evils of transportation, and they might with safety settle their families there in the knowledge that they would live in a 解放する／自由な and moral society. [31] In 新規加入, the 広大な／多数の／重要な誘導 was held out to them of 得るing good land under 平易な条件s. A その上の attraction to 資本主義者s lay in the fact that the 政府 was 用意が出来ている to 持続する a civil and 軍の設立 for the 保護 of the 植民／開拓者s, and to 施行する the 契約s of indentured labourers. In these circumstances the 団体／死体 of ーするつもりであるing colonists was respectable in number, in 所有物／資産／財産, and in character. It 含む／封じ込めるd "more than the usual number of men of 所有物／資産／財産 and family," [32] compared, at any 率, with 植民地s hitherto 設立するd in the eighteenth or nineteenth centuries. [33]

Very soon after 出版（物） of the article in the 年４回の Review it was rumoured that the whole of the Swan and Canning Rivers, the entire shore of the harbour, and 事実上 all the 利用できる fertile land had been 認めるd to Peel, so that there was little 誘導 for any 植民／開拓者 who did not 得る land from him. [34] Sir George Murray took the occasion in the House of ありふれたs to 否定する this, and to point out the true 明言する／公表する of 事件／事情／状勢s, by giving the history of the 交渉s with the 政府, and the 条件 upon which Peel held his land. [35]

Even then it was 示唆するd out of 議会 that Sir Robert Peel had been instrumental in 得るing an enormous 認める of land for a 親族 of his. [36] Peel in 議会 replied to his critics that all he had done was to send a letter to Sir George Murray asking him to give Mr. Thomas Peel, his second cousin, "any 施設s that he 終始一貫して could." He 保証するd the House, "on the honour of a gentleman," that he had done nothing more, and Brougham took the occasion to say that he had never before known Peel to make an unnecessary speech. [37]

In spite of the high hopes which …に出席するd the 設立するing of the new 植民地, its success was small. The first 植民／開拓者s met with more than the usual hardships and 失望s which …を伴って the 形式 of a new 解決／入植地 in an uninhabited country. The 船の停泊地 which had seemed so 安全な at the end of summer was dangerous in the winter. Stirling's ship, the Parmelia, went 岸に, and several others became 難破させるs. Then, too, the 報告（する）／憶測s as to the fertility of the land 証明するd to be 誇張するd. [38] The opinions of a 海軍の officer and a botanist were 設立する not to 同時に起こる／一致する with those of practical 農業者s. [39] To 追加する to their other difficulties a scarcity of 準備／条項s manifested itself, and the 植民地 had to be fed from 先頭 Diemen's Land. [40] The result was that from the beginning prices 支配するd very high in the 植民地. [41] Most of the good land 近づく at 手渡す was taken up by a few 植民／開拓者s, [42] and the 残り／休憩（する） were either unable to 得る十分な for their 目的s, or were unwilling to go far enough afield to find it. In these circumstances there was a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of 失望 amongst those who had 推定する／予想するd instant success; in place of the very 楽観的な報告（する）／憶測s of the prospects of the new 植民地, 平等に誇張するd 報告（する）／憶測s of its unsuitability for 植民地化 and its 完全にする失敗 were 循環させるd, 特に by those who had left the 植民地 in disgust. [43] A 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of good land was 設立する, but the 植民／開拓者s had been induced to believe that there was no bad land, and many of them 設立する to their cost that this was 誤った. Although the emigrants were 一般に respectable, and 所有するd of some 資本／首都, they were not as a 団体／死体やめる equal to the difficult 状況／情勢 in which they 設立する themselves placed. [44] Many of them had no notion of the hardships they would 遭遇（する）. In the words of an 早期に植民／開拓者, some of them "推定する／予想するd the moment their feet touched the shore, to find inns, turnpike roads, smiling orchards, and とうもろこし畑／穀物畑s in a country untrod by civilized man." [45] Some, indeed, resolutely 直面するd all difficulties, and managed to 設立する themselves, but others soon gave up the unequal struggle and 除去するd themselves and what was left of their 所有物／資産／財産 to 先頭 Diemen's Land, or to New South むちの跡s. [46] By January, 1830, 悲惨な accounts of the 失敗 of the new 植民地 reached England from 先頭 Diemen's Land. [47] The 船の停泊地 was said to be 危険な, the land mostly sterile and incapable of supporting a 全住民, while the whole of the good land was 報告（する）／憶測d to be taken up already. A general despondency was said to have taken the place of the 希望に満ちた feelings of the 早期に colonists.

The 証拠 as to the 早期に days is so 相反する that it is difficult to 決定する what really happened. The 公式の／役人 despatches of the 知事 never 収容する／認める anything like a general 失敗, but せいにする the want of success to the class of colonists emigrating, and to the 誇張するd 期待s which they had formed. [48] Certainly there was much 苦しめる, and the greater part of the 植民／開拓者s re-emigrated. The 全住民, which had been 4,000, dropped in 1832 to 1,500. [49] にもかかわらず, a beginning was made on a very small 規模, and, though sorely 悩ますd, the 植民地 managed to keep alive. The land was, no 疑問, very different from what Stirling had 報告（する）／憶測d it to be, but it was by no means "nothing but sand and 激しく揺するs" as the disappointed 植民／開拓者s 設立する it. [50] The 船の停泊地 at Gage Roads was 危険な; that at Cockburn Sound was better. [51] Although several ships were lost, it was often 予定 to neglecting the 公式の／役人警告 as to the insecurity of their 船の停泊地. For want of time between the arrival of the first 探検隊／遠征隊 and that of the main 団体／死体, 十分な care was not taken in making 準備s to receive the 植民／開拓者s. The two largest 企業s—that of Peel and that of 陸軍大佐 Lautour—were both 失敗s, [52] but some of the smaller 資本主義者s 栄えるd. Peel did not arrive in the 植民地 until 早期に in December, 1829, when, によれば協定, his 認める was no longer reserved for him, but was 分配するd amongst other applicants. [53] He landed 300 植民／開拓者s, and spent altogether ｣50,000, [54] but in a very little time his 在庫／株 had wasted away, and most of his 植民／開拓者s had left him. Edward Gibbon Wakefield, before the House of ありふれたs 委員会 on Waste Lands in 1836, gave a very vivid account of the 失敗 of the 植民地 and of Peel's misfortunes—on the 当局, he said, of one of Peel's スパイ／執行官s. [55]

"That 植民地, which was 設立するd with a general hope in this country, amongst very intelligent persons of all descriptions, that it would be a most 繁栄する植民地, has all but 死なせる／死ぬd. It has not やめる死なせる／死ぬd, but the 全住民 is a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定いっそう少なく than the number of emigrants; it has been a 減らすing 全住民 since its 創立／基礎. The greater part of the 資本／首都 which was taken out (and that was very large) has disappeared altogether, and a 広大な／多数の／重要な部分 of the labourers taken out (and they were a very かなりの number) have emigrated a second time to 先頭 Diemen's Land and New South むちの跡s. The many 災害s which befell this 植民地 (for some people did 現実に die of hunger), and the 破壊 of the 植民地 taken out to the Swan River, and the second 移住 of the people who went out, appear to me to be accounted for at once by the manner in which land was 認めるd. The first 認める consisted of 500,000 acres to an individual, Mr. Peel. That 認める was 示すd out upon the 地図／計画する in England—500,000 acres were taken 一連の会議、交渉／完成する about the port or 上陸 place. It was やめる impossible for Mr. Peel to cultivate 500,000 acres, or a hundredth part of the 認める; but others were, of course, necessitated to go beyond his 認めるーするために take their land. So that the first 操作／手術 in that 植民地 was to create a 広大な／多数の／重要な砂漠, to 示す out a large tract of land, and to say. 'This is 砂漠—no man shall come here; no man shall cultivate this land.' So far dispersion was produced, because upon the 条件 on which Mr. Peel 得るd his land, land was given to the others. The 知事 took another 100,000 acres, another person took 80,000 acres; and the dispersion was so 広大な／多数の／重要な that, at last, the 植民／開拓者s did not know where they were; that is, each 植民／開拓者 knew that he was where he was, but he could not tell where anyone else was; and, therefore, he did not know his own position. That was why some people died of hunger; for though there was an ample 供給（する） of food at the 知事's house, the 植民／開拓者s did not know where the 知事 was, and the 知事 did not know where the 植民／開拓者s were. Then, besides the evils resulting from dispersion, there occurred what I consider almost a greater one; which is, the 分離 of the people and the want of combinable 労働. The labourers, on finding out that land could be 得るd with the greatest 施設, the labourers taken out under 契約s, under 約束／交戦s which 保証するd them of very high 給料 if they would 労働 during a 確かな time for 給料, すぐに laughed at their masters. Mr. Peel carried out altogether about 300 persons—men, women, and children. Of those 300 persons, about sixty were able 労働ing men. In six months after his arrival he had nobody even to make his bed for him or to fetch him water from the river. He was 強いるd to make his own bed and to fetch water for himself, and to light his own 解雇する／砲火／射撃. All the labourers had left him. The 資本／首都, therefore, which he took out, すなわち, 器具／実施するs of husbandry, seeds and 在庫／株, 特に在庫／株, すぐに死なせる／死ぬd; without shepherds to take care of the sheep, the sheep wandered and were lost; eaten by the native dogs, killed by the natives and by some of the other colonists, very likely by his own workmen; but they were destroyed; his seeds 死なせる／死ぬd on the beach; his houses were of no use; his 木造の houses were there in でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる, in pieces, but could not be put together, and were therefore やめる useless, and rotted on the beach. This was the 事例／患者 with the 資本主義者s 一般に. The labourers, 得るing land very readily, and running about to 直す／買収する，八百長をする upon 場所s for themselves, and to 設立する themselves 独立して, very soon separated themselves into 孤立するd families, into what may be 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語d cottiers, with a very large extent of land, something like the Irish cottiers, but having, instead of a very small piece of land, a large extent of land. Every one was separated, and very soon fell into the greatest 苦しめる. 落ちるing into the greatest 苦しめる, they returned to their masters, and 主張するd upon the fulfilment of the 協定s upon which they had gone out; but then Mr. Peel said, 'All my 資本／首都 is gone; you have 廃虚d me by 砂漠ing me, by breaking your 約束／交戦s; and you now 主張する upon my 観察するing the 約束／交戦s when you yourselves have 奪うd me of the means of doing so.' They 手配中の，お尋ね者 to hang him, and he ran away to a distance, where he secreted himself for a time till they were carried off to 先頭 Diemen's Land." [56]

In all this there is much truth and かなりの error. As a general description of the 植民地 it is not やめる fair, while in some important 詳細（に述べる）s it is 不確かの.

Wakefield 混乱させるd Peel's reserved 認める, which was 示すd out upon the 地図／計画する in England, and did take in a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of the country around the port, [57] with the 認める that he subsequently 得るd. This latter did not 越える 250,000 acres, and 延長するd "from Cockburn Sound to the Murray River 近づく Cape Bauvard, and thence up that river twenty-five miles from its source," i.e., かなり to the south of his 初めの認める. [58]

As to the 知事's 100,000 acres, they were 据えるd partly on 小島 Bu稍he (later known as Garden Island) and partly at Geographe Bay, about one hundred miles from the Swan River.

Although 飢饉 often 脅すd the 植民地, there is no 証拠 that any 植民／開拓者s died of 餓死. [59]

Again, there was no such 卸売 desertion of their masters by indentured servants as Wakefield 述べるd. No 疑問 there was a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of trouble between masters and servants. [60] who could not agree as to the 解釈／通訳 of their 契約s. [61] Servants did occasionally 砂漠, and once more the 計画（する） of taking out to a 植民地 labourers under indenture failed. [62] One 植民／開拓者激しく complained: "Indented servants are of no use. Almost every 植民／開拓者 is 強いるd to 解任する his indented servants for idleness, disobedience to orders or drunkenness; and so soon as they 得る their liberty they 乗る，着手する for either Hobart or Sydney. I have been 廃虚d by laying out my money in the way recommended by 政府 in their published 規則s." [63]

協定s were 施行するd, at least after a 法廷，裁判所 was 設立するd, and often it was the master and not the servant who wished to escape from his 義務s. In Peel's 事例／患者, indeed, although some of his people 砂漠d him (and were 拘留するd for it [64]) he 同意d to 発射する／解雇する all but a few from their indentures. These were 持続するd at the public expense until they 設立する雇用 with other masters, or 出発／死d to other 植民地s. [65] The 推論する／理由 given by Wakefield for the desertion, すなわち, that the labourers could easily 得る land, is やめる inconsistent with the 規則 in the 植民地 forbidding land 認めるs to servants under indenture or to those who （機の）カム out at the expense of others, unless the 条件s of any 協定 under which they （機の）カム were 実行するd. [66] This 規則 was never relaxe. [67]

Peel's 失敗 was 予定 in part to his own character. In his 取引 with the 植民地の Office he showed himself to be of an impetuous nature, and 所有するd of little discretion. [68] 追加するd to this he did not have 十分な商売／仕事 ability to direct with success such a large 請け負うing in a new 植民地. [69]

When Wakefield gave this description he was explaining and defending his theory of a 十分な price on 植民地の waste land before his first important 委員会 of the House of ありふれたs. For some years 以前, too, he had been doing his best to make a success of the 計画／陰謀 for 設立するing South Australia on this 原則. He was, therefore, led perhaps to 誇張する the 失敗 of Swan River, and to せいにする it wholly to the system 可決する・採択するd there of large 解放する／自由な認めるs of land.

After the 災害s of the first few years, the 植民地改善するd a little, but from 1832 to 1849 it made very slow 進歩. The 全住民 slowly grew from 1,500 in 1832, to 4,600 in 1849. [70] 資本／首都 and 労働 were both 不十分な, and the 植民地 remained unattractive to emigrants.

The 原因（となる）s of this stagnation are not difficult to find. The 早期に失敗s, the 質 of the 国／地域, the 失望 of the first 植民／開拓者s, and the consequent discouraging 報告（する）／憶測s sent home, brought to the new 植民地 an unenviable notoriety. Emigrants were anxious to 避ける a place where, it was said, the land was 砂漠, and man and beast 死なせる／死ぬd. If they went to Australia at all, they preferred New South むちの跡s or 先頭 Diemen's Land, where good land could be got, and 罪人／有罪を宣告するs to work it.

There stand out, however, three main 推論する／理由s why the 植民地 did not 達成する success in any way equal to that of the other Australian 植民地s.

In the first place, the method of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of waste land on very 平易な条件 and in large 認めるs encouraged a 緊急発進する for land in which the colonists took up far more land than they could かもしれない cultivate, and settled themselves at a distance from one another. [71] In the 試みる／企てる to 安全な・保証する large allotments the 植民／開拓者s expended so much of their 資本／首都 on outfit, and in bringing themselves and their labourers to their land that they soon 設立する themselves without any 資本／首都 to carry on 農業. [72] Those who did not やめる the 植民地 remained scattered and 貧窮化した, for, after the first inrush of 全住民, very little 資本／首都（機の）カム, and for want of it 産業 languished. [73] The 傷害 done to the 植民地 by 認めるing away large tracts of land was 認める very soon by those at the 長，率いる of 事件／事情／状勢s at home and in the 植民地. [74] 知事 Stirling, as 早期に as January, 1830, recommended that the Home 政府 should abandon the system of 解放する／自由な認めるs in favour of the American system of sale by auction. [75] Sir George Murray, in July, 1830, 発表するd the 意向 of his department to take into consideration the whole question of the 処分 of 栄冠を与える lands in the 植民地s. In the 合間 he sent out to the Swan River new land 規則s. [76] No change in 原則 was made by these 規則s, but the 量 of land 認めるd in 割合 to 資本／首都 was 減ずるd. Those 植民／開拓者s who arrived after 1830 were only to receive twenty acres instead of forty for every ｣3 of 資本／首都投資するd, and 支払う／賃金ing a labourer's passage gave a 権利 to only 100 instead of 200 acres. Murray also 示唆するd to Stirling that, ーするために妨げる the injurious dispersion of colonists, some 限界 should be placed on the 量 of land which a 植民／開拓者, whatever the 量 of his 資本／首都, might be 許すd to receive.

But by then the 害（を与える） had been done, and if any その上の proof of the evil of large land 認めるs were needed, it was shown by the want of success which …に出席するd the introduction of the new system of sale of land in the beginning of 1831. [77] So much land had by then been 疎遠にするd that for fifteen years or more land sales were a ごくわずかの量, and その結果 no 基金 was raised in this way for 移住. [78]

In the second place, an important 原因（となる） of 失敗 was the scarcity of 労働, resulting partly from the system of large 認めるs, and partly from the system of indentured 労働. The former 妨げるd the 植民／開拓者s from 連合させるing their 労働. Scattered and 貧窮化した they were unable to （判決などを）下す to one another that support and co-操作／手術 which is 特に necessary in a new 植民地. [79] With the 失敗 of the latter system went the only 団体／死体 of 労働 for 雇う in the 植民地. Until 1849 there was never a 供給（する） of 労働 in the 植民地満足な to the 植民／開拓者s, and this they 早期に made a source of （民事の）告訴. In 1831, and again in 1832, they 嘆願（書）d the Home 政府, in 見解（をとる） of the scarcity of 労働, to 供給する labourers with 解放する／自由な passages to the 植民地, and to 返す itself out of their 未来給料. They 説得するd 知事 Stirling to visit England ーするために lay this and other requests before the 国務長官, which he did, but without success, in 1832-3.

In the third place. 政府支出 was kept on a very low 規模 compared with New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land. The Home 政府固執するd closely to their 宣言するd 意向 of incurring no expense in 設立するing the 植民地, and the civil 設立 was kept 負かす／撃墜する to modest 割合s. They also 辞退するd to spend money either in public 作品, or in 支払う／賃金ing the passage of labourers, taking the 見解（をとる） that the 植民地 had been 設立するd by 私的な企業, and should receive no 援助 other than the 準備／条項 of its civil 政府, and its 保護 by 海軍の and 軍の軍隊s. More important still was the absence of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. In the penal 植民地s of New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, the system of transportation both 供給するd a useful, if not very 満足な, 供給（する） of 労働, and occasioned a very large 政府支出 in 持続するing and guarding the penal 設立s. On these two factors 残り／休憩（する）d to a 広大な／多数の／重要な extent their 繁栄, but the Swan River 植民地 had the advantage of neither.

The best 証拠 of the scarcity of 労働苦しむd by the Swan River, and of its 欠如（する） of 繁栄, lies in the fact that although it was 設立するd as a 解放する／自由な植民地, and （人命などを）奪う，主張するd particular 長所 on that account, 罪人／有罪を宣告するs were asked for as a special boon, and that not until the request was 認めるd, and they arrived in 1849, did the 植民地 make any 早い進歩.

As 早期に as 1831, it is said, the 大多数 of 植民／開拓者s would have been glad to 株 the 利益s of 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 as the only means of making the 植民地栄えるing and 繁栄する. [80] Wakefield 宣言するd in 1831, [81] and repeated in 1833, [82] and in 1836, [83] that the colonists had asked for 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, [84] and he 扱う／治療するd the request as an admission of the want of 労働.

From 1831 to 1834, 孤立するd requests were made to the Home 政府 by 植民／開拓者s, and by those 利益／興味d in the 植民地, that the 初めの決意 to send no 囚人s might be 無効にするd. 陸軍大佐 Lautour, who owned one of the largest 企業s in the 植民地, 提案するd, in January, 1831, to take out 300 of those 農業の labourers who had been 罪人／有罪を宣告するd in the 最近の暴動s in England. In support of his 提案, he 勧めるd their value as agriculturists and the difference between them and the ordinary 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. [85] In the same year, too, a 植民／開拓者宣言するd to the Home 政府 that the whole 植民地 would welcome the introduction of any 肉親，親類d of 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働. "The 政府 need not 恐れる the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of a 違反 of 約束. The 植民／開拓者s, to a man, have changed their opinions since they 野営するd within the shores of Australia. There can, therefore, be no 違反 of 約束 in 認めるing them a boon which will be 有益な to all, and the only thing which can save most of them from utter 廃虚. A 植民／開拓者 of the first 階級 and 資本／首都 said to me, 'I （機の）カム here because no 罪人／有罪を宣告するs were to be sent; but so 完全に are my 感情s altered on the 支配する that, if a 嘆願（書） for 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 were moved to-morrow, I should be ready to put my 指名する to it.'" [86] Three years later another 植民／開拓者 wrote that 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 would give the 植民地 its only chance of 繁栄. [87]

Captain Irwin, in 1834, 提案するd to 輸入する罪人／有罪を宣告するd natives of India to 労働 in the construction of public 作品 in the 植民地. [88]

But it was not until the end of 1834 that any 部隊d request was made by the colonists, and then only by a few. Sixteen 植民／開拓者s at King George's Sound then 調印するd a 嘆願（書） asking for the 設立 of a 罪人／有罪を宣告する駅／配置する there. [89] They 勧めるd that the difficulties 遭遇（する）d in 設立するing themselves in the 内部の of the 植民地 could not さもなければ be 打ち勝つ, and therefore "that the unpleasant feeling regarding the presence of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs must 産する／生じる to the more important 反対する of 前進するing themselves and the 植民地 in general." [90]

All of these 早期に requests the 政府辞退するd to 認める, taking the 見解（をとる） that it would mean breaking the 約束／交戦 under which the 植民地 was formed. But in 1849, when Swan River was still lagging far behind the other Australian 植民地s, and the latter were ridding themselves of the system of transportation, the 新たにするd request was 認めるd, and an 即座の繁栄始める，決める in. [91]

The Swan River 植民地 was the first 実験 in 解放する／自由な植民地化 which had been made in Australia in the nineteenth century, and, by the new and vigorous school of systematic colonizers, at whose 長，率いる was Edward Gibbon Wakefield, it was, from 1830, 掴むd upon as a horrible example of how not to colonize. [92] Its want of success was せいにするd to an erroneous 原則 of 植民地化, whose 裁判，公判 pointed the way に向かって the true 原則. [93] "The ideas of the 創立者s of the 植民地化 Society of 1830," wrote Wakefield in 1849, "grew out of the first 訴訟／進行s of the British 政府 in settling the Swan River or West Australia. A perception of the utter inadequacy of the means 雇うd on that occasion—the curious fact of a 政府 elaborately, though unconsciously 供給するing for 必然的な失敗, with copious elements of success at its 平易な処分—led to a careful examination of the whole 支配する." [94]

Wakefield and his 信奉者s never seemed to have considered that one good 推論する／理由 for the 失敗 of the 植民地 might be 設立する in its geographical 条件s, that a scarcity of good land was やめる as important as a scarcity of 労働. They 設立する there the coincidence of large 解放する／自由な認めるs of land with scarcity of 資本／首都 and 労働, and they put 負かす／撃墜する the former as the 原因（となる） of the latter. [95] They held that the land 規則s 可決する・採択するd there 分散させるd the 植民／開拓者s, and 妨げるd combination of 資本／首都 and 労働. [96] The 需要・要求する of the colonists for 罪人／有罪を宣告するs they 扱う／治療するd as a proof of their 論争 that no 植民地 with cheap and abundant land could ever 後継する without a 供給（する） of 軍隊d 労働 of one 肉親，親類d or another. To them the Swan River 植民地 was "the scarecrow of 植民地化," [97] and the system upon which it had been 設立するd was the very antithesis of that which they hoped to introduce into the 提案するd new 植民地 of South Australia. They almost welcomed the 実験 as a proof of the futility of trying to colonize by means of large 解放する／自由な land 認めるs, and as affording practical arguments for the Wakefield theory; [98] on the other 手渡す, they considered that its 失敗 had been so 広大な／多数の／重要な as to throw a damp on all new 事業／計画（する）s of 植民地化, [99] much in the same way as Wilmot Horton's 計画（する）s had resulted in a feeling of repugnance to 移住. At any 率, they felt that the 実験 and its 失敗 placed them under the necessity of showing 原因（となる） why 解放する／自由な植民地化 should not be 不成功の, and of 証明するing that their 計画（する）含む／封じ込めるd 非，不，無 of the defects so evident at Swan River. The new 植民地, indeed, was the constant butt of Wakefield and his 信奉者s. In nearly all his 出版（物）s, [100] whether in 解説，博覧会 of his own theory, or in advocacy of his 事業／計画（する） for 設立するing South Australia, the Swan River 実験（機の）カム in for 批評 and 非難. Although, in their main 論争 of the evil of large land 認めるs, they were 権利, yet so 執拗な were they in their often 誇張するd accounts of the 植民地, that it is small wonder the 悩ますd colonists 反対するd to the misrepresentation of an already hard 事例／患者. [101] Probably the 敵意 of Wakefield and his 信奉者s, 特に when they were 勧めるing the 競争相手（人命などを）奪う，主張するs of South Australia, had not a little to do with the unpopularity and retarded 進歩 of Swan River. The truth underlying their 敵意, however, lay in the fact that its 失敗 did conclusively 証明する the evil of large 解放する／自由な認めるs of land in a new 植民地. This method of 植民地化, at any 率, was wrong, and it 残り／休憩（する）d with the new school to 提案する something better.

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 III.

8 R. W. Hay to G. R. Dawson (of the 財務省), December 31st, 1828. C.O. 397/1.

9 See Ripon's despatch to Stirling, March 8th, 1833, 引用するd by Hutt in a despatch to Glenelg, August 1st, 1839, No. 3, of Western Australian Correspondence. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69. Ripon's despatch is in C.O. 397/2.

10 Letter of 法廷，裁判所 of Directors to T. P. Courtenay, March 6th, 1828. C.O. 18/1.

13 Sir George Murray in the House of ありふれたs, May 1st, 1829. Hansard, New Series, Vol. xxi, p. 913.

14 記念の to Sir George Murray, November 14th, 1828. Acc. and Pap., 1829, Vol. xxiv, p. 173.

17 These were called the "Old 条件" of 1828, as compared with the later ones of 1829 and 1830. Enclosure to R. W. Hay's letter to Peel, December 6th, 1828. Ibid.

22 虫垂 v to 報告（する）／憶測, 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

23 Twiss to Peel, January 28th, 1829, and January 29th, 1829. Acc. and Pap., 1829, Vol. xxiv, p. 175. See also Sir George Murray's despatch to Stirling, July 29th, 1829. C.O. 397/1. If, however, he had landed some 植民／開拓者s before November 1st, 1829, part of his reserve was to be 認めるd to him によれば資本／首都 and 植民／開拓者s landed, conditionally on his having landed the 残り／休憩（する） of the 400 before May 1st, 1830. But in this 事例／患者 the その上の認める of 750,000 acres would not be made. Ibid.

25 Hansard, New Series, Vol. xxi, pp. 464-5 (2nd reading); pp. 712-13 (委員会).

26 It is 価値（がある） noticing that this article helped to change Bentham's opinion on 植民地s. In 1793 he had 勧めるd that 植民地s should be emancipated, but in 1829 he 自白するd his 態度 was just the 逆転する, "特に, if the account given of the ーするつもりであるd 解決／入植地 on the Swan River in the 年４回の Review for April, 1829, . . . be 訂正する." Emancipate your 植民地s, published in 1830. Postscript.

28 記念の of Swan River Colonists, 1839, enclosed in despatch of 知事 Hutt to Glenelg, August 1st, 1839. No. 3 of W.A. Correspondence. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69. See the Tasmanian newspaper for October 2nd, 1829. Sir John Barrow has been 指名するd as the author of the article. T. J. Buckton, Western Australia, 1840. Introduction.

30 See letters of ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s in 記録，記録的な／記録する Office.

31 This 控訴，上告 to pride and moral feeling was made in a handbook 問題／発行するd for the 指導／手引 of 植民／開拓者s. "Those who 設立する所有物／資産／財産 and families, will feel that their 指名するs and fortunes cannot be mixed hereafter with any 疑わしい idea as to their origin." Hints on 移住 to the New 解決／入植地 on the Swan and Canning Rivers, 1829, p. 8.

33 The 証拠 of all 証言，証人／目撃するs agrees as to the 所有物／資産／財産 and standing of many of the 植民／開拓者s. See, e.g., Wakefield's Letter to South Australian Commissioners, 1835. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv. 虫垂; and the first 報告（する）／憶測 of the Western Australian 協会, 1836. Some of them, however, were of a different 肉親，親類d. A party of ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s wrote to Sir George Murray for （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）: "Shall we have any Oran Otangs to 対処する with there? and are there any wild beasts of pray? We 謙虚に hope you will excuse our 存在 so explicit, but we are fifteen souls that would like to know a little before we sell our little all and start." Messrs. Dalton, Mangell, and Madox to Sir George Murray, May 12th, 1829. C.O. 18/5.

34 See letter of P.P. in The Times, April 18th, 1829; and the Morning 先触れ（する）, April 21st, 1829.

36 The Morning 先触れ（する）, April 21st, 1829, called the 処理／取引 a "nefarious 職業." Several caricatures appeared at this time directed against Thomas Peel, one of which 代表するd him with a 黒人／ボイコット swan under his left arm from which he was plucking two tail feathers. Above was written, "Cousin Tom feathering his nest."—Sydney Gazette, December 10th, 1829.

38 See 植民／開拓者s' letters in The Times, January 28th, April 24th, May 24th, and June 30th, 1830.

39 See J. Morgan's letter to Hay, March 18th, 1830. C.O. 18/7. Thomas Henty and his sons, who afterwards formed a 解決／入植地 at Portland Bay in what is now Victoria, had a 認める of over 80,000 acres at Swan River. Some of the sons went there with the 意向 of settling and 準備するing for the 移民／移住 of the 残り／休憩（する） of the family. They brought with them many labourers and much 在庫／株, but after exhaustive searches they could find no land suitable for farming, and left for 先頭 Diemen's Land. Thomas Henty (the son) wrote of Swan River: "There are some 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs of good alluvial land, but the country 一般に is the 逆転する of what it is 述べるd to be by Mr. Fraser." Thomas Henty's 記念の of February 11th, 1835. C.O. 201/251.

40 See G. Dunnage's letter to Shaw Lefevre, February 13th, 1834. C.O. 18/14. 記念の of 植民／開拓者s in 1832. C.O. 18/10. Stirling's despatch to Sir G. Murray, March 13th, 1831. C.O. 18/9.

41 J. Morgan, the 植民地の storekeeper, gives a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of some prices in 1832, e.g., flour, 10d. per lb.; fresh meat, 1s. 8d. per lb.; potatoes, ｣75 per トン; fresh butter, 5s. per lb. J. Morgan to Hay, March 8th, 1832. C.O. 18/11. In 先頭 Diemen's Land, in 1831, meat was 2d. to 2ｽd. per lb., and in 1832, 5d. to 8d. per lb. 知事 Arthur to Stanley, No. 48, August 24th, 1833. C.O. 280/42.

43 See 特に the 声明 of Messrs. Goodman and Kent, enclosed in Lieut.-知事 Arthur's despatch to Twiss, November 8th, 1829. C.O. 280/21. This party had quitted Swan River and gone to 先頭 Diemen's Land where they 得るd 認めるs of land on favourable 条件. Ibid. See also the Tasmanian newspaper, October 30th and November 20th, 1829.

44 Stirling to Sir George Murray, September 10th, 1829. C.O. 18/3. See also Stirling to Goderich, April 2nd, 1832. C.O. 18/10.

45 Letter from Robert Lyon to the 長官 of 明言する／公表する, February 11th, 1831. C.O. 18/9. It is told of one ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者 that, on first 上陸, he asked to be 知らせるd the way to the nearest hotel. Tasmanian newspaper, March 26th, 1830.

46 Lieut.-知事 Arthur to Twiss, November 8th, 1829, C.O. 280/21. F. C. Irwin, Western Australia, 1835, p. 41. W. H. Knight, Western Australia, 1870, p. 2.

47 Morning Chronicle, January 26th, 1830. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. i, p. 1345; and Vol. v, pp. 302-3. See also letter to Sir F. Freeling, November 27th, 1829. C.O. 18/7.

48 Stirling to Sir George Murray, September 10th, 1829. C.O. 18/3. Stirling to Goderich, April 2nd, 1832. C.O. 18/10.

50 声明 of Messrs. Goodman and Kent enclosed in Lieut.-知事 Arthur's despatch to Twiss, November 8th, 1829. C.O. 280/21.

51 See Capt. Butler's letter to Lieut.-知事 Arthur, October 18th, 1829. C.O. 280/21.

52 Stirling to the 国務長官, October 18th, 1830. C.O. 18/7; and to Sir George Murray, March 13th, 1831. C.O. 18/9. J. Morgan to Hay, July 14th, 1830. C.O. 18/7. The Times, November 22nd, 1831, 引用するing Hobart Town 植民地の Times of July 6th, 1831. F. C. Irwin, Western Australia, p. 36.

57 See the 地図／計画する in Acc. and Pap., 1829, Vol. xxiv, p. 175. によれば the 地図／計画する, Peel's 初めの認める took in almost all the land in the triangle between Swan River, Canning River, and the Darling 範囲, besides another large piece of land 延長するing from the Canning River to 近づく Cockburn Sound. Wakefield made the same mistake in England and America, Vol. ii, pp. 145-6; and in Art of 植民地化, pp. 433-4.

59 Captain F. C. Irwin, who 命令（する）d the 軍隊／機動隊s at Swan River, and was 事実上の／代理-知事 during Stirling's absence in 1832, 否定するd Wakefield's 声明 that 植民／開拓者s died of hunger. Western Australia, 1835, p. 37.

60 See Stirling to Sir G. Murray, March 12th, 1831. C.O. 18/9, and Colonist's 記念の, September 2nd, 1831. C.O. 18/9.

61 See 抽出するs from the Letters and 定期刊行物s of George Fletcher Moore, edited by ツバメ Doyle, 1834, pp. 83 and 120-4.

62 Cf. R. S. Hall, 明言する／公表する of New South むちの跡s, 1831, p. 16.

65 Stirling to the 国務長官, October 18th, 1830. C.O. 18/7. Part of this despatch was printed and 現在のd to 議会, but that part 取引，協定ing with the 失敗s of Peel and 陸軍大佐 Lautour was omitted. See also Stirling to Sir G. Murray, March 13th, 1831, C.O. 18/9.

69 J. Morgan to Hay, July 14th, 1830. C.O. 18/7. In 1833, 述べるing Peel's 失敗, Morgan wrote: "The proprietor of a million acres of land—one of the 主要な／長／主犯創立者s of what may hereafter be a mighty nation, is now to be seen 運動ing with the 援助 only of his son (a lad about 15 years of age) his two-horse team between the Murray and Clarence, or plodding along upon a 哀れな half-餓死するd pony, and without a shilling in his pocket, anxiously thinking how he is to manage the 購入（する） of his next month's daily food." J. Morgan to Hay, May 4th, 1833. C.O. 18/13.

72 Goderich to Stirling, March 8th, 1833. C.O. 397/2. Robert Lyon to the 国務長官, February 11th, 1831. C.O. 18/9.

75 Stirling to the 国務長官, January 20th, 1830. C.O. 18/7. This part of the despatch is not printed.

76 時代遅れの July 20th, 1830. Sir George Murray to Stirling, July 20th, 1830. C.O. 397/2.

78 See the returns of the land sales and 移住基金 for Western Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1847-8, Vol. xlvii, p. 179.

79 Stirling to Hay, December 22nd, 1832. C.O. 18/10. George Dunnage to Shaw Lefevre, February 13th, 1834. C.O. 18/14.

80 Fremantle 観察者／傍聴者, May 23rd, 1831, 引用するd by The Times, Nov. 23rd, 1831: "The advantages are indisputable, whether we consider the 支出 which of necessity …に出席するs a penal 設立, and becomes diffused の中で the community; the cheapness with which lands are （疑いを）晴らすd, and brought speedily under cultivation; and the 施設 afforded for the 死刑執行 of roads, and other public 作品. We believe at least two-thirds of the 植民／開拓者s of Western Australia are anxious for 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働; we have never heard a good 推論する／理由 given by those who …に反対する the 手段. With 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 this 植民地 would 進歩 most 速く; in fact, this alone is 手配中の，お尋ね者 to （判決などを）下す it in a very few years a most 栄えるing and 繁栄する植民地; its natural advantages in 国／地域 and 気候 are かなりの, but for want of cheap 労働 are scarcely 利用できる . . ." I have not been able to 得る a copy of this newspaper.

83 証拠 before 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands. To Question 592. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

84 See also Labouchere in the House of ありふれたs, February 17th, 1832, Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. x, p. 507. Captain Irwin professed his ignorance of any such 嘆願（書） from the colonists. Western Australia, 1835, p. 37.

85 Lautour to Lord Howick, January 9th, 1831. C.O. 18/9, A 類似の suggestion was made about the same time by Mr. James Mangles (father-in-法律 of 知事 Stirling). J. Mangles to Lord Goderich, January 17th, 1831. C.O. 18/9.

86 Robert Lyon to the 長官 of 明言する／公表する, February 11th, 1831. C.O. 18/9.

88 Irwin to Shaw Lefevre, July 3rd, 1834, C.O. 18/14. He repeated the suggestion in 1835; Irwin to Glenelg, May 27th, 1835, C.O. 18/15.

89 On the 設立するing of the Swan River 植民地, in 1830, the 罪人／有罪を宣告する解決／入植地 at King George's Sound was broken up. J. D. Rogers, Australasia, p. 79.

90 嘆願（書）, October 30th, 1834, enclosed in Stirling's despatch to Spring Rice, December 3rd, 1834. C.O. 18/14.

92 計画（する） of a Company to be 設立するd for the 目的 of 設立するing a 植民地 in Southern Australia, 1831, pp. 31-2. 計画（する） of a 提案するd 植民地 to be 設立するd on the South Coast of Australia, 1834, p. 13.

101 See the 記念の to Lord Glenelg, March 1st, 1839, Enclosure i in No. 3, Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69. See also Stirling to Glenelg, December 22nd, 1835. C.O. 18/15.

一時期／支部 IV

EDWARD GIBBON WAKEFIELD

Edward Gibbon Wakefield was born in London on March 20th, 1796. He （機の）カム of Quaker 在庫／株, of a family whose members had been long distinguished in philanthropic and 人道的な movements. The grandson of Priscilla Wakefield, one of the first to introduce the 貯金 bank into England, and the cousin of Elizabeth Fry, he was brought up "in an atmosphere of 積極的な philanthropy." [1] His father, Edward Wakefield, was an intimate friend of Bentham, James Mill, and Francis Place, whose enthusiasm for education he 株d. He was the author of some sociological 調書をとる／予約するs, of more than 一時的な利益／興味, 顕著に one on Ireland. [2] Francis Place, indeed, who did not 株 Edward Wakefield's high opinion of his son Gibbon, but thought him "only a ありふれた man," [3] became estranged from the Wakefield family about 1822. Gibbon Wakefield, however, やむを得ず became familiar with the 主要な "Benthamites," so that when his "peculiar doctrines" [4] were first broached, he was 保証するd of a 同情的な審理，公聴会, and にもかかわらず Place's disparagement of his ability, he 伸び（る）d their 影響力のある support. The work of a clever scapegrace was read by his father's friends, and all credit was given him for the ideas which it 含む／封じ込めるd.

Up to the beginning of 1826, the only thing he had done to bring him prominently into the public 見解（をとる） was, in 1816, to carry on a family tradition by making an 早期に marriage—in his 事例／患者 a runaway match with a beautiful heiress. Although his wife was a 区 in Chancery, Wakefield was skilful enough to 説得する the Lord （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長 of the impropriety of 干渉するing with the marriage. Most of his life, since 1814, he had spent abroad, 主として in Italy and in フラン, engaged in a desultory fashion in minor 外交の work. So far he had shown no 調印するs that his 相続するd philanthropic instincts were ever going to be developed.

In 1826, six years after the death of his wife, whether misled by his former success, or 説得するd by the social ambition of a young step-mother, who wished to see him in 議会, he made another runaway match with an heiress, whom he 誘惑するd away from school, and deceived into marriage. He was 逮捕（する）d, and tried for 誘拐. The only extenuating circumstance in the 事例／患者 was that the marriage was only 名目上の; and, in 1827, Wakefield was 宣告，判決d to three years' 監禁，拘置 in Newgate, while a special 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 was passed to 無効にする the marriage. Every one agreed that the 罰 was not too 厳しい for the 罪，犯罪, and it left a 継続している stain on his 評判. To the British public he remained for long an 反対する of 疑惑, and a political career seemed definitely の近くにd to him. This part of his life is not touched on to 解任する an old スキャンダル, nor even to show the remarkable 影響 on his character of the three years' ordeal in Newgate, but it is necessary to a 権利 understanding of his 利益／興味 in 植民地の事柄s, and his peculiar position in regard to them throughout the greater part of his career. The ghost of Wakefield's past ever stalked before him. Henceforward the 前線 door of politics was shut to him, though later he became a constant 訪問者 at other 入り口s. Sir William Molesworth, indeed, with his usual courage, in no way 狼狽d by Wakefield's 損失d 評判, once 提案するd to co-operate with Lord Durham in finding a seat in 議会 for him, and even to 補助装置 him by 財政上の and personal support. [5] But Wakefield could have been persona grata neither to party 経営者／支配人s, nor to 選挙権を持つ／選挙人s, and the 井戸／弁護士席-meant 提案 was never carried out. Not only was this 開始否定するd to him, but he was looked upon as unworthy of 信用 in other public positions. For example, when chosen by Lord Durham as one of his assistants in the memorable 使節団 to Canada in 1838, he was to have been 任命するd Commissioner of 栄冠を与える Lands, but Lord Melbourne, remembering Newgate, 反対するd, and he had to be content to carry on his important work in Canada in an 非公式の, and at the time, unacknowledged, position. [6] This 施行するd avoidance of public notice is その上の illustrated by the fact that most of his very 非常に／多数の writings were 匿名の／不明の. Of his important 作品 on 植民地化, the only one which 耐えるs his 指名する on the 肩書を与える page is his last, the Art of 植民地化, published in 1849, twenty years after his first work on 植民地の topics appeared. [7]

His 除外 from 議会 enabled him to concentrate the whole of his truly 広大な／多数の／重要な energies on the one, 支配する of 植民地化. As a Member of 議会, able and ambitious, his attention must やむを得ず have been distracted by other questions of greater importance and of more 地元の利益／興味. 植民地の questions must have taken a subordinate, if 目だつ, place with him; and, as a mere 事柄 of physical capacity, he could never have stood the 緊張する of 追加するing the ordinary 義務s of a Member of 議会 to his incessant 労働 of mind, pen and tongue in the service of the 植民地s.

His 監禁，拘置 was the turning point in his career. Rising superior to his 不名誉, he surprised every one by 証明するing himself a man of ideas, and an ardent and successful propagandist of a new theory. He turned his attention to 植民地s and 植民地化, perhaps because he felt that they 申し込む／申し出d the best 適切な時期 for mending his 粉々にするd fortunes; [8] perhaps because they furnished an unexampled 適切な時期 for theorizing and for 活動／戦闘; perhaps, again, it was the natural 関係 between the 全住民 of Newgate and the 罪人／有罪を宣告する植民地 of New South むちの跡s which first led him in this direction. For whatever 推論する／理由, he began to 熟考する／考慮する植民地の questions, and he read 特に what literature he could 得る about Australia. "Whilst in Newgate," he wrote in 1831, "I had occasion to read with care every 調書をとる／予約する関心ing New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, 同様に as a long 一連の newspapers published in those 植民地s." [9] An outcast from society, with a character to remake and a 評判 to 設立する, he was in a position to take a peculiarly detached 見解（をとる） of any 支配する. He 借りがあるd 忠誠 to no school of thought, and had little 推論する／理由 to conciliate any. Although by しつけ and by 有罪の判決 associated with the Benthamite group, he did not scruple to attack their 見解（をとる）s on 植民地s 発言する／表明するd by Bentham and James Mill, in so far as they 衝突d with his own. [10]

But there was, indeed, little 存在するing theory to guide him. As he wrote in 1849 of 植民地化, "That 支配する現在のd before 1830 one very remarkable feature, すなわち, an 巨大な量 of practice without any theory . . . . There were long experience without a system, 巨大な results without a 計画（する）, 広大な doings but no 原則s." [11] It has been said that his theory occurred to him when 診察するing the 規則s made in January, 1829, by the 植民地の Office for the new 植民地 of Swan River. [12] Certainly he used this 植民地's 早期に失敗 to point out the moral of the futility of large land 認めるs. Probably, too, from the たびたび（訪れる）言及／関連 he makes to it, [13] the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 of the House of ありふれたs in 1829, on Canadian 事件／事情／状勢s, 始める，決める him thinking on the problem of the 処分 of 植民地の waste lands.

It is impossible to proceed to an examination of Wakefield's theories and of the enormous 影響（力） which he 発揮するd both at home and in the 植民地s, without some 試みる／企てる at an 見積（る） of his character.

This 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の man, who, handicapped by a notoriety heavier to 耐える than mere obscurity, 事実上起こる／始まるd a new 時代 of 植民地化, and furnished the inspiration for a new 植民地の政策, 所有するd both 軍隊 and 複雑さ of character. Energetic, persevering, and 勇敢な, he was at the same time unscrupulous. An adroit wire-puller and an adept schemer, he was not always careful in his choice of means either of 打ち勝つing 対立, or of 説得力のある固守, to his 計画（する）s. With a ready pen and an eloquent tongue, he was an 専門家 in the art of controlling and managing men. "Edward Gibbon Wakefield," wrote one who knew him 井戸／弁護士席, "was a master in the art of 説得するing. He seldom failed if he could get his 犠牲者 into conversation." [14] When he wished to 伸び（る） an end, the 義務 of truth sat, at times, very lightly upon him. にもかかわらず this, he was not a self-探検者. While his dearest wish was for "the 最大の happiness which God vouchsafes to man on earth, the 現実化 of his own idea," [15] it was not for his own personal glory, but for the 利益 of mother-country and 植民地. Although a natural 願望（する） to rehabilitate his character 重さを計るd with him at first, this was soon 合併するd in a larger aspiration for the 井戸／弁護士席-存在 of the race at home and abroad. True, he 投資するd money in his 植民地の事業／計画（する）s, and 勧めるd his friends to do likewise, but it was rather to help on the 原因（となる） than for a hope of 利益（をあげる）. Indeed, on one New Zealand 計画／陰謀 he spent what was, for a poor man, やめる a かなりの sum in defraying expenses, and 辞退するd to take any 補償（金）. [16] Such a suggestion as Mr. Dandeson Coates, the 長官 of the Church Missionary Society, made in 1837, that Wakefield was 推定する／予想するing an 任命 as 長，指導者行政の officer in New Zealand, [17] with the innuendo that this explained his 成果／努力s in that direction, was, as Wakefield 正確に，正当に called it, "ungenerous and unnecessary." [18] Even more 不公平な is the 主張 of another 対抗者, that "Mr. Wakefield, while his disciples have 苦しむd in purse and in person, has contrived to . . . build a living, if not a fortune, out of a 一連の泡s." [19]

Wakefield's temperament, which was at once sanguine and over-怪しげな, led him into many errors. To those of narrower and いっそう少なく（疑いを）晴らす見通し than himself he appeared as a "冷淡な-血d schemer and manipulator of puppets for selfish ends." [20] To those who could 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる the loftiness of his 目的（とする）s and the difficulties with which he had to 競う, he appeared as the regenerator of 植民地の政策, and the apostle of 植民地の freedom. Lamentably 確かな it is that he quarrelled with many of his 同僚s in colonizing 企業s, and was 追い出すd from a 主要な place both in the South Australian and the New Zealand 計画／陰謀s; but the implicit 信用／信任 reposed in him by such men as Lord Durham, Charles Buller, and Sir William Molesworth, all his pupils in 植民地の事柄s, is a striking and conclusive 証言 to his 価値（がある）.

Wakefield remained in Newgate 刑務所，拘置所 until May, 1830, and his first 令状ing on 植民地化 took the form of an 匿名の／不明の小冊子, する権利を与えるd Sketch of a 提案 for Colonizing Australasia. It was printed, but not published, in the 早期に part of the year 1829, [21] and 含む／封じ込めるd, with some explanatory comment, an 輪郭（を描く） of what afterwards became famous as the Wakefield theory. Very soon, however, he decided to 着せる／賦与する his 見解（をとる）s in a more attractive form ーするために逮捕（する） the attention of readers little 利益／興味d either in 植民地s or in 思索的な theory. [22] In this he was extraordinarily successful. He began a 一連の eleven Letters from Sydney, which appeared in the Morning Chronicle during the months of August, September, and October, 1829. These letters 趣旨d to relate the experiences of an actual 植民／開拓者 in New South むちの跡s, and are written in a lively and picturesque style, which produced a "sensation in the literary and political world of London." [23] 事実上の／代理 on the advice of a leader in the Morning Chronicle, Wakefield republished these letters in 調書をとる／予約する form before the end of the year, under the 肩書を与える of A Letter from Sydney. He 許すd the 調書をとる／予約する to appear without an author's 指名する, but as "edited by Robert Gouger." [24] In an 虫垂 to the Letter from Sydney appeared, in a わずかに修正するd form, the 提案s of his earlier 小冊子 for colonizing Australasia.

The vividness of the picture which he drew, and his の近くに attention to 詳細（に述べる）s, deceived many into thinking that the letters were really the work of a colonist, or, at any 率, of one who had visited New South むちの跡s. [25] Not only were his 同時代のs deceived, but, even in 1872, Mr. George Ranken, a 猛烈な／残忍な対抗者 of the Wakefield theory, wrote, "Mr. Gibbon Wakefield had some years before visited this part of the world, and on his return to England he published 確かな見解（をとる）s which he had formed." [26] To those, indeed, who had read the letters as they appeared in the Morning Chronicle, it could have been no secret that they were written in England, and were only the 乗り物 for the 表現 of a new theory and 計画（する） of 植民地化. [27] But one example will serve to show how 完全に Wakefield had 事業／計画（する）d himself into the feelings of an actual colonist. It will show, too, the 平易な style and deftness of touch which, at the time, created such an impression, and which makes his 調書をとる／予約する even now a delight to read.

Another instance will show his 力／強力にする of （疑いを）晴らす見通し and his ability to 推論する／理由 from analogy and to 支配する the 必須の facts of 条件s which he had not 現実に experienced. He argues the necessity for irrigation in Australia on the analogy of Italy, and gives the 推論する／理由 why little use had hitherto been made of it. "Englishmen 存在 used at home to consider water an enemy, and to 演習 much 技術 in getting rid of it, are ignorant of the means by which, in countries where the sun 発揮するs 広大な／多数の／重要な力／強力にする, water becomes the first スパイ／執行官 of 生産／産物." [29] It is only in comparatively 最近の years that the necessity for irrigation has been 適切に realized in Australia.

The Letter from Sydney had a 二重の面. In the first place it gave a vivid picture of the 経済的な, social, and political 条件s of New South むちの跡s; in the second place it 示唆するd a 治療（薬）.

令状ing from the point of 見解（をとる） of a 植民／開拓者 who had 得るd a large 認める of fertile land at a 名目上の price, and who wished to 雇う his 資本／首都 upon it, Wakefield 述べるd the paradoxical position in which he 設立する himself. His land was worse than useless to him, he could neither keep nor sell it. Land he had, 資本／首都 he had, but 労働 was wanting. There was, indeed, one 肉親，親類d of 労働; that of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, but it was unsatisfactory in many ways. "Not the slightest dependence can be placed on 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 as a 永久の source of wealth. You may 得る, though not without trouble, one, two, or perhaps three 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, for a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of a few years; but that they will 略奪する you is almost 確かな ; that they will 殺人 you, is by no means improbable; and that their 労働 will not be very profitable, is beyond a 疑問." [30]

罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 was also uncertain because it was 施し物d out, or withheld arbitrarily by the 政府. [31] Moreover, its 供給（する） was やむを得ず限られた／立憲的な. "If, for every acre of land that may be appropriated here, there should be a 有罪の判決 for 重罪 in England, our 繁栄 would 残り／休憩（する） on a solid basis; but, however 真面目に we may 願望（する） it, we cannot 推定する／予想する that the 増加する of 罪，犯罪 will keep pace with the spread of 植民地化." [32]

The imaginary colonist had tried to 打ち勝つ the 労働 difficulty by 輸入するing labourers from England; but he 設立する that this was of no avail, as they were enticed away either by higher 給料どこかよそで, or by the prospect of becoming landowners almost at once. This brought him to the 原因（となる） of his 失敗 as a landowner. "At length the true light broke upon me. The scarcity of labourers was an insuperable 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 to any 方式 of cultivation that 要求するs the 雇用 of many 手渡すs!" [33] It was not 単に higher 給料 or dearness of 労働, but "an 絶対の want of labourers at any 率 of 給料." [34] This he せいにするd to the 巨大な割合 which land bore to people, 予定 to the 施設 with which land could be 得るd by anyone. For example, "The once indented labourer 得るs six shillings a day; saves half his 収入s; 得るs a 認める of land; and becomes an 雇用者 of 労働, and a competitor with his late master in the market of 産業. This, of course, raises the price of 労働 to all." [35] From this, too, flowed most of the social evils he 発言／述べるs in New South むちの跡s. The colonists were a "new people," not only new as to 解決／入植地, but a people who "make no 進歩 in the art of living; who, in 尊敬（する）・点 to wealth, knowledge, 技術, taste, and whatever belongs to civilization, have degenerated from their ancestors." [36] In 新規加入, the 植民地苦しむd peculiar evils from the system of transportation, which was really the only system of 植民地化追求するd in New South むちの跡s. He fully 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がるd its value as the only means of 繁栄. "We 借りがある everything, over and above mere subsistence, to the wickedness of the people of England. Who built Sydney? 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. Who made the excellent roads from Sydney to Parramatta, Windsor, and Liverpool? 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. By whom is the land made to produce? By 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. Why do not all our labourers exact high 給料, and, by taking a large 株 of the produce of 労働, 妨げる their 雇用者s from becoming rich? Because most of them are 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. What has enabled the landowner readily to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of his 黒字／過剰 produce? The 需要・要求する of the keepers of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. What has brought so many ships to Port Jackson, and occasioned a その上の需要・要求する for 農業の produce? The transportation of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. What has tempted 解放する／自由な emigrants to bring 資本／首都 into the 解決／入植地? The true story that they heard of fortunes made by 雇うing the cheap 労働 of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs." [37] But the moral evils of transportation outweighed its 経済的な good. Neither life nor 所有物／資産／財産 was 安全な・保証する; transportation had the corrupting 影響（力） of bad example on the 残り／休憩（する） of the colonists, gave to 雇用者s the character and habits of slave-owners, and accentuated and perpetuated the enormous disproportion between the sexes, "the greatest evil of all." [38] With all its advantages transportation should be 廃止するd, as it was 不公平な both to the 解放する／自由な emigrant and to the freeborn native. "If the 法律 should direct all rogues 罪人／有罪を宣告するd in Yorkshire to be domiciliated in Kent, would not the men of Kent complain, and with truth, of a shameful 違反 of their birth-権利?" [39]

The 治療（薬） he 提案するd for this 明言する／公表する of 事件／事情／状勢s was his system of 植民地化, which was to strike at the root of the evil, and, by a 制限する price, to alter the 割合 of people to land. This theory will be best discussed as a whole after some について言及する of his other 作品 on 植民地化.

The Letter from Sydney 苦しむd from the defects of its form. Written as a popular setting to a novel theory of 植民地化, it made no pretence at 存在 a 科学の声明 either of the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of pauperism and 苦しめる in England, or of the evils of 植民地化 and their 治療（薬）. There was no 分析 of the 条件s of the mother-country, except in incidental 言及／関連s to the 黒字／過剰全住民, which might be more profitably 雇うd in New South むちの跡s. On the suggestion of Bentham, [40] who had 設立する some difficulty in 追求するing the theory through the number of 小冊子s which had followed the Letter from Sydney, Wakefield decided to 問題／発行する his 計画（する） in a more pretentious form, showing its basis in 経済的な theory, and its relation to social and 経済的な条件s, both in England and in the 植民地s. The 結果 was his England and America published 不明な in 1833, and in many ways the most important of his 作品. During his constant 労働s of twenty years from 1829, this 調書をとる／予約する formed the only systematic 解説，博覧会 of his theory. It met with much favourable comment. [41] On its 出版（物） Mr. Poulett Scrope wrote to the author, "I cannot remember ever reading any work with greater 利益／興味, or more 完全に going along with any author in his 見解（をとる）s, opinions, and 感情s, than I have done on this occasion. I have been long a 熱心な friend of 植民地化 . . . but the notions which were but ばく然と floating in my mind, I find methodized and arranged in a more lucid and 納得させるing order in your work." [42] The 肩書を与える is rather 誤って導くing, for the 調書をとる／予約する only compares 確かな面s of the two countries, and is おもに関心d with 植民地化. For this Wakefield 非難するs the publisher who, "in the author's absence from England, took on himself to give the puffing 肩書を与える of England and America." [43]

His 意向 was, "first, to lay before Americans a sketch of the political 条件s of England, and before the English an explanation of some peculiarities in the social 明言する／公表する of America; secondly, to point at the means of 除去するing those 原因（となる）s, which are 生産力のある of 広大な／多数の／重要な evils to both countries." [44]

The first part of the 調書をとる／予約する, which consists of rather desultory 公式文書，認めるs on さまざまな loosely connected social and political topics, 分析 the 条件 of England. The second and more important part considers 植民地化 as a 治療（薬）.

Between 1829 and 1849 he published さまざまな writings on 植民地化, too 非常に／多数の for separate について言及する. [45] In 起こる／始まるing and defending 事業／計画（する）s for new 植民地s, in propagating his theory, answering 反対s and 打ち勝つing 対立, he wrote or 奮起させるd, not only 小冊子s, but articles, paragraphs, "puffs" and letters for さまざまな newspapers, 特に for the 観客. Another important source of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） for the Wakefield theory is his 証拠 before 議会の委員会s, 特に those on Waste Lands in 1836, [46] South Australia in 1841, [47] and New Zealand in 1840. [48] In 1849 he published his final work, A 見解（をとる） of the Art of 植民地化. の中で his 推論する／理由s for 令状ing it was the wish to make （疑いを）晴らす his own position in regard to the 植民地の業績／成就s of the past twenty years. In the first place he wished to 追い散らす the 誤った impression given by his silence, that he 認可するd of several things that had been done by 政府 in 植民地化. [49] e.g., the 計画（する） of auction, and the 使用／適用 of a price to pastoral lands. In the next place, he was anxious, after years of silence and 匿名の／不明の work, "to 設立する my （人命などを）奪う，主張する to the real authorship of most of what has been done with 尊敬（する）・点 to 植民地化" [50] since 1830. His main 推論する／理由, however, was to produce a treatise setting 前へ／外へ his 見解（をとる）s on 植民地化 in their final form. In the same spirit that Bentham had complained to Wakefield in 1830, John Stuart Mill wrote to him in 1848, "I have long regretted that there does not 存在する a systematic treatise in a 永久の form, from your 手渡す and in your 指名する, in which the whole 支配する of 植民地化 is 扱う／治療するd as the 表明する支配する of the 調書をとる／予約する, so as to become at once the 権威のある調書をとる／予約する on the 支配する. At 現在の, people have to 選ぶ up your doctrines, both theoretical and practical." [51] The 調書をとる／予約する, however, disappoints this 期待. In the restatement of his 見解（をとる）s there is little new; but the form which the 調書をとる／予約する takes, that of letters between a 政治家 and a colonist (Wakefield himself), is ill-adapted to a 科学の解説，博覧会 of his theory. It is 大部分は占領するd, too, with lively attacks on the 植民地の Office, and on Lord Grey, whom he credits with a personal 反感 to him. Grey in office is a different man from Howick out of office. As the 観客 put it. Lord Grey's "favourite antagonist is Lord Howick." [52] These "personalities and egotisms," as Wakefield himself called them, [53] 占領する far too much space in a formal treatise, though they furnish the 適切な時期 for an important and 利益／興味ing account of the 業績／成就s of himself and his 信奉者s in 植民地の事柄s from 1830.

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 IV.

4 Roebuck's phrase, 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, Question 1025. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi.

7 Wakefield's 身元 as the author of the new theory of 植民地化 was 井戸／弁護士席 hidden for a year or two from the public and even from the 植民地の Office. In 1831, Robert Gouger, who was then, and later, Wakefield's mouthpiece, 明らかにする／漏らすd the secret to the 植民地の Office in a letter which is 価値（がある）救助（する）ing from oblivion. Gouger wrote to T. F. Elliot of the 植民地の Office: "You are aware I have always 拒絶する／低下するd giving the 指名する of my friend the author of the 計画（する） of 植民地化 to which I have been so much 大（公）使館員d, and which I have endeavoured to work upon the attention of the 政府 rather assiduously. I am now at Uberty to 明らかにする／漏らす his 指名する and do it to you with 広大な／多数の／重要な楽しみ, as you may perhaps be glad to make use of his very 広範囲にわたる knowledge of 植民地化一般に. It is Mr. Edward G. Wakefield, the author of a 調書をとる／予約する just published on the 罰 of Death, and whose 指名する you must remember to have heard of in 関係 with the 誘拐 of 行方不明になる Turner some years since. I am very glad to be able to make this communication, as it does away with any unpleasant feeling of '誤った position' I may have entertained 親族 to my own 関係 with this 支配する. The 原因（となる） of 保持するing the author's 指名する will now readily 示唆する itself to you." Gouger to Elliot, July 29th, 1831. C.O. 384/28.

17 The 原則s, 反対するs, and 計画（する） of the New Zealand 協会診察するd, 1837, p. 14.

21 First について言及するd by the Morning Chronicle, July 16th, 1829, The 存在 of this 小冊子 seems to have been やめる overlooked in any account of Wakefield, although it に先行するd the Letter from Sydney. It is in the British Museum, 目録d under the 長，率いるing "Australasia," 圧力（をかける）示す, 8154, d. 30. The conjectured date given in the 目録 is 1830, but it was certainly printed in 1829.

24 Robert Gouger later became one of the 創立者s and 植民／開拓者s of South Australia.

25 The colonists of 先頭 Diemen's Land thought that the Letters had been written by Dr. Turnbull, one of their own number. See the Tasmanian newspaper, May 7th and 14th, 1830. C.O. 284/1.

26 Bush Essays, 1872, by Capricornus (Mr. G. Ranken), p. 7. This mistake is repeated by Morris, History of 植民地化, 1900, Vol. ii, p. 129.

27 This is 認める in a 主要な article in the Morning Chronicle for October 8th, 1829.

31 Cf. R. S. Hall, The 明言する／公表する of New South むちの跡s, 1831, at p. 12. "The friends of 知事 Darling, and the 支持者s of his 政府, can alone get 罪人／有罪を宣告するs 割り当てるd to them."

40 Bentham MSS. in University College Library, London, Box No. 8 See also England and America, Vol. ii, p. 104, footnote.

41 See the obituary notice of Wakefield (by Thornton 追跡（する）) in the Daily Telegraph for August 18th, 1862.

42 Letter "To the Author of England and America," 引用するd by Wakefield in his 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, Questions 793-5.

45 See 公式文書，認める A to Chap. vi for a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of some of Wakefield's writings on 植民地化.

49 Letter to John Abel Smith, November 30th, 1847. 創立者s of Canterbury (edited by his son, E. J. Wakefield), 1868, p. 3.

50 Letter to R. S. Rintoul, December 24th, 1848. 創立者s of Canterbury, p. 34.

53 Letter to R. S. Rintoul, December 24th, 1848. 創立者s of Canterbury, p. 34.

一時期／支部 V

THE WAKEFIELD THEORY OF COLONIZATION [1]

In essence the Wakefield theory was a 計画（する） or system for 治療（薬）ing 存在するing evils in the 植民地s and in the mother-country, with a 見解（をとる） to the 繁栄 of both.

In England and America (1833) he drew a vivid picture of the 広大な／多数の／重要な wealth of England, the 豊富 of 資本／首都, and the 緩和する with which there, as contrasted with America, 基金s were raised for any 請け負うing that 申し込む／申し出d an 適切な時期 of 利益（をあげる）. Coincident with this was 広大な／多数の／重要な悲惨 amongst the 本体，大部分／ばら積みの of the people, 非難するd to wretchedness and pauperism by the fact that their 給料 were 軍隊d 負かす／撃墜する to a 最小限 by the overstocking of the 労働 market. Also he 設立する what he called the uneasiness of the middle class—that is a constant perplexing struggle の中で those engaged in 貿易（する）s and professions, to live on their 収入s, to 供給する for their children, and to 持続する their 階級 and respectability, when 利益（をあげる）, 利益／興味, and 給料 were all low.

Searching for a 原因（となる） for this coincidence, he 同意しないd with those 経済学者s, who laid it 負かす／撃墜する that 利益（をあげる）s rise as 給料落ちる and, conversely, 給料 rise as 利益（をあげる）s 落ちる. [2] They have, he 勧めるd, paid too much attention to the 親族株 of 労働 and 資本／首都 from 生産／産物, and not 十分な to the 絶対の 量 which each receives. He 設立する in England the 現象 of low 給料 and low 利益（をあげる）s, in America that of high 給料 and high 利益（をあげる）s. Admitting that in England there was 広大な／多数の／重要な競争 between 資本／首都 and between labourers, and in America rather いっそう少なく, the true explanation was, he thought, that "the field of 雇用" was more 限られた／立憲的な in England than in America. There was more 資本／首都 and 労働 in England than could be satisfactorily 雇うd there, because of the 限られた／立憲的な量 of land, while in America, 借りがあるing to the superabundance of fertile land, the 逆転する was the 事例／患者. In this way he arrived at his 長，指導者 contrast between the two countries—superfluity of 労働 and 資本／首都 in the one, and of land in the other.

The importance of the "field of 雇用," he thought, had been altogether neglected by the 経済学者s. "The modern 経済学者s, in 扱う／治療するing of the 生産／産物 and 配当 of wealth, have overlooked the 長，指導者 element of 生産／産物, すなわち, the field in which 資本／首都 and 労働 are 雇うd." [3] He was inclined to consider the importance of the "field of 雇用" as a 発見 in political economy [4] of the 最大の value both in understanding the 推論する／理由 for the poverty and 苦しめる only too evident in England, and in pointing the way to the proper 治療（薬）. Admitting the 早い増加する both of 全住民 and of 資本／首都 after the peace of 1815, he pointed out that both had 増加するd 比較して to the means of their 雇用. This changed relation he 選び出す／独身d out as the prime 原因（となる） of all the evils 観察するd in England. "Not only the coincidence of 悲惨 and uneasiness with enormous wealth, but all the most striking social peculiarities of England, may be traced to a superabundance of 資本／首都 and 全住民 in 割合 to the means of 雇うing 資本／首都 and 労働." [5]

Many would have agreed with him as to the redundancy of 全住民, but it was a novel theory that there could be a superfluity of 資本／首都 without high 給料.

Turning to America, the position was 逆転するd, one element of 生産／産物, land, 存在 in 超過, and the other two, 資本／首都 and 労働, in 広大な／多数の／重要な需要・要求する. In this fact he 設立する the origin of slavery, which, 見解（をとる）d in this light, 中止するd to be an 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の and unaccountable anomaly. When land was superabundant it was impossible to get any other 肉親，親類d of 労働. The 繁栄 of America was 予定 to slave 労働 in the same manner as that of New South むちの跡s was 予定 to 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働. "That superabundance of land to which the English 経済学者s, from Adam Smith downwards, せいにする the 繁栄 of new 植民地s, has never led to 広大な／多数の／重要な繁栄 without some 肉親，親類d of slavery." [6]

植民地化 he defined as "the 除去 of people from an old to a new country, and the 解決／入植地 of people on the waste land of the new country." [7] The two 長，指導者 elements of 植民地化, he always 主張するd, were waste land and 移住, and of these the former was more important. He 適用するd the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語植民地化平等に to the 解決／入植地 of Canada or of Australia by England, and to the 解決／入植地 of the Western lands of America by the Eastern 明言する／公表するs. In 植民地化 both old and new countries would find their 治療（薬）—what one 欠如（する）d the other could give.

The end and 目的（とする） of 植民地化 for an old country, he 前提d was "a 進歩／革新的な enlargement, partly 国内の, and partly 植民地の, of the field for 雇うing 資本／首都 and 労働." [8] This he considered under three 長，率いるs—the advantage resulting to an old country from:

1. 拡張 of markets for 黒字／過剰 produce.
2. 救済 from 過度の numbers.
3. Enlargement of the field for 雇うing 資本／首都.

Under the first 長，率いる he pointed out how necessary it is for a 製造業の country, which has been driven by 拡張 of its 産業に向かって cultivating inferior lands, to 得る a cheap corn 供給（する） by the 交流 of its 製造（する）d goods. Assuming the necessity of 廃止するing 制限する corn 法律s, he 強調するd the advantages in the 生産／産物 of cheap corn which were 所有するd by a country with an 豊富 of fertile land. The best, if not the only way of 確実にするing this 供給（する） in return for 製造（する）d goods, was, he considered, by 工場／植物ing new 植民地s or by 延長するing old ones. These, from their 関係 with the mother-country and community of tastes, would both produce a 十分な corn 供給（する）, and willingly 交流 it for the goods of the mother-country.

Even assuming that an 独立した・無所属明言する／公表する was as good a market as a 植民地, there were no 十分な markets 利用できる in 存在するing 独立した・無所属明言する／公表するs, so that it was necessary that new 植民地s should be 設立するd, and 存在するing 植民地s 延長するd and made more 繁栄する. [9]

Under the second 長，率いる he adverted to the almost universally 認める fact of redundancy of 全住民 in England since the peace of 1815. An obvious method of 救済 would seem to be 移住 and 植民地化. But, although some small 試みる／企てるs had been made in this way (by Mr. Wilmot Horton), they had invariably been 高くつく／犠牲の大きい and 不成功の, and the 治療（薬） had never been 本気で considered by 政治家，政治屋s. 対立 to 植民地化（機の）カム from two very different schools of thought. First, there were men of the Sadler type, who "would 決定する questions in political economy by 引用するing scripture." [10] In the opinion of this school, there could be no overpopulation, and if the best use were made of lands at home there would be no （民事の）告訴s of 失業. Next, there were those 経済学者s like Bentham and James Mill, who made a fetish of 資本／首都. They were afraid that 植民地化 would mean a waste of 資本／首都, and therefore a diminution of 雇用 at home. The 対立 of the first school, Wakefield swept away by answering their "Dwell in the land and verily ye shall be fed," with another scriptural quotation, "増加する and multiply, and 補充する the earth, and subdue it." [11] Against the more serious 論争 of the 経済学者s he 控訴，上告d to facts, pointing to the 広大な／多数の／重要な accumulation of 資本／首都 in England, which, for want of 雇用 at home, either lay idle, or was wasted in ruinous 憶測. The cost of 移住, indeed, might be defrayed out of this 資本／首都 without 干渉するing with the 量 used for 雇用 at home. He was careful, however, to 避ける recommending any such 支出, as his 計画／陰謀熟視する／熟考するd something different; but he wished to 除去する an 初期の prejudice against 植民地化 on the ground that it meant loss of that 資本／首都 which was necessary for 雇用 at home, "a prejudice, which stops him who entertains it, on the very threshold of this 支配する." [12] He 設立する that the fallacy of the 経済学者s lay in one grand 非，不，無 sequitur, "It does not follow that, because 労働 is 雇うd by 資本／首都, 資本／首都 always finds a field in which to 雇う労働." [13]

Other minor ends served by 植民地化, which would be likely to 控訴，上告 to the English public, were the 救済 of the poor 率 by the 移住 of paupers, the direction of the tide of Irish 移住 from England to the 植民地s, and the checking of the over-競争 for 雇用 which 影響する／感情d all classes.

At the time of his 令状ing England and America the Poor 法律（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 or 1832 was receiving that 集まり of 証拠 as to the pauperism and degradation of the English labourer which led to the New Poor 法律 of 1834. Edwin Chadwick, the 長官 to the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, had 以前は been 長官 to Bentham, and Wakefield could not but be aware of the character of the 証拠 collected.

Under the third 長，率いる he pointed out that 植民地化申し込む／申し出d a 安全な・保証する投資 for English 資本／首都, for which at 現在の there was no profitable 雇用 at home.

The advantages of 植民地化 to a 植民地 were easily dealt with. 植民地s needed both 労働 and 資本／首都 to 延長する their 産業s and to 増加する their wealth and greatness. They needed, also, 製造（する）d goods in return for their raw produce. For this they looked to the mother-country to 供給（する） that 解放する／自由な労働 which is "the 広大な／多数の／重要な want of 植民地s." [14]

Having analysed in this way the 条件 of England and of the 植民地s, ーするために show the advantages to both of 植民地化, he proceeded to the problem of how best to colonize. His answer was a 完全にする theory, social, political, and 経済的な.

If a 植民地 was to be 繁栄する it must 展示（する） the phenomena of high 給料 and high 利益（をあげる）s. 労働, as he had shown, was the greatest need of the 植民地s, as its redundancy was the greatest evil of the mother-country. But, if a 植民地 could be made 繁栄する, there would be little difficulty in attracting labourers. How, then, could the 存在するing 植民地s be made more 繁栄する so as to become markets for the mother-country, receiving her 製造（する）s and her 黒字／過剰労働? One thing only was needed—a good system of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of 植民地の waste lands. Waste land was the 長，指導者 element in 植民地化. The 欠如（する） of "combinable 労働" in 植民地s, that is, a 供給（する） of 労働十分な in 量 to 許す of the advantages of a combination of 労働 and a 分割 of 雇用s, [15] was a 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 to capitalistic 生産／産物. This operated to produce poverty and 野蛮／未開, which （判決などを）下すd 植民地s unattractive both to the 資本主義者 and to the better class of emigrant, to the former because his 資本／首都 was useless, to the latter because he was unwilling to 奪う himself, by 移住, of the 利益s of civilization. This 欠如（する） of 労働 was, in his opinion, 完全に予定 to the superabundance and cheapness of land in the 植民地s. The 存在するing system of 認める or sale at a low price gave to labourers too much 施設 for becoming landowners. Here he quarrelled with Adam Smith, who had said that cheapness and 豊富 of land was one of the 長，指導者原因（となる）s of 繁栄 in new 植民地s. "The 植民地," Adam Smith had said, "of a civilized nation which takes 所有／入手 either of a waste country, or of one so thinly 住むd that the natives easily give place to the new 植民／開拓者s, 前進するs more 速く to wealth and greatness than any other human society . . . .

"Every colonist gets more land than he can かもしれない cultivate. He has no rent, and 不十分な any 税金s to 支払う／賃金. No landlord 株 with him in its produce, and the 株 of the 君主 is 一般的に but a trifle. He has every 動機 to （判決などを）下す as 広大な／多数の／重要な as possible a produce, which is thus to be almost 完全に his own. But his land is 一般的に so 広範囲にわたる that, with all his own 産業, and with all the 産業 of other people whom he can get to 雇う, he can seldom make it produce the tenth part of what it is 有能な of producing. He is eager, therefore, to collect labourers from all ４半期/4分の1s, and to reward them with the most 自由主義の給料. But those 自由主義の給料, joined to the plenty and cheapness of land, soon make those labourers leave him, in order to become landlords themselves, and to reward, with equal liberality, other labourers, who soon leave them for the same 推論する／理由 that they left their first master. The 自由主義の reward of 労働 encourages marriage. The children, during the tender years of 幼少／幼藍期, are 井戸／弁護士席 fed and 適切に taken care of, and when they are grown up the value of their 労働大いに overpays their 維持／整備. When arrived at 成熟, the high price of 労働, and the low price of land, enable them to 設立する themselves in the same manner as their fathers did before them.

"In other countries rent and 利益（をあげる） eat up 給料, and the two superior orders of people 抑圧する the inferior one. But in new 植民地s the 利益／興味 of the superior orders 強いるs them to 扱う／治療する the inferior one with more generosity and humanity; at least where that inferior one is not in a 明言する／公表する of slavery. Waste lands of the greatest natural fertility are to be had for a trifle. The 増加する of 歳入 which the proprietor, who is always the undertaker, 推定する／予想するs from their 改良, 構成するs his 利益（をあげる） which in these circumstances is 一般的に very 広大な／多数の／重要な. But this 広大な／多数の／重要な利益（をあげる） cannot be made without 雇うing the 労働 of other people in （疑いを）晴らすing and cultivating the land; and the disproportion between the 広大な／多数の／重要な extent of the land and the small number of the people, which 一般的に takes place in new 植民地s, makes it difficult for him to get this 労働. He does not, therefore, 論争 about 給料, but is willing to 雇う労働 at any price. The high 給料 of 労働 encourage 全住民. The cheapness and plenty of good land encourage 改良, and enable the proprietor to 支払う／賃金 those high 給料. In those 給料 consists almost the whole price of land; and though they are high considered as the 給料 of 労働, they are low considered as the price of what is so very 価値のある. What encourages the 進歩 of 全住民 and 改良 encourages that of real wealth and greatness.

". . . Plenty of good land, and liberty to manage their 事件／事情／状勢s their own way, seem to be the two 広大な／多数の／重要な原因（となる）s of the 繁栄 of all new 植民地s." [16]

On the other 手渡す, Wakefield held that cheapness and plenty 原因（となる）d an extreme disproportion between people and land, which could only be cured by some system of 制限するing the 量 of 利用できる land. This might only be done by the 政府, under whose 支配（する）／統制する were the unappropriated waste lands of the 植民地s. Once waste lands were appropriated they entered the "field of 雇用," which should be large, but not too large compared with 全住民 and 資本／首都, and 有能な of 増加する when necessary. It followed, then, that the 長，指導者商売／仕事 which 政府 had in colonizing was to 安全な・保証する this 反対する by 認めるing, or 保留するing, 肩書を与えるs to waste lands as might be necessary. "The 活動／戦闘 of the two exertions of 力／強力にする together may be compared to that of an elastic belt, which, though always tight, will always 産する／生じる to 圧力 from within." [17]

There were three possible ways of doing this. In the first place the 政府 might make 認めるs of land 支配する to 条件s of やめる-rent or of cultivation which should 目的（とする） at 原因（となる）ing the cultivation of all land appropriated. All such 条件s, however, had 証明するd in practice to be useless. 認めるs were taken, and the 条件s remained unfulfilled. [18]

In the next place the 政府 might 問題／発行する a 認める支配する to a 税金 (with 没収 for 非，不，無-支払い（額）) large enough to make it not 価値（がある） while to （問題を）取り上げる a 認める except with a 見解（をとる） to its cultivation. This, however, was difficult to 遂行する／発効させる, and, at the best, was rather curing than 妨げるing the evil.

In the third place the 政府 might 需要・要求する a ready-money 支払い（額） for each 認める made, at a price high enough to 妨げる people taking too much land, and, at the same time, not too high to 妨げる those who were able and willing, from using it. If the price were too high it would 妨げる the necessary 拡大 of the field of 雇用; the 制限 would 似ている a "塀で囲む of 厚かましさ／高級将校連," [19] and not an "elastic belt." Two extremes had to be 避けるd in 課すing a price: first, making it so low that it was really no 制限; secondly, raising it so high that it discouraged voluntary-移住. [20] The advantages 所有するd by this method of 制限 over all others, were its fairness to all 関心d, who were put on an equal 地盤 in 得るing land, its 簡単, and its 絶対の certainty. [21]

In 影響, the price was to be a 制限十分な to adapt the 供給（する） of land to the 供給（する） of 労働. "The 計画（する） of selling 含む／封じ込めるs within itself an effectual regulator of the 量性質の／したい気がして of." [22] A 予定割合 between land and 労働 would be 得るd in this way, because such a price would 確実にする a 供給（する） of combinable 労働 in the 植民地 by keeping labourers working as 行う-earners for a かなりの period before they became owners of land. "The 単独の反対する of a price is to 妨げる labourers from turning into landowners too soon: the price must be 十分な for that one 目的, and no other." [23]

制限 in itself was not 望ましい, except as a means to this end. "I think 制限 in itself an evil. I would 提案する some degree of 制限 with a 見解（をとる） to one 反対する, and one 反対する only," [24] すなわち, to 安全な・保証する combinable 労働.

It must not be supposed that his 反対する in 提案するing a price on waste land was to 妨げる labourers from ever becoming landowners. On the contrary it was an 必須の part of his system that their period of 労働 should be 限られた／立憲的な, and should be only a 行う／開催する／段階 on the way to landed proprietorship. [25] It will be evident, later, that upon their 取得／買収 of land depended in some 手段 the 進歩／革新的な character of his 計画／陰謀 for 補佐官d-移住. Again one of his main 反対s to raising the price beyond what he thought 十分な, or to using the 計画（する） of sale by auction, was that it would 強要する a labourer to work for a longer period and thus cast the 重荷（を負わせる） of a 税金 upon the class least able to 耐える it. [26] Although he 反対するd to 存在 called upon to 直す／買収する，八百長をする a period during which a labourer should be compelled to work, he considered that three, or at the most four, years would be long enough. [27]

The Wakefield system is usually considered to have meant "high" prices on land, but he strenuously 反対するd to this terminology. [28] If the price 実行するd its one 反対する it might be either high or low. "If nine farthings per acre should check the natural 増加する of people, by 原因（となる）ing a scarcity of 井戸／弁護士席-paid 雇用, it would be too much; and . . . if ninety 続けざまに猛撃するs per acre should not 促進する the greatest 増加する of wealth and civilization, by 持続するing a constant 供給（する） of the 需要・要求する for 井戸／弁護士席-paid 労働, it would be too little." [29] In speaking of the price he preferred to use the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "十分な," that is, 十分な for its 反対する of 制限 and for no other 目的. This ideal price would be "a just medium . . . occasioning neither superabundance of people nor superabundance of land, but so 限界ing the 量 of land, as to give the cheapest land a market value that would have the 影響 of 説得力のある labourers to work some かなりの time for 給料 before they could become landowners. A price that did いっそう少なく than this, would be insufficient; one that did more would be 過度の: the price that would do this and no more is the proper price. I am used to call it the 十分な price." [30] In 司法（官） to 見込みのある買い手s the system should be uniform. Land was to be 性質の／したい気がして of in no other way than by sale, as a 選び出す／独身 exception would furnish a pretext for altering the system, and then all the advantages would disappear. For the same 推論する／理由 permanency was necessary.

If the 計画（する） of a 十分な price was to work satisfactorily two other 準備／条項s were requisite. In the first place each 植民／開拓者 should be 許すd 完全にする liberty of （資金の）充当／歳出. He must be able to buy land when and where he pleased. さもなければ there was more 制限 than the price 熟視する／熟考するd. Once a 十分な price was 直す／買収する，八百長をするd any other 制限 was 完全に out of keeping with the 反対する for which it was 課すd. If the 政府 were to reserve land from the market for any 推論する／理由 whatever it would destroy much of the advantage 伸び（る）d by a 十分な price. Wakefield would have thrown the whole of the waste land of a 植民地 open to ーするつもりであるing purchasers, believing as he did that "as perfect a liberty of choice for 植民／開拓者s as the nature of things in each 事例／患者 would 許す, is an 必須の条件 of the 井戸／弁護士席-working of the 十分な price." [31]

In the next place, and as a necessary 予選 to liberty of （資金の）充当／歳出, land should be 調査するd in 前進する so that it might be 用意が出来ている for 解決／入植地, and 植民／開拓者s should be able with certainty to make their own choice. "Waste land not 調査するd," he 発言／述べるs, "is not land open to purchasers, any more than unpicked cotton or unthrashed corn is fit for market." [32]

The 量 of the price was 明白に a 決定的な part of the theory and in its practical 使用／適用 was always a 悩ますd question. Wakefield was 絶えず challenged to 指名する his 十分な price, and his 拒絶 was put 負かす／撃墜する to a want of 信用／信任 in his own theory. He had, indeed, in his earliest 小冊子 of 1829, 示唆するd ｣1 per acre as the price for New South むちの跡s, [33] but this was omitted when the 小冊子 was reprinted as an 虫垂 to the Letter from Sydney. In 1835, he repeated that he had always considered ｣2 per acre the lowest 十分な price. [34] In the Letter from Sydney he 認める his 無（不）能 to 指名する a price.

"How is the proper price to be ascertained? I 率直に自白する that I do not know. I believe that it could be 決定するd only by experience." [35]

But the two elements which he would take into account in 直す／買収する，八百長をするing a price were, first, the length of service a labourer should give, next, the general 条件s in the 植民地—for example, the 率 of 給料 which a labourer would receive, the cost of living and the nature of the 国／地域 and 気候. [36] These two together would 決定する how much a labourer might save in the given period, and the price should be 直す／買収する，八百長をするd so that he could not 得る enough land to cultivate until his period of service had been 遂行するd. A rough guide to 決定する whether the price was too high or too low was to be 設立する in the actual scarcity or 豊富 of 労働 in the 植民地. The 立法議員 "could always tell whether or not 労働 for 雇う was too 不十分な or too plentiful in the 植民地. If it were too plentiful, he would know that the price of new land was too high; that is, more than 十分な: if it were hurtfully 不十分な, he would know that the price was too low, or not 十分な." [37] The best way of 設立するing a price in practice was, he thought, for the 政府 to 直す／買収する，八百長をする a price and 徐々に raise it as experience 令状d. [38] He did not pretend that the same price would 控訴 all 植民地s. "There is no price that would be suitable for the 植民地s 一般に: the price must needs 変化させるによれば peculiar natural and other circumstances in each 植民地; and ーするために決定する the price for any 植民地, practical 訴訟／進行s of a 試験的な or 実験の nature are 不可欠の." [39] Indeed, "to 指名する a price for all the 植民地s, would be as absurd as to 直す／買収する，八百長をする the size of a coat for mankind." [40]

Once a "十分な price" was 課すd and a proper 割合設立するd between land and people, 産業 would 繁栄する in the 植民地. With a 供給（する） of combinable 労働, 利益（をあげる）s and 給料 would be high, and the 植民地 attractive to 資本主義者 and labourer. It would then be to the 利益／興味 of the labourer to emigrate and to the 利益／興味 of the 資本主義者 to furnish him with the means of 移住. 資本主義者s in the 植民地 would 支払う／賃金 the cost of the emigrant's passage, and emigrating 資本主義者s would take out with them labourers under 契約 of service. In each 事例／患者 the 十分な-price 制限 on land would enable the 資本主義者 to 持つ／拘留する the labourer to his 協定. "植民地化 would be very 早い同様に as good in 肉親，親類d, or civilized: and the 単独の原因（となる） of the whole 改良 would be the 十分な price." [41]

So far the Wakefield theory is simple and 一貫した. The 十分な price, "the 基礎 of the system," [42] is 課すd for one 反対する only, and 耐えるs no relation whatever either to the value of land, or to the cost of an emigrant's passage. Indeed, it is to be somewhat arbitrarily 直す／買収する，八百長をするd, and 絶えず adjusted to the fluctuations in the 供給（する） of 労働. Its 量 can only be satisfactorily 決定するd by experience. To sum up, the theory may be re-明言する／公表するd in 簡潔な／要約する in this way. A 十分な price on 植民地の waste land would 妨げる labourers in the 植民地 from becoming landowners too soon. This would 確実にする a 供給（する） of combinable 労働, because 資本主義者s might then with safety 輸入する labourers under 協定. Thus the 植民地 would 栄える to her own 広大な／多数の／重要な利益, and to the advantage of the mother-country, which would be relieved of her 黒字／過剰全住民 and afforded a new and 延長するing market.

It is not too much to say that, had the Wakefield theory stopped short at this point, it would have attracted the attention of 非，不，無 but a few political 相場師s. But the whole character of the theory was 完全に changed by consideration of the question, what was to be done with the 歳入 resulting from sales of land at a 十分な price? "In the whole art of 植民地化, there is no question of more importance." [43] Important as it was, its place in the Wakefield theory has often been misunderstood. Some of its later critics and exponents have written as if the price on land was 示唆するd ーするために供給する歳入 which might be used in 移住. [44] That this 見解（をとる） was taken by his 同時代のs is evident from Wakefield's 抗議するs against it; that it was a misconception is evident from his たびたび（訪れる）主張s that it was 権利 to 課す a price without 言及／関連 to 移住 at all. [45] He was 用意が出来ている to 残り／休憩（する） the 有効性，効力 of his theory 単独で upon the doctrine of a 十分な price. "As the only 反対する of selling instead of giving is one 全く際立った from that of producing 歳入—すなわち, to 妨げる labourers from turning into landowners too soon—the pecuniary result would be unintended, one might almost say 予期しない. So 完全に is 生産／産物 of 歳入 a mere 出来事/事件 of the price of land, that the price せねばならない be 課すd, if it せねばならない be 課すd under any circumstances, even though the 購入（する） money were thrown away. This last proposition is the はっきりした実験（する） to which the theory of a 十分な price can be submitted; but if it will not stand this 実験（する）—if the proposition is not true—the theory is 誤った." [46] And again, "the money arising from the sale of land is a 基金 raised without a 目的, unavoidably, incidentally, almost accidentally. It is a 基金, therefore, without a 目的地. There would be no 請け負うing, no tacit 義務 even, on the part of the 政府 to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of the 基金 in any particular way. It is an unappropriated 基金, which the 明言する／公表する or 政府 may 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of as it pleases without 不正 to anybody. If the 基金 were 適用するd to 支払う／賃金ing off the public 負債 of the empire, nobody could complain of 不正, because every 植民地 as a whole, and the 買い手s of land in particular, would still enjoy all the ーするつもりであるd and 推定する／予想するd 利益s of the 課税 of a 十分な price upon new land: if the 基金 were thrown into the sea as it accrued, there would still be no 不正, and no 推論する／理由 against producing the 基金 in that way." [47] にもかかわらず, "if the 反対する were the 最大の possible 増加する of the 全住民, wealth, and greatness of our empire," [48] the best way to use the 歳入 would be as an 移住基金. However strong might be the 誘導 to a labourer to emigrate, he could not move without 援助. It was necessary to "build a 橋（渡しをする）, as it were, （死傷者）数-解放する／自由な, for the passage of poor labourers from an old country to the 植民地." [49] Then there would still be the 肉親，親類d of 植民地化 produced by a 十分な price, but it would proceed at a 大いに加速するd 率. [50] The use of the proceeds in 移住 would "give the greatest possible 進歩 to that good sort of 植民地化 of which the price had been a 審議する／熟考する反対する. With a 十分な price the land will be colonized 同様に as possible; 雇うing the 購入（する）-money as an 移民／移住基金, the land will be colonized as 急速な／放蕩な as possible. The sort of 植民地化 would be the same, but the degree would be infinitely greater." [51] The 雇用 of the whole of the proceeds in this way had その上の manifest advantages over any other method.

In the first place, by this means the 割合 of people to land was かなり altered, for 労働 would 注ぐ into a 植民地 much faster than if there were 単に a 十分な price, and no 移住基金. When the passages of labourers were 供給するd in this way, the price might be lowered 終始一貫して with the 反対する for which it was 課すd. [52] This was Wakefield's more 円熟した doctrine. In England and America, in 1833, he took やめる the opposite 見解（をとる）, laying 負かす／撃墜する that a higher price might 適切に be 要求するd, since the land sold would be much more 価値のある if the 購入（する）-money were 充てるd to the 増加する of 植民地の全住民. [53]

But, in 1836, he "完全に dissented" from this 見解（をとる）, thinking it 望ましい to 減ずる the price ーするために保存する the proper 割合 between people and land. [54] If it were 一貫した with a theory of a 十分な price to lower its 量 in this way, a 植民地 which could do this would have the obvious attraction of cheap land without any of its disadvantages.

In the next place, if the 購入（する）-money were 充てるd to 移住, a land 買い手 would, in return for his 支出, 得る not 単に land, but a uniform and just system of 解放する／自由な choice; and, above all, he would really be 購入（する）ing 労働. This fact would help to make the theory easily understood and indeed popular amongst ーするつもりであるing purchasers. [55]

In the third place, with a lowered price, a 植民地 would become much more attractive to the labourer. The 十分な price would be still 制限する, but no longer prohibitive. His 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of service for 雇う would be so much shorter, and he would so much sooner become a landowner. Wakefield hoped that this would make his system popular with the working classes and 妨げる them from 反対するing to the 十分な price. [56]

It is just at this point of union between the two doctrines of a 十分な price and an 移住基金 that the 進歩／革新的な element in his 計画／陰謀 of 植民地化現れるs. The 十分な price would produce 歳入, which, best 適用するd to 移住, would introduce 労働 into a 植民地. With the consequent 拡張 of 産業, 資本／首都 would be 蓄積するd, and more land bought both by 資本主義者s and by labourers who had 完全にするd their 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of service. These new land-sales would 産する／生じる money for fresh 移住, and the 過程 would begin again. [57]

"The 供給（する） of 労働 must be constant and 正規の／正選手; because, first, as no labourer would be able to procure land until he had worked for money, all 移民，移住（する） labourers, working for a time for 給料 and in combination, would produce 資本／首都 for the 雇用 of more labourers; secondly, because every labourer who left off working for 給料 and became a landowner, would, by 購入（する）ing land, 供給する a 基金 for bringing fresh 労働 to the 植民地." [58] 陸軍大佐 Torrens, a 同時代の経済学者 of some 公式文書，認める and a 変える to the Wakefield theory, 設立する in the system "a geometrical 原則 of progression," [59] which would, in the mother-country, operate in 正確に the opposite direction to that of Malthus.

Here, too, the theory takes on that self-規制するing 面 which has laid it open to かなりの批評. If a 十分な price were 課すd, and the whole of the 基金s spent in 移住, the 量 of land sold would, he thought, plainly show what 需要・要求する there was for 労働, and at the same time would 供給する enough 基金s to 供給（する） that 需要・要求する. The 量 of land sold might be a 手段 of the 量 of 労働手配中の，お尋ね者. "Nothing would show plainly to what extent the 需要・要求する for 労働 had 増加するd half so distinctly as the 量 of land sold." [60] Wakefield's 信奉者s 熱望して embraced this part of the doctrine and used it as one 推論する／理由 for 充てるing the whole of the proceeds to 移住. [61] He himself was of the same opinion in 1833. "We might, indeed, 規制する the 供給（する） of 労働 by the 量 of land sold, even if the 労働 were brought by a 基金 raised out of the 植民地: that is, the old country might spend, on the 移住 of 労働 to the 植民地 in one year, a sum 正確に equal to the sum raised in the previous year by the sale of 植民地の land. But the 反対する of so 手段ing one 基金 by the other would be 安全な・保証するd, as a 事柄 of course, if the whole 基金得るd by the sales of land were spent in procuring 労働. One of the greatest 長所s of this 計画（する）, therefore, seems to consist in its self-規制するing 活動／戦闘." [62]

But it would appear that, later, he had 疑問s upon this 支配する, and would have been 満足させるd to 勧める a 十分な price together with the devotion of the whole of the proceeds to 移住, without 圧力（をかける）ing for the 承認 of any necessary relation between that sum and the 量要求するd to 輸入する the necessary 労働. In the Art of 植民地化 (1849), he 主張するd on the first two elements, but 避けるd について言及する of the other.

This doctrine of self-規則 has かなりの影響 on the practical problem of calculating a 十分な price. The former simple 過程 of 見積（る）ing length of service, 給料, and cost of living does not now seem applicable. A price must be 十分な now, not only to 妨げる the 取得／買収 of land, but also to produce enough 歳入 to 支払う／賃金 the passage of as many labourers as may be 要求するd. 明白に a price, さもなければ十分な, must be altered with every variation in cost of 輸送（する） if there is to be any relation between it and the 需要・要求する for 労働. Wakefield never 明確に showed how one price was to 達成する the two 反対するs of 制限 and of 供給するing the exact 量 of 労働要求するd. Assuming that a 十分な price did this, it followed that the whole of the proceeds should be 充てるd to 移住. さもなければ the nice balance between 労働供給（する） and 需要・要求する would be overturned. Sale by auction, too, stood 非難するd by this 実験（する）, as it meant raising more 歳入 than was necessary. "Seven years ago," Wakefield told the 委員会 on Waste Lands in 1836, "I was as ignorant of this 支配する (of 植民地化) as one of those 議長，司会を務めるs, and . . . I have acquired my opinions by degrees." This was peculiarly true of his 見解（をとる）s as to auction. It is not difficult to see that sale of land by auction does not easily square with the doctrine of a 十分な price. If the 反対する is to 課す a 制限する price and no more, then auction, in raising the price by 競争, makes it 過度の when the 最小限 upset price is 十分な. When the 最小限 upset price is not 十分な, there is no certainty that the price 得るd by auction will be 十分な, though in any given 事例／患者 this may happen by chance. If there is no 競争 by auction and land is sold at the 最小限 price, the whole 推論する／理由 for auction is gone. The two systems, indeed, have different and irreconcilable 目的（とする）s. The one 目的（とする）s at a 競争の激しい price, at 得るing as much as possible for the land, the other at a 雇うd-労働 price, at the one price, high or low, which will 遂行する its 反対する of 制限. [63] Wakefield's system was modelled to some extent on that of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of America, and, at first, he had 可決する・採択するd from there the 計画（する） of auction. All his 早期に提案s and 計画／陰謀s for 植民地化 had 熟視する／熟考するd 連合させるing auction with the 計画（する） of sale at a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 最小限 upset price. For long he had imagined that the method of sale was unimportant, but closer 調査明らかにする／漏らすd to him the 優越 of a uniform price. [64] The first 調印する of a change was when the 観客, in 1834, in discussing the 提案するd new 植民地 of South Australia, pointed out that the system of auction was open to many 反対s, and was, indeed, only optional in the new 植民地. [65] By 1835, Wakefield had 完全に abandoned auction, and his letter to the South Australian Commissioners 堅固に …に反対するd the 計画（する）. [66] So far, indeed, did he carry his 対立, and so conveniently did he forget his change, that, in 1849, he wrote, "It has been imagined that the 十分な price might be 得るd by means of 競争, if new land were 申し込む／申し出d for sale by auction at a low upset price. I am at a loss to conceive how this notion could be entertained by a reasonable mind." [67] He even went so far as to say that Lord Grey was "the parent of the auction nuisance in our 植民地s." [68] His main 反対 was that auction would take away from the 植民／開拓者 more of his 資本／首都 than he would need to expend on land, if the price were 十分な. This would be a mischievous 税金 on 植民地化 by 奪うing the 植民／開拓者 of his prospect of 利益（をあげる）, which was his 長，指導者激励 to 移住. [69] He enumerates, too, several minor practical disadvantages of auction. A 見込みのある買い手 would have to wait for his land until the periodic auction （機の）カム around; while, under a uniform price, he might 得る land whenever he pleased. Also, by 原因（となる）ing jobbing and 憶測, and 主要な to 摩擦の中で the 植民／開拓者s, auction would be very 人気がない in the 植民地s. [70] He preferred, however, even as a 事柄 of theory, auction at a 最小限 price which would be 十分な, to an insufficient 直す／買収する，八百長をするd price, because it was the 最小限 price which 決定するd the degree of 制限. [71] In practice, too, he was 軍隊d to 収容する／認める that auction might in some circumstances be advantageous; for example, in the sale of town allotments in a new 植民地. [72]

On the question of 充てるing the whole of the proceeds of the land 基金 to 移住 his opinion 変化させるd somewhat. From the beginning he was willing that incidental expenses like that of 調査するing should be defrayed from this source. [73] He 認める, too, that in practice it might be necessary to コースを変える some of the land 基金 to other 緊急の目的s, for example, to 改善するing the means of communication in a 植民地, or even to defraying the cost of 政府. [74] If that were done the important thing was to 直す／買収する，八百長をする the 割合 which should be 適用するd to 移住, so that every 植民／開拓者 would know how much of his 購入（する）-money went to this 反対する, and would make his 計算／見積りs accordingly. [75]

The theory of a 十分な price was ーするつもりであるd by its author to 適用する only to 農業の, and not to pastoral, lands. Neglect of this fact has 原因（となる）d much misconception of Wakefield's theory, [76] and has （判決などを）下すd much 批評 of it beside the 示す. Wakefield always had in 見解（をとる） the 開発 of 農業の産業 in a 植民地. His idea of a 繁栄する植民地 was one in which 農業 was 存在追求するd on a large and 延長するing 規模, where the tillage of arable farms was 徐々に追い出すing the grazing of sheep and cattle on pasture lands. His 十分な price was one to 妨げる abourers from becoming owners of 農業の land, and the proceeds of land sales were to be used to furnish labourers for 農業. While he did not overlook the importance of pastoral 産業, he considered that its 利益／興味s should be subordinate to those of 農業.

It is （疑いを）晴らす enough from Wakefield's writings that he held 一貫した見解（をとる）s on this 支配する from the beginning; but the incomplete way in which his theory was put into practice furnished some ground for 誤解. In his first 提案, in 1831, to colonize South Australia, he was careful to point out that the system of selling land was not meant to 妨げる colonists from pasturing their cattle on unappropriated land. In his opinion there was no need for 制限, because the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 during which a labourer worked for 雇う depended wholly on the price of 農業の land, and not at all on the cost of pastoral land. Or, from another point of 見解（をとる）, "It is the extreme cheapness, not of natural pasturage, but of land for cultivation, which occasions scarcity of 労働 for 雇う." [77] This was not 単に a later opinion, for he 表明するd it before the 委員会 on Waste Lands in 1836, and, again, before the South Australian 委員会 of 1841. To the latter 委員会 he said, "I am always very much afraid of 存在 supposed to 圧力（をかける） for any check upon that use of pasturage which is not freehold, and which does not 影響する／感情 the 労働 market; a man cannot become a freeholder by 運動ing sheep over a 地区 of country." [78] Not only would he have placed no 制限 on their use, but he would have 許すd the 最大の freedom, stopping short of （資金の）充当／歳出. No rent, or a 純粋に名目上の one, should be 需要・要求するd, but 条件s as to 在庫／株 should be 課すd to 妨げる misuse. Moreover it should be distinctly understood that all pastoral lands were liable at any time to be taken and sold as 農業の land. "The pasturage せねばならない be let as the land せねばならない be sold, uniformly and 公正に／かなり, 'first come, first served,' always 存在 liable to be brought into the 政府 sales whenever anyone wished to 得る, by 支払う／賃金ing a 十分な price, the freehold 所有物／資産／財産 in the land." [79]

Having 論証するd the necessity of 課すing a 十分な price on waste land, and of using the proceeds in 移住, he developed the third part of his theory in answer to the question how to use the 移住基金 to the greatest possible advantage both of mother-country and of 植民地. The 原則 which he 可決する・採択するd was that of 選択 of emigrants. He took 広大な／多数の／重要な exception to the unsystematic and haphazard 肉親，親類d of 移住, おもに of paupers to Canada, and of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs to Australia, which had been going on 事前の to, and even after, 1830. Of pauper 移住 he wrote: "Who are they that go? Probably the most useless, the least respectable people in the parish. How are they got to go? Probably by means of a little 圧力, such as parishes and landlords can easily 適用する without getting into a 捨てる with The Times. Occasionally they 辞退する to go after 準備 has been made for their 出発. Whether they go or stay, the 試みる／企てる to 除去する them, not by attraction, but repulsion, makes an impression in the neighbourhood, that 移住 is only fit for the 辞退する of the 全住民, if it is not going to some 肉親，親類d of slavery or 破壊. The 傾向 of these pauper-shovellings is to make the ありふれた people think of 移住 with dislike and terror." [80] While the system of transportation 存在するd, the 出発 of an emigrant 異なるd little from that of a 罪人／有罪を宣告する. "The 裁判官, when he 宣告，判決s a 罪人／有罪を宣告する to transportation, tells him (and what the 裁判官 says, the 罪人／有罪を宣告する's 隣人s learn) that for his 罪，犯罪 he is to be punished by 存在除去するd from his country and home, separated from his relations and friends, 非難するd to pass the whole, or a 広大な／多数の／重要な part, of his life amongst strangers in a distant land. The parson of the parish might, with equal truth, 演説（する）／住所 the very same words to an honest labourer about to emigrate." [81] Transportation did not discourage 罪，犯罪, but it most certainly discouraged 移住. "In the mind of the ありふれた people" favourable 報告（する）／憶測s from 罪人／有罪を宣告するs serve to "confound 移住 and 罰, 移住 and 不名誉, 移住 and shame." [82]

He kept two facts 刻々と in 見解（をとる）, in the first place, the redundancy of 全住民 in the mother-country, in the second place, the 欠如（する） of civilization in the 植民地, and its 原因（となる） the scarcity of 労働. The 移住基金, then, was to be laid out in such a way as to take from the mother-country and introduce into the 植民地 the greatest possible 量 of 全住民 and 労働 at the least cost. For this 目的 he recommended preference should be given to young married couples. "The 国内の力／強力にする of 増加する would その為に be 大いに弱めるd, and the 植民地の力／強力にする of 増加する would be 強化するd in the same degree." [83] The 除去 every year of large numbers of young couples at marriageable ages would, more than any other 計画（する）, help to 妨げる未来 redundancy at home, while their 除去 would cost no more than that of other classes, and the 植民地 would 得る "the greatest possible germ of 未来増加する." [84] Hitherto little care had been taken to produce anything like an equal 割合 between the sexes. In New South むちの跡s, for instance, 借りがあるing to the system of transportation, this 不平等 was most glaring. Apart altogether from any moral considerations, it was best, from the 経済的な point of 見解（をとる）, that people of both sexes should be sent. "If the 反対する were to procure, at the least cost, the greatest 量 of 労働 for 即座の雇用, it would appear, at first sight, that the 移民，移住（する）s brought to the 植民地せねばならない be, all of them, males in the prime of life. But it is only at first sight that this can appear; because on reflection it will be seen that two men having to 成し遂げる each for himself all the offices that women usually 成し遂げる for men, to cook his own victuals, to mend his own 着せる／賦与するs, to make his own bed, to play the woman's part at home as 井戸／弁護士席 as the man's part in the field or workshop; it will be seen, I say, that two men, each of whom should be 強いるd so to divide his 労働 between 世帯 cares and the work of 生産／産物, would produce いっそう少なく than one man giving the whole of his time, attention, and 労働, to the work of 生産／産物. If the two men should 連合させる their 労働 and divide their 雇用s, one 占領するing himself 単独で with 世帯 cares for both, and the other 単独で with 収入給料 for both, then might the produce of their 部隊d 労働 be as 広大な／多数の／重要な as that of one married man; but in no 事例／患者 could it be more." [85]

Marriage 存在, によれば Wakefield, a time of change "when the mind is most 性質の／したい気がして to hope, to ambition, to undertakings which 要求する決定／判定勝ち（する） and energy of 目的," [86] young married couples would be more willing than any other class to emigrate. Their 苦悩 for the 未来 and their 願望（する） to make 準備／条項 for their children would make them saving and industrious. Again, by 推論する／理由 of their 青年, they would more easily 融通する themselves to the 条件s of life in a new country, and to new 方式s of cultivation and 労働. "If they were old people their 労働 would be of little value to the 植民地; not only because it would soon be at an end, but also because they would be weak, and because they would not readily turn their 手渡すs to new 雇用s, to 雇用s very often やめる different from those in which they had worked from their childhood to old age. In order that the poor 移民，移住（する）s brought to a 植民地 should be as 価値のある as possible, they ought to be young people, whose 力／強力にするs of 労働 would last as long as possible, and who would readily turn their 手渡すs to new 肉親，親類d of work." [87] On the moral advantages of sending out emigrants of both sexes there was no need to dwell. He had before him the example of New South むちの跡s, and indeed his theory more 特に適用するd to the Australian 植民地s. If, in its general 面, this part of his doctrine was meant to conduce to the greatest economy in 供給するing 労働 to the 植民地, and in 除去するing the 黒字／過剰全住民 from the mother-country, in its particular 使用／適用 it was to be the means of 妨げるing その上の不平等 between the sexes in New South むちの跡s.

In the spirit of Bentham he looked 今後 to the unique 適切な時期 for an 実験 in 全世界の／万国共通の education, afforded by the presence of large numbers of children in a 植民地 peopled by young married couples. "For many years, the 割合 of children to grown-up people would be greater than was ever known since Shem, Ham and Japhet were surrounded by their little ones. The 植民地 would be an 巨大な nursery, and, all 存在 at 緩和する without 存在 scattered, would 申し込む／申し出 the finest 適切な時期 that ever occurred, to see what may be done for society by 全世界の／万国共通の education. That must be a 狭くする breast in which the last consideration does not raise some generous emotion." [88]

The Wakefield theory, indeed, had a 限定された social 味方する. While impartial in wishing to give the greatest possible advantages to mother-country and 植民地 alike, he always 主張するd that 植民地s should be made as attractive as possible from every point of 見解（をとる）. One of his 目的（とする）s, then, was to 移転 the better elements of the civilization of old countries to new 条件s favourable to their 開発. 植民地s were no longer to be new societies, barbarous and 野蛮な, but were to be "拡張s of old societies." [89] While he never thought to 再生する in a 植民地 all the social 不平等s of an old country, nor to 妨げる all classes from 株ing in its 繁栄, he did wish to introduce 十分な civilization and culture to keep the 植民地 at a high level. [90] The presence of combinable 労働 would 原因（となる）繁栄, and attract not only labourers and 資本主義者s, but all other classes which went to （不足などを）補う a civilized society. "The 植民地s," he wrote, in the Letter from Sydney, "would no longer be new societies 厳密に speaking. They would be so many 拡張s of an old society. 追求する that idea, and you will see that 移住 from Britain would not be 限定するd to Paupers, passing by the 解放する／自由な橋（渡しをする）. We (I speak in the 指名する of the colonists) should acquire wealth 速く . . . . How many ready-made articles, both useful and ornamental, should we 輸入する from England, for which, now, we have not the means to 支払う／賃金? Let me enumerate a few of them—farming （強制）執行官s, surveyors, 建設業者s, architects and engineers, mineralogists, practical 鉱夫s, botanists and 化学者／薬剤師s, printers, schoolmasters and schoolmistresses, booksellers, authors, publishers, and even reviewers, merchants to 供給（する） us with English goods and to take our 黒字／過剰 produce, 銀行業者s, underwriters, life-保険会社s, and clerks innumerable, actors, 外科医s and 内科医s, lawyers, clergymen, singers, music and dancing masters, milliners and other 女性（の） artists, and, at least, one good political 経済学者 at each 解決／入植地, to 妨げる us from 工夫するing an Australasian 関税 . . . . Thus . . . these 植民地s, like those of Greece, would '含む／封じ込める a mixture of all classes of society.' . . . In より小数の words, every 認める of land in these 植民地s would be an 拡張, though distant, of Britain itself, and would 供給する so much more room for all classes of Britons." [91] Much would be 伸び（る）d if 植民地s could be made to attract what he called the "higher order of emigrants," whose presence would induce others to emigrate. "The most respectable emigrants, more 特に if they have a good 取引，協定 of 所有物／資産／財産, and are 井戸／弁護士席 connected in this country, lead and 治める／統治する the 移住 of the other classes. These are the emigrants whose presence in a 植民地 most beneficially 影響する／感情s its 基準 of morals and manners, and would 供給（する） the most 有益な element of 植民地の政府. If you can induce many of this class to settle in a 植民地, the other classes, whether 資本主義者s or labourers, are sure to settle there in 豊富; for a combination of honour, virtue, 知能, and 所有物／資産／財産, is 尊敬（する）・点d even by those who do not 所有する it; and if those emigrate who do 所有する it, their example has an 巨大な影響（力） in 主要な others to emigrate, who either do not 所有する it, or 所有する it in an inferior degree." [92] Two other social factors he relied upon to take away from a 植民地 its character as a new society, one the 影響（力） of women on 植民地化, the other 準備／条項 for 宗教. "In 植民地化, women have a part so important that all depends on their 参加 in the work. If only men emigrate, there is no 植民地化; if only a few women emigrate in 割合 to the men, the 植民地化 is slow and most unsatisfactory in other 尊敬（する）・点s: an equal 移住 of the sexes is one 必須の条件 of the best 植民地化. In colonizing, the woman's 参加 must begin with the man's first thought about emigrating, and must 延長する to nearly all the 手はず／準備 he has to make, and the things he has to do, from the moment of 熟視する／熟考するing a 出発 from the family home till the 国内の party shall be comfortably housed in the new country. The 影響（力） of women in this 事柄 is even greater, one may say, than that of the men. You may make a 植民地 agreeable to men, but not to women; you cannot make it agreeable to women without 存在 agreeable to men. You may induce some men of the higher classes to emigrate without inducing the women; but if you 後継する with the women you are sure not to fail with the men. A 植民地 that is not attractive to women is an unattractive 植民地; ーするために make it attractive to both sexes you do enough if you take care to make it attractive to women." [93] 適する準備／条項 for 宗教 was not a whit いっそう少なく important. "Suppose that in planning your 植民地化 you had by some strange oversight omitted all 準備／条項s for 宗教 in the 植民地; and that accordingly, as would surely be the 事例／患者, you 設立する amongst 宗教的な people of all classes, but 特に amongst the higher classes, and amongst the better sort of women of every class, a strong repugnance to having anything to do with you. If you had made no 準備／条項s for 宗教 in your 植民地, and if people here only cared enough about you to find that out, your 計画／陰謀 would be vituperated by 宗教的な men, who are 非常に／多数の; by 宗教的な women, who are very 非常に／多数の; and by the clergy of all denominations, who are immensely powerful. You would have to take what you could get in the way of 移住. Your 労働ing class of emigrants would be composed of paupers, vagabonds, and sluts: your middle-class, of broken-負かす／撃墜する tradesmen, over-reachers, 半分-詐欺師s, and 貧困の adventurers, together with a few 哀れな wives and a good many mistresses: your higher order of emigrants would be men of desperate fortunes, 飛行機で行くing from 負債 and bedevilment, and young reprobates 拒絶するd or 説得するd into banishment by 親族s wishing them dead. You would （種を）蒔く bad seed, 工場／植物 sorry 相殺するs, build with rotten 構成要素s: your 植民地 would be disgusting." [94] On the presence, indeed, of 準備／条項 for 宗教 depended the presence of women's 影響（力） in a 植民地. If 不十分な it "is 井戸／弁護士席 calculated to 阻止する the better order or people, and 特に the better order of women, from going to live and die in a 植民地." [95]

Wakefield appears to have thought that the long-設立するd civilization of an old society could be taken up in 層s and transferred in the same position to a 植民地, the 植民地s becoming "new Englands" with high and low, rich and poor, all classes and grades of society, though with more freedom of passage from one grade to another. In his own words, 植民地化似ているd the 移植（する）ing of 十分な-grown trees, not of young 工場／植物s, the 除去 of society, not of people. [96] Indeed, he never conceived of the 形式 of a stable society in a 植民地 which would 異なる in 必須のs from the type with which he was familiar at home.

In its 円熟した form, then, the Wakefield system, on its 経済的な and social 味方する, consisted of three 提案s:

Secondly, the use of the whole, or a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 割合, of the 歳入 from land sales, in 移住.

Thirdly, a judicious 選択 of emigrants on the grounds of age, sex, and social position, preference 存在 given to young married couples.

There remain to be considered some 面s of the Wakefield theory in regard to its 影響 upon the mother-country and to its 使用／適用 in the 植民地s.

To the mother-country it was まず第一に／本来 a 治療（薬） for over-全住民, but it was not ーするつもりであるd to be the 単独の治療（薬）. The 廃止する of the corn 法律s would 間接に operate in the same way by 大きくするing the field of 雇用. [97] Nor was 移住 by itself 十分な to 妨げる未来 redundancy of 全住民. The "根底となる checks" 示すd by Malthus alone could do that, but 植民地化 on a large 規模, by 除去するing the 現在の黒字／過剰全住民, was the only means of 許すing those checks to operate. In Wakefield's metaphor it was no use advising walking 演習 as a cure to a dropsical man, until 対策 were taken to enable him to walk. [98] In 植民地化 "the mother-country and the 植民地 would become partners in a new 貿易（する）—the 創造 of happy human 存在s; one country furnishing the raw 構成要素—that is, the land, the dust of which man is made; the other furnishing the 機械／機構—that is, men and women, to 変える the unpeopled 国／地域 into living images of God." [99]

Considered 分かれて, the mother-country and the 植民地s had 相互の利益／興味s in 植民地化, yet the empire as a whole had a greater 利益／興味 in good 植民地化 than any of the 植民地s 分かれて. For this 推論する／理由 the 支配（する）／統制する of 植民地の waste lands and the 管理／経営 of 移住 were 皇室の事柄s which could not be left to any one 植民地. "If I made out any 事例／患者 at all," Wakefield said to the Waste Lands 委員会 of 1836, "it was an 皇室の事例／患者." The whole 計画／陰謀 would be 敗北・負かすd if a 少数，小数派 were to 決定する事柄s which 関心d the 大多数. "This appears to me to be one of those 事例／患者s which 要求する a central 当局. The end is the advantage of the whole empire; two of the most important means are uniformity in the practice, and very 広大な／多数の／重要な care in the 配当 of the labourers amongst the several 植民地s, so that the 供給（する） should never be more or いっそう少なく than the 需要・要求する. 非，不，無 but a central 当局 would be able to 行為／行う the 操作／手術." [100] Before the 委員会 of 1836 he 堅固に持続するd this position in spite of the repeated 尋問 of Roebuck, who appeared to have in mind the fact that a practical 使用／適用 of the Wakefield system in Lower Canada would 奪う the Canadians of 支配（する）／統制する over their waste lands.

In course of time, Wakefield thought, the 植民地s would manage not only their waste lands, but all other 事柄s which 関心d them. "I believe there is a period in the 存在 of every important 植民地 when the 力／強力にする of independence arrives; and that, let the mother-country wish what it may, the 植民地 will make 法律s of every sort and 肉親，親類d, and の中で others, 法律s relating to waste land." [101] In the 合間支配（する）／統制する should remain with the mother-country, 供給するd always that she could be brought to 認める her own 利益／興味 in 取引，協定ing with waste lands and 移住. If she so far forgot her 利益／興味 as to be 有罪の of mismanagement, she should 没収される支配（する）／統制する to the 植民地s. [102] In 1849 he wrote: "The impossibility of inducing 議会 to consider the 事柄 and 立法者 upon it in earnest . . . has at length induced me to recur to an old doctrine of 地雷—which is that the whole 支配する of the 処分 of waste lands is a 植民地の事柄 which せねばならない be 手渡すd over to the colonists without any 肉親，親類d of 保留（地）／予約." [103]

In the 使用／適用 of his theory to the 存在するing 植民地s, Wakefield had to take account of the fact that a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of land had already been appropriated by 解放する／自由な認めるs or at low prices, which would かなり影響する／感情 the results 推定する／予想するd from 課すing a 十分な price. "Where 私的な land is monstrously superabundant, the 十分な price would, for a long while, stop the sale of all public land not 所有するing or acquiring a position-value." [104] He 提案するd to 会合，会う this difficulty by 課すing a 税金 on sales of 私的な lands appropriated 事前の to the 会・原則 of a 十分な price, and by using the proceeds in 移住. In 新規加入, he 示唆するd raising a 貸付金 for the same 目的, on the 安全 of 未来 land sales. A uniform 税金 per acre, equal in 量 to the 十分な price, should, he considered, be 課すd on the first sale of all 私的な lands which took place after the 課税 or a 十分な price. If the proceeds of the 税金 were 充てるd to 移住, the 影響 would be the same as if unappropriated public land had been sold. "The 課税 of this 税金 on the first sale of any land after the 法律（機の）カム into 軍隊 . . . would be to put the 十分な price upon all the land of the 植民地, with this only difference between public and 私的な land, that in one 事例／患者 the price would be paid before, and in the other, soon or later, after （資金の）充当／歳出." [105] To 避ける hardship, the 政府 was to be 用意が出来ている, during a 限定された period, to buy at a valuation land which anyone wished to sell. Where land was superabundant, 予期 of 未来 sales by way of 貸付金 for 目的s of 移住 was the only method of altering the 割合 between people and land in the appropriated 領土, and of 供給（する）ing 十分な労働 for 雇う. [106]

For the 創立／基礎 of new 植民地s some special 対策 were necessary. At first he had thought there was no need to 心配する the land sales in a new 植民地, because where there was no previous （資金の）充当／歳出 there was no hurtful 割合 between people and land. [107] 令状ing later, however, with the experience of South Australia and New Zealand in 見解（をとる）, he 認める that 予期 might be useful even in a new 植民地, because ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s might be unwilling to give a 十分な price until a 植民地 was to some extent peopled. [108] The work of 設立するing a new 植民地 should, in his opinion, be ゆだねるd to 協会s of 私的な individuals, with no その上の援助 from 政府 than was necessary to 設立する a proper system of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of waste lands. Such a 私的な協会 would buy land from the 政府, settle the 植民地, and make its 利益（をあげる） out of the re-sale to ーするつもりであるing colonists. It would have the 適切な時期 to 設立する towns, choose 場所／位置s, and 伸び（る） the 利益（をあげる） from their 増加するing value as the 解決／入植地前進するd. [109] In 新規加入, the 協会 was to have the 力／強力にする of 治める／統治するing the 植民地 until it was ready for self-政府. His model was the 植民地s of America which had been 設立するd and 持続するd by 私的な companies without the 援助 of 政府. The expenses of 政府 in such a 植民地 were to be defrayed partly out of 歳入 raised in the 植民地, partly by 貸付金s raised by the company, and 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d on the 未来歳入s of the 植民地. [110]

In its first 公式化, in 1829, Wakefield's system was 特に a cure for 存在するing evils in Australasia. [111] To other 植民地s its 使用／適用 was not so 確かな . In Canada, for example, he was やめる sure that it could not be conveniently 適用するd, "because the 周辺 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs would induce emigrant labourers to emigrate once more in search of waste land, or extravagant 給料; and the purchasers of waste lands in Canada would その為に be cheated of their consideration." [112] But here, again, his 見解（をとる）s 苦しむd a change; by 1830 [113] he was 用意が出来ている to recommend its 部分的な／不平等な, and by 1831 [114] its total 使用／適用 to Canada. In 1831, too, he 勧めるd its 使用／適用 to South Africa. [115] In 1838 he drew up a 計画／陰謀 for its introduction in a 修正するd form into Canada, together with special 準備／条項s ーするつもりであるd to 中和する／阻止する the 影響 of the previous profusion of land 認めるs there. [116] In the end, indeed, he （機の）カム to look upon his theory as 有能な of 全世界の／万国共通の使用／適用 to 植民地s, and almost as a panacea for all 植民地の ills.

To the Wakefield theory there was an important political as 井戸／弁護士席 as a social and 経済的な味方する. From the beginning he 支持するd nothing short of self-政府 for 植民地s. [117] 経済的な対策 alone were not 十分な to make a 植民地繁栄する, there must also be good 政府. [118] Looking 支援する in 1849, he wrote: "The authors of that theory 大（公）使館員d the highest importance to the 支配する of 政府, believing that the best economical 手はず／準備 would not work 井戸／弁護士席 without 準備／条項s for a good political 政府 of the colonists." [119] When anxious, however, to get his theory put to the 実験（する） of 実験 in South Australia, he 最小限に減らすd the importance of its political 味方する; for, when he 設立する that it was impossible to have the whole theory 可決する・採択するd, and that self-政府 was the つまずくing-封鎖する, he 同意d to 棚上げにする it for a time. "It was （疑いを）晴らす to us that the part of our South Australian 計画（する） to which the 植民地の Office most 反対するd was a 準備／条項 for bestowing on the colonists a かなりの量 of 地元の self-政府. As we could not move an インチ without the 許可／制裁 of that Office, we now 解決するd to abandon the political part of our 計画／陰謀, in the hope of 存在 enabled to realize the economical part." [120] But the 実験 of 完全にする self-政府 could not 井戸／弁護士席 have been tried at once in a new 植民地, so he was content that it should be laid 負かす／撃墜する as a 未来政策 to be 可決する・採択するd when the 植民地 had grown 十分に in numbers. [121] That his political theory might be 離婚d from his 経済的な theory he 認める to the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, when, in answer to Roebuck, he said that a system of 政府 was not necessary ーするために make the 使用／適用 of his theory 完全にする. [122] His normal 見解（をとる）, however, was that one could not 井戸／弁護士席後継する without the other.

The want of success noticeable in the 存在するing 植民地s, in his opinion, had for one 原因（となる） the unsatisfactory nature of 植民地の政府 resulting from the 欠如（する） of 地元の支配（する）／統制する. Where there was no 代表者／国会議員議会, the 植民地の政府 was altogether in the 手渡すs of a の近くに oligarchy of 公式の／役人s 任命するd by 負かす／撃墜するing Street. Their boundless 力／強力にする attracted to them many time-serving 同志／支持者s, but arrayed against them was a large and violently 敵意を持った大多数 of colonists, who resented 除外 from any 株 in their own 政府. 植民地の politics were 悪名高い for the extreme 敵意 of parties. "植民地の party politics, then, are remarkable for the factiousness and 暴力／激しさ of 政治家，政治屋s, the prevalence of demagoguism, the roughness and even brutality of the newspapers, the practice in carrying on public differences of making war to the knife, and always striking at the heart." [123] Even if there were a 代表者／国会議員団体／死体, yet, in the absence of any 責任／義務 of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある to the 立法機関, 力／強力にする was still in the 手渡すs of the 公式の／役人 class, and the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある and the 立法機関 were for the most part at variance. In either 事例／患者 there was no way out of the difficulty but 反乱, which alone could 影響する／感情 the 判決，裁定大多数. All these evils he ascribed to the fact that 植民地の政府 was a 完全に独断的な system of "政府 from a distance." In his 憎悪 of this 肉親，親類d of 政府 he followed Bentham, who had written: "政府 from a distance is often mischievous to the people submitted to it; 政府 is almost always, as it 尊敬（する）・点s them, in a 明言する／公表する either of jealousy or 無関心／冷淡. They are either neglected or 略奪するd; they are made places of banishment for the 歓迎会 of the vilest part of society, or places to be 略奪するd by minions and favourites, whom it is considered 望ましい suddenly to 濃厚にする. The 君主, at two thousand leagues distance from his 支配するs, can be 熟知させるd neither with their wants, their 利益／興味s, their manners, nor their character. The most 合法的 and 重大な（民事の）告訴s, 弱めるd by 推論する／理由 of distance, stripped of everything which might excite sensibility, of everything which might 軟化する or subdue the pride of 力／強力にする, are 配達するd, without defence, into the 閣僚 of the prince, to the most insidious 解釈／通訳s, to the most unfaithful 代表s. The colonists are still too happy, if their 需要・要求する of 司法（官） is not construed into a 罪，犯罪, and if their most 穏健な remonstrances are not punished as 行為／法令／行動するs of 反乱. In a word, little is cared for their affection, nothing is 恐れるd for their 憤慨, and their despair is contemned." [124] 政府 from a distance meant 政府 by strangers irresponsible to the 治める／統治するd, and therefore with no 利益／興味 in 治める／統治するing 井戸／弁護士席. The 公式の／役人s of a 植民地 in these circumstances "似ている the 公式の／役人 class in British India, which 排他的に治める／統治するs, but does not settle, and which regards the natives as a race only fit to be 治める／統治するd by a superior race." [125]

All this contrasted very unfavourably with the system 追求するd in the earlier American 植民地s, which had 治める／統治するd themselves from the beginning. There were, he thought, two possible 原則s of 政府, on either of which, or on a combination of both, a 植民地の system might be based. First, the 地方自治体の原則 of 地元の self-政府; secondly, the central 原則 of 政府 from the distant centre of an empire. [126] Either of these might be 可決する・採択するd apart altogether from the question whether the 政府 should be democratic, artistocratic [sic], or despotic. The history of the English 植民地s, as he conceived it, consisted in a change from the 地方自治体の to the central 原則, a change 完全に for the worse. "The English have 推論する／理由 to be proud of the 知恵 of their ancestors. All the 早期に植民地s of the English were 許すd to 治める／統治する themselves from the beginning; with this 選び出す／独身 exception, that the mother-country reserved to herself a monopoly of the foreign 貿易（する） of the 植民地. In every 事例／患者 the 植民地の法律s were made by an 議会 of colonists, elected by the colonists; and in some 事例／患者s those 法律s were 遂行する／発効させるd by officers, 含むing the 知事, who were 任命するd by the colonists." [127] This was a successful example of the 地方自治体の原則, and while it lasted, the 植民地s were 井戸／弁護士席治める／統治するd and contented. The results of the change to the central 原則 were 悲惨な. "The first effectual 裁判，公判 of the central system by England was our 試みる／企てる to 奪う the 広大な／多数の／重要な English 植民地s in America of their dearest 地方自治体の権利. It cost us their 忠誠. This 負傷させる to our 国家の pride seems to have brought the 地方自治体の原則 into disfavour, when it should have rather produced aversion to the central." [128] When 征服する／打ち勝つd 植民地s were taken over by England, and again when penal 解決／入植地s were 設立するd, self-政府 was considered inapplicable to both, and the central 原則勝利d. "No sooner, however, did the English take 所有／入手 of 植民地s, which had been 設立するd by other nations without any 準備／条項 for 地元の self-政府, than the aristocracy of England 設立する out the advantage of 持つ／拘留するing 植民地s in subjection. This advantage became still more （疑いを）晴らす when the English 政府 had made a 解決／入植地 in New Holland; had 設立するd a 刑務所，拘置所 there; a society, which, of course, could not be 許すd to 治める／統治する itself." [129] Wakefield never tired of 主張するing that 治める／統治するing a 植民地 from 負かす／撃墜するing Street was a 完全にする novelty in British 植民地の政策. The only 植民地, deserving the 指名する, which had been 設立するd without 地元の self-政府 was "the 哀れな Swan River 解決／入植地." [130]

His 治療（薬）, then, for all the evils of 植民地の misgovernment was no new thing, but a return to the "older and freer polity" [131] of the American 植民地s. Several 推論する／理由s he adduced in favour of self-政府. In the first place, it was the cheapest method both for mother-country and 植民地. Adam Smith had shown this in the 事例／患者 of the American 植民地s. "All the different civil 設立s in North America, in short, 排除的 of those of Maryland and North Carolina, of which no exact account has been got, did not, before the 開始／学位授与式 of the 現在の騒動s, cost the inhabitants above ｣64,700 a year; an ever-memorable example at how small an expense three millions of people may not only be 治める／統治するd, but 井戸／弁護士席治める／統治するd." [132] By way of contrast the Swan River 植民地, when the 全住民 was about 1,500, had cost England nearly ｣7,000 a year. [133]

In the second place, self-政府 would mean better 政府 for the colonists, since 力／強力にする would be in the 手渡すs of those who had the deepest 利益／興味 in using it 井戸／弁護士席. [134]

In the third place, self-政府 would make a 植民地 more attractive to the better class of emigrants. The earliest 植民／開拓者s who went to America were fit to 設立する empires, but they would never have quitted England without a prospect of self-政府. "It was thus, that men of a superior order were induced to run the 危険 of 失敗 in those 企業s; men who, by their energy, judgment, patience, and 決意／決議, were 特に qualified to make those 企業s 後継する. As a 植民地 fit to manage its own 事件／事情／状勢s would not 服従させる／提出する to have them managed from a distance, so a 植民地許すd to manage its own 事件／事情／状勢s would attract men fit to manage them." [135]

In the last place, self-治める／統治するing 植民地s would be able and willing to 保護する themselves. 事実上の independence would be so much 価値（がある） having that it would be 価値（がある）保護するing. Colonists would 供給する for their own defence, and relieve the mother-country of this 激しい重荷（を負わせる）. [136]

The 関係 of Wakefield's 経済的な with his political theory is shown in the fact that, while he 勧めるd self-政府 as a means of making 植民地s attractive to the better class of emigrants, he thought it would be impossible to 保留する self-政府 from a 植民地 which, by the 使用／適用 of his 経済的な system, had become an 拡張 of an old society. Such a 植民地, 存在 fit, would be able to 治める／統治する itself, and its inhabitants would never 服従させる／提出する to 存在治める／統治するd from a distance. "With the capacity for self-政府 comes the 力／強力にする to 演習 it. A people 完全に fit to manage themselves will never long 服従させる／提出する to be managed by others, much いっそう少なく to be managed by an 当局 residing at a 広大な／多数の／重要な distance from them. . . . Let 植民地s be old societies in new places, and they will have the 力／強力にする to chuse between self-政府 and 政府 from a distance. That they would chuse to 治める／統治する themselves cannot be 疑問d by anyone who is at all 熟知させるd with the evils of 存在治める／統治するd from a distance." [137] Wakefield was never an 支持する of 分離. On the contrary, he 堅固に believed in 持続するing the 植民地の relation. For this 推論する／理由 he considered that one 広大な／多数の／重要な advantage of self-政府 lay in 強化するing the 社債s between the 植民地 and the mother-country. It might not, in the long run, 妨げる分離, but it would certainly 延期する the day 無期限に／不明確に. Any people, 特に Englishmen, who were for long 治める／統治するd from a distance and 否定するd a 株 in controlling their own 事件／事情／状勢s, were apt to 反逆者／反逆する. "A people, 治める／統治するd from afar, and continually 増加するing their 領土, must have a continually 増加するing 傾向 to 反乱." [138] But with the 認める of self-政府 the feeling for 分離 would 減少（する）, the 願望（する） for その上の independence would go, and the relation between mother-country and 植民地 would be 友好的な and 耐えるing.

Wakefield's 見解（をとる）s on responsible 政府 [139] as a 植民地の政策 will be best dealt with when considering the part which he played in Durham's 使節団 to Canada in 1838. [140] For the 現在の it is 十分な to say that, 支持するing as he did self-政府 for 植民地s, and 存在 brought 直面する to 直面する in Canada with the problem of how self-政府 might be made to work to the best advantage, he perceived how 必須の it was to this 反対する that the 植民地の (n)役員／(a)執行力のある should be made responsible to the 植民地の立法機関. Without this 責任／義務, 植民地の self-政府 was a contradiction ーに関して／ーの点でs. Indeed in his Letter from Sydney, written nine years before Lord Durham's 使節団, he made a remarkable 予期 of the 政策 underlying the famous 報告（する）／憶測. "The mother-country, . . . in 治める／統治するing the 植民地, would 協議する the greatest advantage of the colonists, ーするために保存する their friendship; and the colonists, having much to lose, and 存在 incapable of dispersion, would feel a wholesome dread of war. The colonists, 存在 an 教えるd and civilized people, would be 同様に qualified to 治める／統治する themselves as the people of Britain; and, 存在 a 豊富な people, they would be able, without going to war, to 主張する the birth-権利 of all British 支配するs—to 施行する in the British 議会, against a bad British 省, their （人命などを）奪う，主張する to equality before the 法律. Qualified, する権利を与えるd, and powerful to 治める／統治する themselves, they might either take a 株 in でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れるing the general 法律s of the empire, by means of their 代表者／国会議員s in the British 議会; or, if a mean jealousy on the part of Englishmen should 妨げる such an 協定, they might でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる their own 法律s, in a 植民地の議会, under the 注目する，もくろむ of a viceroy, incapable of wrongs and 所有するing a 拒否権 like the king of England, but whose 長官s, like the 大臣s of England, should he responsible to the people. [141] At all events, they must be 治める／統治するd, by whatever 機械／機構, with a 見解（をとる） to their good and their contentment, which is the greatest good, instead of to the satisfaction of their 知事s only. This would （判決などを）下す them happy in a most intimate 関係 with their mother-country; and the American war of independence would no longer be a favourite 主題 in the still 扶養家族植民地s of Britain. 相互の dependence would 妨げる圧迫 on the one part, and on the other, a wish for independence; 相互主義 of 利益／興味 would occasion 相互の好意／親善; there would no longer be injurious distinctions, or malignant jealousies, or vulgar 憎悪 between British 支配するs, wherever born; and Britain would become the centre of the most 広範囲にわたる, the most civilized, and, above all, the happiest empire in the world." [142]

When anyone develops a theory, whether in 経済的なs, politics, or in any other 支店 of knowledge, the question of the originality of his ideas is 確かな to be canvassed. 支持者s will あられ／賞賛する the theory as an 完全に new 発見, 対抗者s will 否定する to its author all （人命などを）奪う，主張するs to originality, and 捜し出す to 割り当てる its さまざまな elements to previous thinkers. With a theory around which bitter 論争激怒（する）d for years, Wakefield did not escape this 運命／宿命. In turn he has been acclaimed as the 製造者 of an important 発見 in political economy, [143] and 公然と非難するd as an impudent borrower of other men's ideas. Karl Marx, who looked upon the Wakefield system as one more capitalistic 試みる／企てる to 適用する in a new world old-world methods of 偉業／利用するing the labourer, 簡潔に解任するs his （人命などを）奪う，主張する to originality thus: "Wakefield's few glimpses on the 支配する of modern 植民地化 are fully 心配するd by Mirabeau P鑽e, the physiocrat, and even much earlier by English 経済学者s." [144]

Mr. J. D. Rogers, who seems to underrate Wakefield's 影響（力） on Australasian 植民地化, gives a somewhat different 家系 to the theory, laying 強調する／ストレス on Wakefield's 負債 to the 計画／陰謀s tried in Australia in 1827-9, "which had 円熟したd before he began his 天然のまま熟考する／考慮するs." [145]

The article in the Westminster Review, [146] which Dr. Garnett について言及するs [147] as 含む／封じ込めるing some 予期 of Wakefield's 見解（をとる）s, 言及するs only to that part which 取引，協定s with the importance of the "field of 雇用" for 資本／首都. [148]

On the strength of a speech on 移住 which he had made in the House of ありふれたs in 1827, 陸軍大佐 Torrens later （人命などを）奪う，主張するd to have 心配するd that part of the Wakefield system which 関心d the sale of waste land, and the 使用／適用 of the proceeds to 移住. After the Wakefield theory had passed into the realm of practice, Torrens put 今後 this （人命などを）奪う，主張する several times, [149] and it was made on his に代わって in a 半分-公式の／役人出版（物） on South Australia. [150] The speech, however, does not 令状 this （人命などを）奪う，主張する. によれば Torrens, he himself had "勧めるd on 議会 the expedience of 変えるing the waste lands of the 植民地s into an 移住基金." [151] What he really had 支持するd was Wilmot Horton's 計画（する） of pauper 場所財政／金融d by the 返済 of 資本／首都 by the emigrants. The sale of waste lands he had indeed 勧めるd, but 単に as a source of 歳入 to the mother-country, に引き続いて the example of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of America. "Such an 移住, too, would be a 手段 of economy and retrenchment, and a source of growing 歳入. The expense of 位置を示すing the able-団体／死体d poor in the 植民地s would be いっそう少なく than that of 持続するing them at home; the 早い reproduction of 資本／首都, when 適用するd to fertile 国／地域, would enable them, in a short period, to 取って代わる the expenses of their first 設立; while the value which the influx of an industrious 全住民 bestowed upon the 植民地の lands at the 処分 of the 栄冠を与える, would become a 永久の source of 国家の歳入, and of （疑いを）晴らす and unbought advantage to the country." [152]

William Charles Wentworth, who was afterwards famous in New South むちの跡s politics, had, in 1824, 示唆するd a 計画（する） of 植民地化 which 耐えるs some resemblance to that of Wakefield. [153] He 提案するd 移住 to New South むちの跡s as a 治療（薬） for pauperism in England, and 示すd how a 基金 might be 得るd for the 目的. The poor-率 was to 供給する｣10 a year for 14 years for every family of five sent out from the parish. The emigrants were to be settled on farms for which they were to 支払う／賃金 an 年次の rent of ｣10 after the third year of their 解決／入植地. The 初期の expense of 移住 was to be met by a 貸付金保証（人）d by 議会, and redeemed by the proceeds of the poor-率 and rents. A Board of 移住 was to be 設立するd to carry out the system, which he hoped would very soon be 持続するd by the rents, 独立して of any other 援助（する）. [154]

Indeed, neither the mere 計画（する） of selling waste lands, nor their 交流 for emigrants, was 完全に new. In the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, waste land had long been sold at auction, and the proceeds used as general 歳入. Even in New South むちの跡s, a system of selling land had been 始めるd in 1826, and 延長するd in 1828, [155] although not until 1831 was it the 単独の method of 認めるing land. [156]

Again there had been tried in 先頭 Diemen's Land an 協定 with the 先頭 Diemen's Land Company which 事実上 meant an 交流 of land 歳入 for 労働. Unable to 安全な・保証する罪人／有罪を宣告する labourers, against whose 雇用 they were 許すd to 始める，決める off a 確かな割合 of the やめる-rent 徴収するd on their land, the Company 提案するd to send out emigrant 解放する／自由な-labourers of both sexes, if the 政府 would make the same 譲歩. This 実験 was carried out in 1828. [157]

Even in the 植民地の Office 規則s for the Swan River 植民地 in 1829, 準備／条項 was made for an 交流 of land for 労働. 植民／開拓者s might 得る認めるs of land at the 率 of 200 acres for every labourer 伝えるd to the 植民地. [158] Wakefield himself at first 認める that if this were the 単独の条件 of 得るing land, and if the number of acres were much 減らすd, the 提案 would be 類似の to his own. [159]

Although the 選挙権を持つ／選挙人 parts of the Wakefield system, then, were not by any means new, they had not been 連合させるd together into a coherent and plausible theory. They had 存在するd as separate 計画（する）s and practical 提案s for 植民地化, but they 欠如（する）d まとまり. But, even in this 尊敬（する）・点, his whole theory seems to have been 大部分は心配するd in the almost unknown writings of Robert Gourlay. Gourlay was a 割れ目-brained Scotch-Canadian, with some ability, many violent opinions, and little judgment. He had distinguished himself in 1824 by horse-whipping Brougham at Westminster for not …に出席するing to a letter which he had written to him. His career in Canada was 著名な for the 迫害 which he 苦しむd on account of his political 見解（をとる）s. [160]

In 1822 he published a 調書をとる／予約する giving a 統計に基づく account of Upper Canada, in the general introduction to which he developed a 完全にする theory of 植民地化. [161] In form and 協定 the 調書をとる／予約する is unattractive, and it is impossible not to agree with Wakefield that "the author . . . has mixed up with much 価値のある統計に基づく（警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） an account of his own pre-著名な misfortunes and a picture of his own mental sufferings, so 苦しめるing, or . . . so annoying, to the reader, that it becomes difficult to 抽出する from his 調書をとる／予約する those parts which are 単に useful." [162]

With Gourlay, as with Wakefield, 移住 was to be a 治療（薬） for the redundancy of 全住民 in England. He 始める，決める out to discover a 計画（する） which would settle emigrants in large numbers in Canada without any expense to England. [163] He せいにするd Canada's 欠如（する） of 繁栄 to the superabundance of land. "Land in America is the very 新米水夫／不器用な-fiend which checks its own 改良. Could nine-tenths of it be sunk in the sea, and afterwards 現れる by tenths, 徐々に, as it became 絶対 necessary for the wants of mankind, there would be infinite 伸び（る） in every way." [164] The colonists, 分散させるd over a wide area because of the method of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of lands, were wasting their strength and retrograding in civilization. [165] In Canada the Clergy Reserves, and the 解放する／自由な認めるs of land, had so scattered the 植民／開拓者s that it was impossible for them to cultivate land with economy and 利益（をあげる）. [166] In the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, on the other 手渡す, in the parts contiguous to Canada there was more 全住民 and greater 繁栄 because land was uniformly sold. As with Wakefield, his 治療（薬） was 制限 of the 量 of land, "It should never be forgotten that wild land is the 長，指導者禁止（する） of this country, and no fair means should be left 失業した to 少なくなる it." [167] He 提案するd a general land-税金 on all land, waste or cultivated, public or 私的な, whether owned by 居住（者）s or by absentees, so that 思索的な持つ／拘留するing of land in an uncultivated 明言する／公表する would be 無益な. [168] In 新規加入 he 絶えず勧めるd the sale of waste lands instead of the method of 解放する／自由な認めるs. The 制限する操作／手術 of a wild-land 税金 would, in his opinion, be such that it was 価値（がある）課すing even though the proceeds were thrown away. "Such is the peculiar 状況／情勢 of landed 所有物／資産／財産 in this 州 that I am fully 納得させるd, were ｣200,000 or ｣300,000 raised 毎年 by 課税, on the 原則提案するd by me, and thrown into Lake Ontario, it would tend to good." [169] But the best way to use this 基金 was in bringing emigrants from England and settling them in Canada. When brought out, they should be 雇うd in useful public 作品. "Suppose the same sum of ｣300,000 raised by 課税, was, instead of 存在 thrown into Lake Ontario, 雇うd in bringing poor people out of England . . . . Suppose that these people were kept two years 雇うd in mere idleness . . .; by this 政策, much more would be 伸び（る）d to the 州, than by throwing the cash into the Lake. It would create a market for produce, give 循環／発行部数 to money, and 刺激する the 産業 of 農業者s and others; besides all which, it would 追加する大いに to the strength and value of the 州 by the 増加する of 植民／開拓者s. But if by the raising, and thus foolishly squandering away so much money, so many advantages are to be produced, what would be the mighty 勝利 of economy, when the money and 労働 was expended on useful public 作品." [170] Not 単に was Canada to be peopled in this way, but to it were to be transferred all the advantages of the civilization 所有するd by an old society. "The mere filling of the world with men, should not be the 単独の反対する of political 知恵 . . . . Is it not possible to create such a tide of 商業 as would not only bring with it part of society, but society 完全にする, with all the strength and order and refinement which it has now 達成するd in Britain?" [171] This could not be hoped for under the 存在するing system of pauper 移住 which brought out "only a part, and that the weakest part of society," [172] すなわち, destitute individuals, and settled them in remote 地区s. Even in the suggestions of self-政府, 皇室の支配（する）／統制する of waste lands, and the 相互の利益 of 植民地化 to mother-country and 植民地, his theory was not wanting. "Giving independence to the 植民地s, and 身を引くing from all 干渉，妨害s in their 国内の政府, is やめる両立できる with our 保持するing the 権利 of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of unappropriated land, and 製図／抽選 a 歳入 from thence; やめる両立できる with the colonists remaining under British 主権，独立. This country has the 力／強力にする of directing the 現在の of 移住 to any of her 植民地s; and all 所有物／資産／財産 must 改善する in value as 全住民 becomes more dense, and where judicious 解決／入植地 is made. Hence there is 範囲 for 相互の利益s. 植民地s may grow strong from an 増加する of people; and the mother-country may go on for ages 得るing 利益（をあげる） from the land she settles out of her redundant 全住民." [173]

Wakefield himself never 公然と定評のある this obvious 負債 to Gourlay, but, によれば the latter's story, he did 個人として when in Canada in 1838. Gourlay's account of their 会合 is circumstantial enough. He relates that, one evening in 1838, a gentleman called to see him. "He introduced himself—Mr. Wakefield (the same who had been 発表するd in the newspapers as …を伴ってing Lord Durham, to 教える as to settling the wild lands of Canada). He told me that he was the writer of letters which appeared in the London 観客, [174] some seven years ago, regarding me. I called to mind the letters: they were 高度に complimentary, and ーするつもりであるd to draw に向かって me the notice of the Grey 省. Never before having known to whom I was thus 強いるd I thanked Mr. Wakefield . . . . He then went on to say that he was also author of a 小冊子 on 植民地化, [175] which was sent to me, soon after, under the frank of Lord Howick . . . . Mr. Wakefield said he had taken his ideas on 植民地化 from my 調書をとる／予約する. I replied that it gave a very imperfect 見解（をとる） of my 事業／計画（する）s: . . . Mr. Wakefield 追加するd, 'にもかかわらず, 政府 has 設立するd a 植民地 [176] on your 原則s, in Australia.'" [177]

Wherever Wakefield got his ideas, he was 十分に初めの in his new combination of them into a theory. He impressed his own individuality on his borrowed thoughts, and （判決などを）下すd them again in a new and attractive manner. Probably the most 初めの part of his theory, which was also the part upon which he most 主張するd, was the notion that there could be 直す／買収する，八百長をするd an ideal price on waste land, 十分な in itself for the 制限する目的 of 供給するing combinable 労働.

2 James Mill, Elements of Political Economy, Ed. 3, 1826, p. 71, "As, therefore, the 利益（をあげる）s of 在庫／株 depend upon the 株, which is received by its owners, of the 共同の produce of 労働 and 在庫／株; 利益（をあげる）s of 在庫／株 depend upon 給料; rise as 給料落ちる, and 落ちる as 給料 rise." See also pp. 78-9; and Ricardo, The 原則s of Political Economy and 課税, 3rd Ed., 1821, Chap. vi. See, however, J. R. McCulloch, 原則s of Political Economy, 2nd Ed., 1830, Part iii. Chap. vii.

4 Cf. J. S. Mill, Political Economy, 調書をとる／予約する iv. Chap. iv, ｧ 2. "Mr. Wakefield, in his Commentary on Adam Smith, and his important writings on 植民地化, takes a much clearer 見解（をとる） of the 支配する, and arrives, through a 大幅に訂正する series of deductions, at practical 結論s which appear to me just and important; but he is not 平等に happy in 会社にする／組み込むing his 価値のある憶測s with the results of previous thought, and reconciling them with other truths . . . . Mr. Wakefield's explanation of the 落ちる of 利益（をあげる）s is 簡潔に this. 生産／産物 is 限られた／立憲的な not 単独で by the 量 of 資本／首都 and 労働, but also by the extent of the 'field of 雇用.' The field of 雇用 for 資本／首都 is twofold; the land of the country, and the capacity of foreign markets to take its 製造（する）d 商品／必需品s. On a 限られた／立憲的な extent of land, only a 限られた／立憲的な量 of 資本／首都 can find 雇用 at a 利益（をあげる）. As the 量 of 資本／首都 approaches this 限界, 利益（をあげる）落ちるs; when the 限界 is 達成するd, 利益（をあげる） is 絶滅するd; and can only be 回復するd through an 拡張 of the field of 雇用, either by the 取得／買収 of fertile land, or by 開始 new markets in foreign countries, from which food and 構成要素s can be 購入（する）d with the 製品s of 国内の資本／首都. These propositions are in my opinion 大幅に true; and, even to the phraseology in which they are 表明するd, considered as adapted to popular and practical rather than 科学の uses, I have nothing to 反対する. The error which seems to me imputable to Mr. Wakefield is that of supposing his doctrines to be in contradiction to the 原則s of the best school of 先行する political 経済学者s, instead of 存在, as they really are, corollaries from those 原則s; though corollaries which, perhaps, would not always have been 認める by those political 経済学者s themselves."

9 Ibid., pp. 93-4. This argument is developed at some length in the 植民地の Gazette, October 9th, 1839. "The argument in favour of preferring 貿易（する） with 独立した・無所属明言する／公表するs to colonizing for the sake of 貿易（する）, 残り／休憩（する）s altogether on one 広大な／多数の／重要な fallacy. It is taken for 認めるd that the world abounds in 独立した・無所属明言する／公表するs, having wants which England can 供給（する）, producing 商品／必需品s which England wants, and desirous of making the 交流. Where be they? The English would 喜んで貿易（する） with Japan, but cannot because the Japanese will not 貿易（する） with the English. What can be more 不安定な than the 貿易（する） of England with the '独立した・無所属明言する／公表する' of 中国? More or いっそう少なく in all the countries of Europe, 貿易（する） with England is 妨げるd—in some it is almost 禁じるd—by 制限s 課すd by 独立した・無所属政府s. The 関税 of the 独立した・無所属部隊d 明言する／公表するs is the most serious 妨害 that 存在するs in the world to the 拡張 of the 貿易（する） of England."

15 Ibid., Vol. ii, pp. 35, 56, 157, and 一般に Vol. i, 公式文書，認める i. See also Art of 植民地化, pp. 167-9.

18 His argument was borne out by experience in New South むちの跡s and in Canada. In New South むちの跡s the 条件s as to やめる-rent and cultivation of land had been 一般に避けるd. Dr. Marion Phillips, A 植民地の専制政治, 1909, see Chap. vii, pp. 143-6. In Canada the 条件s of 解決／入植地 and cultivation upon which land had been 認めるd were often unfulfilled, Ellice's 証拠 before the House of ありふれたs 委員会 on Canada of 1829. Acc. and Pap., 1828, Vol. vii, p. 375.

20 計画（する） of a Company to be 設立するd for the 目的 of 設立するing a 植民地 in Southern Australia, 1831, p. 61.

21 Wakefield's 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, Question 657. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

25 See Wakefield's letter to the South Australian Commissioners, June 2nd, 1835, in 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

34 Letter to Robert Gouger, May 25th, 1835. Hodder, 設立するing of South Australia, 1898, p. 164.

36 See his letter of June 2nd, 1835, to the South Australian Commissioners. See also Art of 植民地化, pp. 347-8.

38 England and America, Vol. ii, p. 202. See also his 証拠 before the South Australian 委員会 of 1841: "I think it would be one of the greatest 改良s in 植民地の economy that could be 工夫するd to make a 漸進的な増加する of price, just taking care not to over-run the 示す." Question 2906. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

44 e.g., Anthony Forster, South Australia, 1866, p. 46. H. Capper, South Australia, 1837, p. 37.

45 Charles Tennant, Letters to Nassau 上級の, 1831, p. 44. 証拠 before 1836 Lands 委員会. Art of 植民地化, pp. 375-6.

54 証拠 before 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, Question 861, and see Art of 植民地化, pp. 379-80.

57 A 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs of a 提案するd 国家の Society for the cure and 予防 of pauperism by means of Systematic 植民地化, 1830, p. 43.

59 See his 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, Question 1181; and see England and America, Vol. ii, pp. 190-3.

63 Letter to the South Australian Commissioners, June 2nd, 1835. See also Art of 植民地化, pp. 353 et seq.

64 Letter to the 観客, November 28th, 1841. See also his 証拠 before the 1841 委員会 on South Australia, Question 2611.

66 This 対立 is repeated in his 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, and again before the 1841 委員会 on South Australia.

74 Ibid., p. xix. 証拠 before 1841 委員会 on South Australia, Questions 3020-1.

88 England and America, Vol. ii, pp. 216-17. Bentham, in 1831, used the same idea as an argument for 設立するing a new 植民地 in South Australia on these lines. Bentham MSS., University College Library, London, Box No. 8.

90 See Fisher's 植民地の Magazine for July, 1844. Article, "Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada," by Wakefield.

100 証拠 before 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, to Question 1018. See also Durham 報告（する）／憶測, 虫垂 B. Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. iii.

102 See also 植民地の Gazette, September 9th, 1840, and 虫垂 B to the Durham 報告（する）／憶測. Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. iii.

103 Letter to the Editor of the Wellington 観客, July 3rd, 1849. 創立者s of Canterbury, p. 85.

110 See his 早期に提案s for colonizing South Australia. 1831, 提案 to His Majesty's 政府 for 設立するing a 植民地 on the Southern Coast of Australia. 1831, 計画（する） of a Company . . .for . . .設立するing a 植民地 in Southern Australia. 1834, 輪郭（を描く） of the 計画（する） of a 提案するd 植民地 . . . on the South Coast of Australia.

113 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs . . . of the . . . 国家の植民地化 Society, 1830, p. 60.

117 i.e., 代表者／国会議員政府, 地元の支配（する）／統制する of 地元の事柄s, without any necessary 言及／関連 to the subordination of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある to the 立法機関.

124 合理的な／理性的な of Reward, 1825, 調書をとる／予約する iv, Chap. xiv, p. 298.

139 i.e., self-政府, and in 新規加入 the subordination of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある to the 立法機関.

144 資本／首都, Engel's 版, 1887, Vol. ii. Chap. xxxiii, p. 791, footnote.

145 Australasia (Vol. vi, Historical 地理学 of the British 植民地s, edited by Sir C. P. Lucas), p. 112.

148 See also J. S. Mill, Political Economy, 調書をとる／予約する iv, Chap. iv, ｧ 2.

149 証拠 before the 1836 Lands 委員会, Question 1178. Systematic 植民地化, 1849, pp. 34-5.

152 Speech, 2nd Ed., 1828, p. 55. The 報告（する）／憶測 in Hansard is very meagre, but the speech was reprinted in 小冊子 form in 1828.

153 Wakefield had read Wentworth's 調書をとる／予約する, for he について言及するs it in England and America, Vol. ii, p. 131.

154 A 統計に基づく account of the British 解決／入植地s in Australasia . . . 1824, 3rd Ed., Vol. ii, pp. 244-5, 260 et seq.

159 Sketch of a 提案 for colonizing Australasia, 1829, p. 48. Charles Tennant, Correspondence with Nassau 上級の, 1831, pp. 59-60.

161 A 統計に基づく account of Upper Canada, 1822, 2 vols. The General Introduction forms another separate 容積／容量, 1822. Wakefield had read this 調書をとる／予約する, for he について言及するs it in his "Letters to Lord Howick by P———," in the 観客 (No. iii, January 8th, 1831), and 引用するs from it in his 小冊子, A 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs of a 提案するd 国家の Society for the cure and 予防 of pauperism, 1830, p. 25.

174 Eleven "Letters by P——— to Lord Howick," 観客, 1830-1. These letters develop the Wakefield theory of 植民地化 and 勧める Howick to 可決する・採択する it. Gourlay is only について言及するd やめる incidentally.

175 A 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs of a 提案するd 国家の Society for the cure and 予防 of pauperism, by means of Systematic 植民地化, 1830.

一時期／支部 VI

THE NATIONAL COLONIZATION SOCIETY

Soon after the 出版（物） of his theory in the Letter from Sydney, Wakefield began to gather around him a small, but able and 影響力のある, 団体／死体 of men who 受託するd his leadership and 設立する in his 計画（する）s a means of 治療（薬）ing 苦しめる and social evils in 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain by 植民地化 on systematic lines. At first his associates （機の）カム from の中で the younger members of the Benthamite group, who were favourably 性質の／したい気がして to listen to the doctrines of the son of Edward Wakefield; but, as his activities and his prestige alike grew, he counted amongst his adherents men drawn from every 味方する of political life, who often 同意しないd on all points but systematic 植民地化. [1] "The history of any 限定された 'school' of philosophic or political opinion," 令状s Mr. Graham Wallas, "will 一般に show that its 創立／基礎 was made possible by personal friendship. So few men 充てる themselves to continuous thought, that if several think on the same lines for many years it is almost always because they have encouraged each other to proceed. And varieties of opinion and temperament are so infinite, that those who 受託する a new party 指名する, and その為に make themselves 責任がある each other's utterances, are 一般に bound by personal 忠義 as 井戸／弁護士席 as by 知識人協定." [2] This is essentially true of the systematic colonizers. There was a small inner circle of Wakefield's intimate friends who 絶えず supported him in his long fight against the 無関心／冷淡 of the public and the 対立 of a few antagonists. Of these friends the 長，指導者 was Charles Buller, [3] Carlyle's pupil, a man in whom 優れた ability was 部隊d with a personal charm which made him beloved by all his 同時代のs of whatever 政党. Wakefield truly said of him that he had no enemies, [4] and his 広大な／多数の／重要な gifts of mind and character make him the most attractive 人物／姿／数字 of this group, not excepting even its leader. Carlyle wrote of him, "A sound 侵入するing intellect, 十分な of adroit 資源s, and loyal by nature itself to all that was methodic, manful, true—in 簡潔な／要約する, a mildly resolute, chivalrous and gallant character, 有能な of doing much serious service." [5] He 所有するd a playful and keen, though never cruel, wit, which often roused in too serious minds the 疑惑 that he was 単に clever and not in earnest. Henry Greville 記録，記録的な／記録するs his impression in this way, "Charles Buller is amusing, but too much of a banterer to please me." [6] "He had," said the obituary notice in the Morning Chronicle, "an unfortunate propensity to indulge in a habit of joking for joking's sake; so that, for many years, the real 英貨の／純銀の talent of his 議会の陳列する，発揮するs was obscured by what appeared a triviality of mind not to be 訂正するd or 打ち勝つ." [7] From childhood he 苦しむd ill-health, and an impression got abroad that he was indolent and incapable of really hard work, or of taking anything 本気で enough. "At last he shook off the 時折の flippancy which had detracted from the manly vigour of his intellect, and had created a prejudice against his 行政の capacity." [8] In 1847, when he was 任命するd 大統領 of the poor 法律（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, he あられ／賞賛するd the 適切な時期 of showing that he was not a mere trifler. "If I do 後継する," he wrote to Wakefield, "no one will ever again say I am a mere talker with no 質s for 商売／仕事. I 背負い込む責任／義務, I know: but sweat and 危険 are the 購入（する） money of every palm 価値（がある） wearing." [9] His best remembered jeu d'esprit was uttered when the 過激な party in the House of ありふれたs was 徐々に dwindling in numbers. "I see what we are coming to, Grote," he said, "in no very long time from this, only you and I will be left to 'tell' Molesworth." [10]

An able and 納得させるing （衆議院の）議長, he 支持するd for long in the House of ありふれたs the 原因（となる） of the 植民地s, and the Wakefield theory of 植民地化. In 1830, however, he was a new and young member of the House of ありふれたs, albeit the ablest of the small group of philosophical 過激なs, as they were later called, whose most 目だつ members were Hume, Leader, Grote, Roebuck, and Molesworth. Although he had made a 評判 by his work on the Public 記録，記録的な／記録する（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, Buller was a comparatively unknown man when, in 1837, his talents brought him under the notice of Lord Durham, who chose him as his 長，指導者 assistant in his 使節団 to Canada. On his return, he soon became 認めるd as a coming man in the House of ありふれたs. From his facile pen （機の）カム, in 1840, a 井戸／弁護士席-推論する／理由d and brilliant 声明 of the 事例／患者 for responsible 政府 in the 植民地s, [11] …を伴ってd by amusing, if 誇張するd, attacks on the 植民地の Office and its bureaucratic system which he stigmatized as the 統治する of Mr. Mothercountry. His premature death in 1848, when he was but 42 years of age, alone 妨げるd him from rising to a high position as a 政治家.

Buller and Wakefield were life-long friends. Buller not only 所有するd the ability and public position which made him a 広報担当者 in 議会 of the Wakefield theory, but he was also ready to become Wakefield's pupil in 植民地の支配するs. Wakefield, at the time of his 解放（する） in 1830, was 34 years of age, while Buller was only 24, and, though later, as Wakefield put it, the relation between them as colonizers was that of "each other's alter ego." [12] yet Buller derived his inspiration and his 利益／興味 in 植民地化 from Wakefield. His attention, however, was, unlike Wakefield's, by no means 限定するd to 植民地s and 植民地化, and he was often able to take a juster 見解（をとる） both of the 推論する／理由 in the 対立 which they 遭遇（する）d, and of the 動機s of 対抗者s.

Sir William Molesworth, another important member of the group, was a man of a different type. A "faithful utilitarian," [13] he was distinguished more by the courage and consistency with which he 支持するd his opinions, fearless alike of friend and 敵, than by 人気 or any charm of manner. In the 注目する，もくろむs of his 対抗者s he appeared an "able but wayward 政治家，政治屋" [14] given to the advocacy of foolish crazes of which 植民地化 was one. He was not an 初めの member of the 植民地化 Society, [15] but, by 1833, his first 開会／開廷／会期 in 議会, he had become a 支持者 of the Wakefield theory. He was a 広大な／多数の／重要な personal friend both of Buller and of Wakefield, and his 伝記作家, Mrs. Fawcett, 収容する／認めるs that he looked on them as 操るs in the sphere of 植民地化. [16] The 長，指導者 part which he played in the work of 植民地の改革（する） under the tutelage of Wakefield, was to 支持する strenuously the 政策 of self-政府 for 植民地s, and to 持続する that this was やめる一貫した with a の近くに relation between mother-country and 植民地. "It is Molesworth's 最高の肩書を与える to distinction," 令状s Mrs. Fawcett, "that he 可決する・採択するd this 見解（をとる）, and made it the 長，指導者反対する of his 議会の and public life to educate the country to 株 it and see its importance." [17] Besides this, Molesworth （判決などを）下すd 広大な／多数の／重要な services to Wakefield by supporting him in 関係 with the 協会s which he created for the 目的 of 設立するing South Australia and New Zealand. "Molesworth's 援助 to these 協会s in and out of 議会 was invaluable; he spared neither time, 労働, nor his purse in 促進するing them." [18] His 指名する, too, deserves always to be remembered for the 株 he took, as chairman of the Transportation 委員会 of 1837, in the 試みる／企てる to 廃止する the evils of transportation to Australia. 広大な／多数の／重要な things were hoped by the 植民地の改革者s from his 任命 as 国務長官 for the 植民地s in July, 1855, but he died within a few months of taking office.

Other members of the circle of friends were John Stuart Mill, George Grote, and R. S. Rintoul. Mill's 利益／興味s were very much wider than 植民地化, but he was always a 支持者 of the Wakefield system, [19] and gave かなりの援助 by his advocacy of the 政策 of self-政府 for 植民地s. [20] Although, up to 1858, his 公式の／役人 position 妨げるd him from taking an active part in 植民地化改革（する）, yet he lent to the Wakefield group the 広大な／多数の／重要な負わせる of his 私的な当局.

Grote was probably a member of the 植民地化 Society, and certainly 補佐官d in the 形式 of the South Australian 協会, but his absorption in his 仕事 as historian of Greece 原因（となる）d him very soon to 身を引く from any public 関係 with 植民地化.

R. S. Rintoul, a Scotch 過激な, and editor of the 観客, which had just been started in 1828, was a 会社／堅い friend of Wakefield, and a whole-hearted 支持者 of his doctrines. The 観客 became the 組織／臓器 by which the systematic colonizers brought their doctrines before the public, and 勧めるd on the 政府 the necessity of change both in the land systems and in the 政府 of the 植民地s. Indeed, this paper was, as Dr. Garnett puts it, a 要塞 in which the 植民地の改革者s 堅固に守るd themselves. [21] Wakefield, who wrote articles and letters innumerable for the 観客, was fully sensible of his 負債 to Rintoul. "I take the 適切な時期," he wrote in a letter to Rintoul in 1841, "of 公然と表明するing my 感謝 to you, as the person to whom I am 特に indebted for having been able to 提案する with 影響最近の改良s in the art of 植民地化. As editor of the 観客, you 根気よく診察するd my 提案s, and manfully upheld them when they were 扱う／治療するd with disdain or ridicule by nearly all others who thought it 価値（がある） while to consider them. It was your support that encouraged me, not only to 持続する a theory 不快な／攻撃 from its novelty and 一般に無視（する）d or disapproved, but also to engage in a variety of 労働s of which the 反対する was to 服従させる／提出する that theory to the 実験（する） of practice. Only eleven years have passed since I began this 上りの／困難な work, with no helping public 手渡す but yours; and I think we may say now, that public opinion has gone a long way に向かって embracing the main 原則s of my 計画／陰謀 . . . . Whilst I know that a large 割合 of the 労働s by which this system has been 始める，決める on foot has been 成し遂げるd without my 参加—whilst I 認める広大な／多数の／重要な義務s to many who have afforded to my obscure exertions a generous and powerful 援助（する）—I am bound to 宣言する, that for much of that 援助, for having been able to avail myself of it, for whatever 株 of credit may be 予定 to me in the whole 事柄, I am 主として indebted to you. I should have done nothing at all, if you had not 絶えず helped me during the years when the 追跡 of systematic 植民地化 was a continual struggle with difficulties." [22]

Besides these 信奉者s there were many others, too 非常に／多数の to について言及する, whom Wakefield attracted to himself, and used in さまざまな ways in その上のing his 事業／計画（する）s. Some put their 指名するs to 小冊子s written by Wakefield, others, 誘発するd by him, made speeches in 議会 or outside, others again 前進するd money for his 計画／陰謀s of 植民地化, waited upon the 政府 to 勧める the 受託 of his 計画（する）s, and formed themselves into 委員会s and 協会s whose 目的（とする） was the 現実化 in practice of parts or the whole of the Wakefield theory. In all the doings of the systematic colonizers, Wakefield was first and 真っ先の in activity. "It would be affectation to pretend," he wrote in 1849, "that in the 労働s of the 理論家s of 1830, I have had any but the 主要な／長／主犯株." [23] But he kept himself in the background and was content to see others move when he pulled the strings. "It is my habitual and most useful 機能（する）／行事," he wrote in 1849, "to work, like the mole, in out-of-sight obscurity." [24] His 仕事 consisted in controlling the 企業s which he 始める，決める on foot, and in 説得するing others to carry out his 計画（する）s. "I have not time to …に出席する to 詳細（に述べる）s," he wrote to his father in 1841, when busy with the 設立するing of New Zealand, "almost every hour of my day, to say nothing of nights, from year's end to year's end, 存在 engaged in taking care of the 原則s and main points of our New Zealand 企業, and in what Arthur [25] calls 'the 管理／経営 of people,' which means the 説得するing of all sorts of dispositions to pull together for a ありふれた反対する." [26]

In this work of 管理／経営 and 支配（する）／統制する he was unequalled. A strong 対抗者 has 井戸／弁護士席述べるd his activities and their success, "energetic, tenacious, indefatigable, unscrupulous, with a wonderful talent for literary agitation, for 同時に feeding a hundred 新聞記者／雑誌記者s with the same idea and the same illustrations in 変化させるing language, for filling eloquent, but indolent, orators with telling speeches; at one time he had 決起大会／結集させるd 一連の会議、交渉／完成する him nearly every rising man of political aspirations, and 安全な・保証するd the support of nearly every economical writer of any celebrity." [27]

Wakefield's first step on his 解放（する） in May, 1830, was, with the 援助（する） of his 即座の信奉者s, to 設立する a society to 促進する systematic 植民地化. "A few people in London in 1830," wrote Wakefield in 1849, "formed an 協会 which they called the 植民地化 Society. The 反対する they had in 見解（をとる） was, in general 条件, to 代用品，人 systematic 植民地化 for mere 移住, and on a 規模十分な to produce important 影響s on the mother-country." [28] Wakefield believed that it was vain to 推定する／予想する to その上の his colonizing 事業／計画（する）s and to create 利益／興味 in 植民地化 without some 肉親，親類d of 協会, and his experience 証明するd him 権利. In 1852, 令状ing to the 観客, he said, "mere 令状ing on に代わって of 植民地s, without 組織するd 協会 for 活動／戦闘, is like （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing the 勝利，勝つd." [29]

There are some traces of an earlier 団体／死体, called the "移住 Society," which was 合併するd in the 国家の植民地化 Society, as Wakefield's 協会 was called. [30] The 長官 of both 団体／死体s was Robert Gouger, who had edited the Letter from Sydney, He had ーするつもりであるd emigrating to the Swan River 植民地, but had been deterred from that course by becoming a 変える to Wakefield's 見解（をとる）s. [31] He afterwards became one of the 創立者s of South Australia, where he was the first 植民地の長官, and the 記録，記録的な／記録するs of his 定期刊行物s show him as an energetic and hard-working member of the Society under the inspiration and 指導／手引 of Wakefield. [32]

初めは the 植民地化 Society was small in numbers, its 創立者s were not more than a dozen, and it is not possible to discover who the 初めの members were. Wakefield says of them, "they were an unknown and feeble 団体／死体, composed 主として of very young men, some of whose 指名するs, however, have long 中止するd to be obscure, whilst others are amongst the most celebrated of our day." [33] A 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of forty-two members of the Society is given by Wakefield in England and America, 除外するing Grote and himself, but 含む／封じ込めるing the 指名するs of John and William Hutt, Charles Buller, Sir J. C. Hobhouse, Sir Francis Burdett, John Stuart Mill, and 陸軍大佐 Torrens. [34]

The 反対するs of the Society, as 始める，決める out in their first published 小冊子, were "to 設立する a general system of 植民地化, 設立するd on the main 原則s of 選択, 集中, and the sale of Waste Land, for the 目的s of 移住." [35] They made use of the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "systematic 植民地化" as a convenient way of 述べるing 植民地化 on the lines of the Wakefield theory. [36] Their first 成果／努力s were 占領するd with attacking Wilmot Horton and his 計画（する）s, and calling attention to the 失敗 of the Swan River 植民地, with a 見解（をとる） to showing the 優越 of their own 計画（する）. They 勧めるd on the 政府 the necessity of 要求するing a price on all lands 認めるd in Canada, South Africa and Australasia. The money 得るd from the sales of such land was, they 提案するd, to be used in 伝えるing young couples to those 植民地s. One 機能（する）／行事 which the Society hoped to 成し遂げる was to manage this 移住. Until the 基金 was 利用できる they were 用意が出来ている to send out as 見習い工s to 植民／開拓者s, any 孤児 and destitute children whose passage was paid by the parish in England, or by any benevolent society or individual in 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain or Ireland. [37] They were, however, not successful in this latter 目的（とする） and became, while they lasted, really a society for propagating the Wakefield theory, for creating 利益／興味 in 植民地化, and for putting 圧力 on the 政府 to 減ずる systematic 植民地化 to practice in Australasia. The Society 明言する／公表するd and developed Wakefield's 見解（をとる）s in a 一連の小冊子s, [38] some 匿名の／不明の, others 調印するd by さまざまな members, but almost all composed by Wakefield himself. [39] The 植民地化 Society （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that their 計画（する） had a twofold 反対する, to 治療（薬） by 移住苦しめる and pauperism in Britain, and to 除去する by systematic 植民地化存在するing social and 経済的な evils in the 植民地s. But neither 反対する seemed to attract much attention in 1830, when the movement for 議会の改革（する） was agitating men's minds. In 1831, Wakefield complained that this difficulty stood in the way of 誘発するing any 利益／興味 in 植民地化 or 植民地の事業／計画（する）s. [40] The systematic colonizers had an 上りの／困難な struggle in trying to 軍隊 a new theory upon an indifferent public and an unwilling 政府. Their 提案s were received with "disdain or ridicule" [41] by those few who considered them, and with "derision and 軽蔑（する）" [42] by those who had it in their 力／強力にする to carry them into 影響. "It is the ありふれた運命／宿命 of nearly all new 発明s," they 観察するd philosophically, "to be called, for a time, wild and visionary. The 量 of ridicule and 乱用 bestowed on such 発明s, is 一般に in 割合 to the greatness of the 反対するs, and the 簡単 of the means by which it is 提案するd that those 反対するs should be 得るd. The suggestion of the 国家の植民地化 Society has not escaped the ordinary 運命／宿命 of new 提案s having in 見解（をとる）広大な／多数の／重要な反対するs; nor was it to be 推定する／予想するd that anything so 完全に novel, and 提案するing to 遂行する反対するs of such 広大な importance by means so very 平易な of 使用／適用, should be received, at first, さもなければ than with derision, contempt, or 無関心／冷淡." [43] Wakefield himself, looking 支援する in 1849 on their want of success in attracting public notice at this time, wrote, "The public 捕まらないで cared nothing about the 事柄, and could not be brought to take the slightest 利益／興味 in it. If 対抗者s had been many and much in earnest, 変えるs would not have been wanting: the general inattention was too 完全にする for an 対立 that might have 証明するd useful." [44] Indeed the only real 対立 they met with at first （機の）カム from Wilmot Horton, who, from his first 知識 with the Wakefield theory, was a strong 対抗者 of the 原則 of land-sales. [45] In his zeal for 移住 he even became a member of the Society, but incidentally he led to its disruption. Out of compliment to his 利益／興味 in the 支配する he was asked in 1830 to take the 議長，司会を務める at a public 会合 of the Society, and from that position made a speech attacking its 原則s, the result of which was that the Society 解散するd. [46] He also 説得するd 陸軍大佐 Torrens to join him in a 論争 with the members on the question of selling 植民地の lands. The 長，指導者反対 which they took was that a high price on land in the 植民地s would 強要する植民／開拓者s to cultivate lands of inferior fertility, while superior land remained uncultivated. [47] The use of the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "集中" by the systematic colonizers gave 適切な時期 for 誤解 their 計画（する）. 陸軍大佐 Torrens, however, when it was made （疑いを）晴らす to him that the 集中ーするつもりであるd was 単に combination of 労働, 認める that his 反対 was 打ち勝つ, became a 変える to the theory, and indeed one of its warmest 支持者s. "This system of 植民地化," Torrens told the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, "was first 提案するd to my consideration by Sir Robert Wilmot Horton, and he 明言する／公表するd to me that it was calculated to produce congestion upon particular 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs of land, to 強要する the 植民／開拓者s to cultivate inferior 国／地域, to （判決などを）下す their 労働 and 資本／首都いっそう少なく生産力のある, to 減ずる給料 and 利益（をあげる）s, which are おもに決定するd by the last 質 of land under cultivation, and to occasion rent to be paid upon superior lands as in an old country. To the 原則 of 植民地化, as thus understood, I certainly had very decided 反対. But when, upon 調査, I 設立する that this system of 植民地化, rightly understood, did not 伴う／関わる the necessity of cultivating inferior land, but, on the contrary, it 申し込む／申し出d to the 植民／開拓者 the most perfect freedom of cultivating the most fertile land in a very 広範囲にわたる地区, then all the 反対s which had occurred to Sir Robert Wilmot Horton and myself when we first looked at the 支配する, were to my mind 完全に除去するd, and I became a decided approver and 支持する for the system." [48] Mr. Wilmot Horton, on the other 手渡す, remained 懐疑的な, though he is credited with the curious suggestion that the Society should have Australia and South Africa in which to try their theories, while he 保存するd Canada as a field of 実験 for his own ideas. [49]

A more 著名な変える was Jeremy Bentham. In 1793 he had 勧めるd the French to emancipate their 植民地s. [50] In 1825 he had 宣言するd that the 所有／入手 of 植民地s was not necessary ーするために carry on 貿易（する） with them, and that the 資本／首都 used in 植民地の貿易（する） might be 適用するd as productively to other undertakings. [51] 植民地化, considered as a means of 増加するing the general wealth of the mother-country was, he thought, "an agreeable folly." On seeing the 提案s for colonizing the Swan River in 1829, he had, however, changed his opinion as to the value of 植民地s, and in the summer of 1831, about a year before his death, he was led to consider the Wakefield theory and the 提案s of the 植民地化 Society. After raising several 反対s he 宣言するd his unqualified approbation of the theory, and wrote in its support. [52] These writings were never published but 存在する in about fifty pages of manuscript, all difficult to read, and some almost indecipherable. [53] He 受託するs the 原則 of 制限 underlying the Wakefield theory, calling it the "周辺-maximization or dispersion-妨げるing 原則," and discusses at length and with かなりの attention to 詳細（に述べる） the 提案するd 計画（する） of 設立するing a new 植民地 on Spencer's 湾, South Australia. Since these writings were never published and Bentham died soon afterwards, it is not likely that his 影響（力） counted for much in attracting adherents to systematic 植民地化, except in so far as men like Grote and Molesworth would be induced to look favourably upon a theory which Bentham 認可するd. Wakefield did not receive the 全員一致の support of the Benthamite group, and he was all the more pleased to 認める Bentham's own 是認. He 宣言するd later that the form of England and America was 示唆するd by Bentham. [54]

After the 論争 with Wilmot Horton and his 活動／戦闘 in attacking its 原則s, the Society seems to have broken up. But its 長，指導者 members continued to 行為／法令／行動する together and to carry on their 試みる／企てる to educate 議会 and the country to their 見解（をとる）s on 植民地化.

A 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of 小冊子s is given in the footnote to p. 162 England and America, Vol. ii. As some of these are hard to trace I have given the 圧力（をかける）示すs of the British Museum 目録 whenever possible.

1. Sketch of a 提案 for colonizing Australasia, 1829. (B.M. 8154. d. 30.)

2. A Letter from Sydney, the 主要な／長／主犯 town of Australasia, edited by Robert Gouger, together with the 輪郭（を描く） of a system of 植民地化, 1829. (B.M. 798 e. 9.)

3. A 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs of a 提案するd 国家の Society for the cure and 予防 of pauperism, by means of Systematic 植民地化, 1830, (B.M., C.T., 232 (i).)

4. A Letter to the 権利 Honourable Sir George Murray on Systematic 植民地化, by Charles Tennant, M.P., 1830. This 小冊子 is not in the British Museum but is at the 植民地の Office. (C.O. 5031, Vol. iii.)

5. Letters forming part of a correspondence with Nassau William 上級の, Esq., 関心ing Systematic 植民地化, Charles Tennant, 1831, (B.M. 8154 b.b. 28.)

6. Eleven letters in the 観客, 調印するd P——— , 1830-1. (Written by Wakefield.)

7. A lecture on 植民地化配達するd before the Literary 協会 at the London Tavern on December 5th, 1831, R. Davies Hanson, 1832. (Not in the British Museum 目録 under the 指名する of R. D. Hanson.)

8. 提案 to His Majesty's 政府 for 設立するing a 植民地 on the Southern Coast of Australia. Printed and 循環させるd but not sold, 1831. (B.M. 8154 e. 1 (5).)

9. 計画（する） of a Company to be 設立するd for 設立するing a 植民地 in Southern Australia, 1831. (B.M. 8154 d. 66 (i).)

10. Article in the London Literary Gazette, October 29th, 1831.

11. 移住 and 植民地化. A speech 配達するd at a general 会合 of the 国家の植民地化 Society in June, 1830, by William Hutt, Esq., M.P., 1832. (Not in British Museum 目録 under the 指名する of William Hutt.)

12. 移住 for the 救済 of Parishes 事実上 considered, by Robert Gouger, 1833. (B.M. 8276 de. 13/12.)

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 VI.

1 "Mr. Wakefield had to 補助装置 him in propagating his tenets," wrote one of his 対抗者s, "not only the charm of 'style,' but of personal fascination, with a more than Protean adaptiveness, which （判決などを）下すd him the friend and bosom 助言者 of 共和国の／共和党のs and 過激なs, Whig and 保守的な Peers, Low Church and High Church Bishops. Five 長官s of 明言する／公表する for the 植民地s—Lords Glenelg and Stanley, Monteagle, Aberdeen and Grey—have been more or いっそう少なく his pupils." Samuel Sidney, The Three 植民地s of Australia, 1853, 2nd Ed., p. 95.

3 Charles Buller was born in 1806. His father was Charles Buller of Morval, Cornwall, who was in the 歳入 department of the East India Company's service. He was educated first at Harrow, then by Carlyle, who was his 私的な教える, then at Trinity College, Cambridge. He was called to the 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 in 1831, but did not practise until 1838. In 1830 he entered 議会 as member for West Looe, and after 1832 was member for Liskeard until his death in 1848.

6 Leaves from the Diary of Henry Greville, 1883, 1st Series, p. 205, and see p. 308.

19 Even as late as 1869 he wrote to A. M. Francis, "With regard to lands, I am still, Hke yourself, in favour of the Wakefield system." Letters of John Stuart Mill, 1910, Vol. ii, p. 201.

22 観客, December 4th, 1841. The Editor comments: "With the generosity of most high intellects, Mr. Wakefield せいにするs to the 援助（する） of others successes 命令（する）d by his own 広大な／多数の／重要な力／強力にするs; it was these even that compelled the 援助（する） which he 認めるs."

24 Letter to C. B. Adderley, December 24th, 1849. 創立者s of Canterbury, p. 176.

30 E. Hodder, The 設立するing of South Australia (from the 定期刊行物s of Robert Gouger), 1898, pp. 36-7. Gouger wrote to Lord Glenelg, on May 12th, 1835: "早期に in 1830, in 合同 with Mr. Hutt, I formed a society, whose 反対する it was to show the evils arising from giving land away, 大（公）使館員ing 条件s of cultivation to occupiers of land, and to make known to the public those 原則s of 植民地化 on which the new 州 (of South Australia) is to be 設立するd." Ibid., p. 160. The 初めの of this letter in C.O. 13/3 gives the date of the 創立／基礎 of the society as 1829.

31 Hodder, pp. 35-6; see also Gouger's letter to Charles Tennyson, January 27th, 1831. C.O. 384/28.

32 See the 尊敬の印 paid to him by Wakefield in 1833. "Mr. Robert Gouger, the 長官 of the society, whose 成果／努力s to procure the 採択 of its whole 計画（する） have been unceasing for several years. The successful 問題／発行する of Mr. Gouger's long contest with the judgments of ignorance, the 侮辱s of pride, and the 延期するs of idleness, should be a lesson of 激励 to the 支持するs of useful 事業／計画（する）s."—England and America, Vol. ii, footnote at p. 161.

35 A 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs of a 提案するd 国家の Society for the cure and 予防 of pauperism by means of systematic 植民地化, London, 1830.

36 Ibid. See also two 小冊子s, Letters forming part of a correspondence with Nassau 上級の関心ing Systematic 植民地化, 1831, and A letter to the 権利 Honourable Sir George Murray on Systematic 植民地化, 1830, both ascribed to Charles Tennant, M.P.

38 A 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） is given in a 公式文書，認める at the end of this 一時期／支部.

39 Wakefield's letter of June 2nd, 1835, to the South Australian Commissioners. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv, 虫垂. Rusden wrote that Wakefield "trumpeted his theory in a 植民地の Gazette, and he moved a small world of 熱中している人s." History of Australia, 1883, Vol. ii, p. 81. 現実に the first number of the 植民地の Gazette, which later became the 組織／臓器 of the "systematic colonizers," only appeared in December, 1838.

42 Wakefield's 証拠 before the 1836 Lands 委員会, to Question 961. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

43 Letter to the Directors of the Canadian Land Company, Correspondence with Nassau 上級の, 1831, pp. 67-8.

45 証拠 of Wakefield and of 陸軍大佐 Torrens before the 1836 Lands 委員会.

46 England and America, 1833, Vol. ii, footnote at p. 160. 観客, January 15th, 1831.

47 Letter to Sir G. Murray on Systematic 植民地化, 1830, p. 33. James Mill and Malthus took the same 見解（をとる）. Torrens' 証拠 before 1836 Lands 委員会, Question 1182.

50 In 小冊子, Emancipate your 植民地s, 1793, reprinted with a postscript, 1830, and again with an introduction in 1838.

52 England and America, Vol. ii, footnote at p. 102. See also two letters of a "Benthamite" to the Westminster Review, October 23rd and October 29th, 1834, printed in the 観客 for November 1st and November 8th それぞれ.

53 Bentham MSS. in the Library of University College, London, Box No. 8, 国家の植民地化 Society.

一時期／支部 VII

EARLY EXPERIMENTS IN SYSTEMATIC COLONIZATION—1829-1837

In pursuance of their 反対するs the 植民地化 Society had in 1830 approached the 政府, but they met with no success while the Duke of Wellington was in office. [1] Sir George Murray, then 国務長官 for the 植民地s, told them that the 政府 rather wished to discourage 移住. [2] With a change of 省 and the advent of Lord Goderich and Lord Howick to the 植民地の Office at the end of 1830, their 新たにするd 代表s had a more favourable 歓迎会. They 達成するd their first public success when, in January, 1831, the 政府決定するd to 可決する・採択する some 手段 of the Wakefield theory by making a 広大な／多数の／重要な change in the 処分 of waste lands in New South むちの跡s, 先頭 Diemen's Land and Western Australia. [3]

In an old and thickly 居住させるd country the 配当 of land has a powerful 影響 upon all social and political phenomena. Even in a new country with an 明らかに illimitable 供給（する） of land and a scanty and 広範囲にわたって scattered 全住民, as Australia 所有するd in 1830, the land question very soon 現れるs into importance.

The 創立／基礎 of a new 植民地 would seem to 申し込む／申し出 an unexampled 適切な時期 for laying 負かす／撃墜する a fair and equitable system of land 持つ／拘留するing and 解決／入植地, elastic enough to adapt itself to the needs of a growing community. It might be thought that those who were 関心d in 設立するing the Australian 植民地s would have 試みる／企てるd to introduce the general lines of such a system, or at least would have proceeded 慎重に in a 事柄 where a wrong step taken at the start might profoundly 影響する／感情 the 未来繁栄 of these 植民地s, and 証明する exceedingly difficult to retrace. But 非，不，無 of these considerations seemed to have troubled the British 政府 in 設立するing the earlier Australian 植民地s, and in 工夫するing 支配するs for land 解決／入植地. Throughout their earlier 行う／開催する／段階s there was no 正規の／正選手 or uniform system of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of waste lands. [4] In New South むちの跡s land had been given away without regard to its 存在するing or 未来 value. "Probably no more extravagant and careless system of land 配当 has ever been 可決する・採択するd in a British 植民地 than that of the first fifteen years of Australian 解決／入植地." [5] Indeed, the land question in the beginning only arose incidentally out of the character of the 解決／入植地s. These 植民地s were ーするつもりであるd 単に as 刑務所，拘置所s which should at once rid 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain of her 犯罪のs, and 供給する for their 罰 and 改革（する）. 追放する was part of the 罰, the land was part of the means of reformation. 解放する／自由な認めるs of land were made to emancipated 罪人／有罪を宣告するs ーするために give them an 適切な時期 of making a fresh start in life in a new country. When 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s （機の）カム, all that was done was to 延長する the same system to them, except that the 認めるs were on a more 自由主義の規模.

Up to 1810, the usual method had been to 認める land to emancipated 罪人／有罪を宣告するs or to 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s, 支配する to 条件s as to やめる-rents. These 認めるs were made at the 絶対の discretion of the 知事, and during this period were large in 量 though not in number. 解放する／自由な移住 was then on such a small 規模 that each 使用／適用 for land was dealt with on its 長所s, and no 全世界の／万国共通の支配する was laid 負かす／撃墜する. [6]

As far as the Home 政府 had any 目的（とする） at this time it was to encourage the 形式 of a class of 小作農民 proprietors; but the land got into few 手渡すs, and the 試みる／企てる was a dismal 失敗. [7] Land was, 明らかに, considered as a bounty on 移住. If a man were so bold as to 支払う／賃金 his passage and try his fortune in one of these penal 植民地s, his hardihood was rewarded with a 解放する／自由な認める of land. During this period, up to 1810, there had been 認めるd in New South むちの跡s 117,269 acres. [8]

During the next 行う／開催する／段階, 1810-1822, while 知事 Macquarie held office, the Home 政府 seems to have 決定するd to encourage 資本主義者s to come to Australia. Anyone arriving there received, on 条件s as to やめる-rents and cultivation, a 解放する／自由な認める of land in 割合 to the 資本／首都 which he could 説得する the 知事 that he 所有するd and was 用意が出来ている to 投資する in the 植民地. いつかs the 資本／首都 was fictitious [9] or was obligingly lent to the applicant by an 融通するing friend. This system, though not the 単独の method of 認めるing land, lasted until 1830.

During this 行う／開催する／段階 the 傾向 was to make the 認めるs smaller in 量, and the 力／強力にする of 認めるing land still lay with the 知事 alone. "In general, land was given to anyone who asked for it and who had the means of cultivating and 在庫／株ing it. But the 知事 had 完全にする, unfettered and unquestioned 力／強力にする to 辞退する such a request without その上の explanation." [10] During the years of his office, Macquarie 認めるd in all 239,576 acres, bringing the total 疎遠にするd by 1820 to 356,845 acres. [11]

By 1824, the Home 政府 had decided to introduce 味方する by 味方する with this system the sale of waste lands. 指示／教授／教育s were sent out to divide the 植民地 into 郡s, hundreds and parishes, and to strike an "普通の／平均（する） price" for which all unappropriated land might be sold, 支配する単に to a 名目上のやめる-rent.

At the same time the older method was 保持するd of 認めるing land at the 知事's discretion to 植民／開拓者s in 割合 to their 資本／首都. [12] Throughout these 行う／開催する／段階s land was looked upon by the 政府 as a ready means of rewarding 海軍の and 軍の officers, and of making 準備／条項 for 植民地の公式の／役人s. With small deviations these 規則s were repeated in 1826 and 1828. [13]

By 1828 the land 疎遠にするd in New South むちの跡s 量d to 2,906,346 acres. [14] This very large 増加する was 予定, not only to the necessity of 会合 the （人命などを）奪う，主張するs of an 増加するing 全住民, but also to the fact that, in 1824, a large 認める of about 1,000,000 acres in New South むちの跡s had been made to the Australian 農業の Company, on the usual 条件s as to やめる-rents. [15]

In 先頭 Diemen's Land, in 1825, a 類似の認める of about 350,000 acres was made to the 先頭 Diemen's Land Company. [16] By the end of 1830, no いっそう少なく than 3,344,030 acres had been 疎遠にするd in New South むちの跡s. [17]

Besides these methods of 認めるs and sales there was another way of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of pastoral land, which afterwards was to lead to the system of "squatting," characteristic of Australian land-持つ／拘留するing, over which many bitter fights were to be fought. Very 早期に in the history of Australian 解決／入植地 the 栄冠を与える認めるd 賃貸し（する）s to colonists to enable them to pasture their flocks and herds on unoccupied lands. This was, however, 権限を与えるd 占領／職業, which was not of course freehold, and, indeed, carried no 肩書を与える to the land itself. The 政権 of "squatting" or unauthorized 占領／職業 of land had, by 1830, hardly begun. The 植民／開拓者s were still 限定するd by order to 確かな地区s—afterwards known as the "Old Settled 地区s"—where alone they were 許すd to 占領する land. [18]

Such then, in 1830, was the 複雑にするd and wasteful "system" of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of 栄冠を与える Lands in the Australian 植民地s. [19] There was no 一貫した and 限定された政策 underlying it. Land was used as a bounty on 移住, as a means of raising 歳入 for the 栄冠を与える, as an 誘導 to 資本主義者s to settle, and as a reward for those who had （判決などを）下すd service to the 植民地 or the mother-country. In these circumstances it was little wonder that the "system" gave no satisfaction to the colonists, who 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d it with conducing to favouritism and 汚職 on the part of the 植民地の政府. [20] ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s could not be 確かな on what 条件 and in what 量 they might 得る land, or even whether they would receive any at all. いつかs emigrants arrived only to find that the 規則s which had been in 存在 when they sailed had been changed. [21] Indeed the system of 認めるs and the discretion 許すd to the 知事 were both unsatisfactory to 植民／開拓者s. If they 所有するd 影響（力） with the 国務長官 or with other men in high places, land was not very difficult to 得る. [22] On the other 手渡す, however deserving they might be, they had no 是正する if the 知事 chose to 保留する a 認める from them. 知事 Darling, indeed, was （刑事）被告 by his 対抗者s of 辞退するing 認めるs to those whose only disqualification was that they had come under his displeasure or that of his 公式の／役人s. [23] Lord Stanley, in 1842, 述べるd the system as one that 変化させるd almost from year to year, 原因（となる）ing 失望 to 植民／開拓者s, 主要な to 論争d 肩書を与えるs and 広大な／多数の／重要な litigation, and checking the 移住 both of 労働 and 資本／首都 to the 植民地. [24] Even from the point of 見解（をとる） of the 植民地の政府 it was so unsatisfactory that, when an end was put to it in 1831, 知事 Arthur of 先頭 Diemen's Land, although he by no means 認可するd of the new, yet "heartily rejoiced" that the old system was no more. [25]

The first intimation of a change in 1831 was a despatch from Lord Goderich to 知事 Darling on the 9th January, 発表するing his 意向 to introduce, in the 近づく未来, a uniform system of sale in New South むちの跡s, and 教えるing Darling, in the 合間, to discontinue all その上の認めるs except by way of sale. [26] His 意向 was realized in a despatch of the 14th February, 1831, 含む／封じ込めるing 王室の指示／教授／教育s to Darling as to the 処分 of waste lands, and enclosing the printed 条件 of the new 規則s for ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s—afterwards 井戸／弁護士席 known as the Ripon 規則s. [27] The 知事 was 教えるd that all lands not hitherto 認めるd, and not appropriated for public 目的s were to be 性質の／したい気がして of in no other way than by sale at auction at a 最小限 price of not いっそう少なく than five shillings per acre. A deposit of 10 per cent. was 要求するd from the purchaser, and the 残りの人，物 was to be paid within a month, or 所有／入手 was not 認めるd and the sale was 無効の. 認めるs thus 得るd were to be 支配する to no 条件s whatever except a 名目上のやめる-rent of a peppercorn. The land was to be put up for sale in lots of not いっそう少なく than 640 acres, except in special circumstances when, on 使用／適用 to the 知事, the 量 might be 減ずるd. With the 知事, however, 残り／休憩（する）d the 単独の力／強力にする of deciding what lands should be exposed for sale and what lands withheld. Lands which were 要求するd for grazing 目的s were to be let on 賃貸し（する） from year to year, but, if 適用するd for by ーするつもりであるing purchasers, were to be sold at auction in the same way as other land.

At the same time another 改革（する） was 学校／設けるd by this despatch. 栄冠を与える reserves for Church or School 設立s were, in 一致 with a 推薦 of the Commissioners of 調査 into 植民地の支出 in 1830, [28] 廃止するd as a 税金 upon the 産業 and 資本／首都 of the colonists.

These changes 適用するd both to New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, and 類似の指示／教授／教育s and 規則s were sent out a little later to the 知事 of Western Australia. [29] There, however, in the absence of 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働, 植民／開拓者s were to be 許すd, in the 購入（する） of land, ｣20 for every married labourer with his family, brought by them to the 植民地. This 譲歩 was to take the place of the 準備／条項 which 許すd such expense to be counted as part of the 資本／首都 in 割合 to which 認めるs were 以前は made. [30]

The despatch of the 9th January, 1831, 堅固に非難するd the 規則s 以前 in 軍隊, and gave 推論する／理由s for 代用品，人ing the new system. In the first place, these 規則s had not had the ーするつもりであるd 影響 of 妨げるing the （資金の）充当／歳出 of large tracts of land by persons unable to 改善する or to cultivate them. The 条件s laid 負かす／撃墜する as to cultivation and やめる-rents had failed. The cultivation 条件s had been very little …に出席するd to, and were unsatisfactory because they were vague in extent and difficult to 施行する. In practice they were 単に制限する and useless. They placed the 政府 of the 植民地 "in the disagreeable 状況／情勢 of either 苦しむing 規則s they have 許可／制裁d to become a dead letter, or of 干渉するing in a manner which must やむを得ず have the 外見 of 存在独断的な and capricious, from the impossibility of laying 負かす／撃墜する any 肯定的な支配する or defining 正確に／まさに the 要求するd degree of cultivation." [31] The 条件s as to やめる-rents were no more 満足な. They were difficult and expensive to collect, and were so small in 量 that the 歳入 they brought in might more easily be 供給（する）d from other sources. The 広大な／多数の／重要な反対 to the whole "system" of 認めるs at the discretion of the 知事 was "the 疑惑 to which it unavoidably exposes the 植民地の当局 of 妥当でない partiality to individuals." [32]

In the next place, apart from their 失敗, the 存在するing 規則s were not 設立するd on 訂正する見解（をとる）s of the true 利益／興味 of the mother-country and the 植民地. They tended to encourage 資本主義者s rather than labourers, while it was the 移住 of 失業した labourers which would give the greatest 救済 to the mother-country, and, at the same time, be most useful to the 植民地, which was 絶えず complaining of the difficulty of 得るing 労働. Again, the high 普通の／平均（する） price of wheat which 存在するd together with the want of 需要・要求する for 植民地の produce, led the 国務長官 to believe that the 植民／開拓者s were too scattered and cultivation too 広範囲にわたって延長するd. "These two 明らかに inconsistent evils, of a high price and a want of 需要・要求する, lead me to believe that cultivation has been too 広範囲にわたって延長するd, and that it would have been more for the 利益／興味s of the 植民地 if the 植民／開拓者s, instead of spreading themselves over so 広大な／多数の／重要な an extent of 領土, had rather 適用するd themselves to the more effectual 改良 and cultivation of a narrower surface." [33] The 推論する／理由 which he 割り当てるd for this dispersion was that land could be too easily 得るd. "A different course, however, has been 追求するd, 主として, as it appears, 借りがあるing to the extreme 施設 of acquiring land, by which every man has been encouraged to become a proprietor, producing what he can by his own unassisted 成果／努力s." [34]

Having shown the 失敗 of the 存在するing 規則s to 達成する the 反対するs at which they 目的（とする）d, the 国務長官 proceeded to give his 推論する／理由 for introducing the new system. In his opinion it was necessary to place some 制限 on the 取得／買収 of land, and その為に to 供給する a 供給（する） of 労働. "If these 見解（をとる）s be 訂正する, what is now 要求するd is to check this extreme 施設 and to encourage the 形式 of a class of labourers for 雇う, as the only means of creating a market for the 農業の produce of the 植民地, of 影響ing さまざまな改良s, and of 起訴するing the many 支店s of 産業 which are now neglected, while, at the same time, by enabling the agriculturist to 適用する the 広大な／多数の／重要な原則 of the 分割 of 労働, his produce will be 増加するd and afforded at a more reasonable 率." [35] Two ways of bringing about this 願望（する）d 反対する示唆するd themselves.

In the first place, the 法律 might be altered to make indentures more binding on the labourers, so that 資本主義者s might be induced to defray the expenses of their introduction into the 植民地.

In the next place, land should be 認めるd in no other way than by sale for ready money at a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 最小限 price. "Another and important 前進するに向かって a better system may, I think, be made by a 手段, simple and 平易な in itself, and which will at the same time have much more 影響 in 妨げるing the 占領／職業 of land by persons unable or unwilling to 改善する it, than the 現在の複雑にするd and, in practice, nugatory 規則s. The 手段 to which I allude, is that of 宣言するing that in 未来 no land whatever shall be 性質の／したい気がして of さもなければ than by sale, a 最小限 price (say, five shillings an acre) 存在直す／買収する，八百長をするd." [36]

This despatch has been 引用するd at some length ーするために give, as far as possible in Lord Goderich's own words, the 推論する／理由 for the new system of sale by auction. It would seem （疑いを）晴らす enough that what was ーするつもりであるd was to introduce in practice the 原則 of 制限 underlying the Wakefield system. It was not 単に that a price was 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d for land a little higher than the usual price, but it was 課すd with the particular 反対する of 妨げるing labourers from becoming landowners too soon. No 疑問 the land 規則s had been in a very unsatisfactory 明言する／公表する—知事 Darling had written once or twice to the 植民地の Office complaining of them. [37] It was obvious that some change was 望ましい. But the system 可決する・採択するd was 非，不，無 the いっそう少なく the Wakefield system, though not perhaps in the form which its author would have wished. A uniform system of sale was 設立するd throughout Australia, and, so far as the new 政策 was in （許可，名誉などを）与える with the 長，指導者原則 of the Wakefield theory, the systematic colonizers professed themselves pleased. They never 疑問d but that it was the 意向 of the 政府 to introduce some 手段 of the Wakefield system, and they prided themselves on having wrought the change by their 代表s. They 選び出す／独身d out Lord Howick, then Under-国務長官 for the 植民地s, as 存在 the real author of the new 規則s, [38] and, indeed, （人命などを）奪う，主張するd him as the first 公式の／役人変える to the new theory. [39]

Some of the colonists, too, saw in the Ripon 規則s an 試みる／企てる to carry out the 推薦s of the Letter from Sydney, In 1831 a 特派員 of the Sydney Gazette wrote that "in this letter and its 虫垂, we find the germ of these ruinous land 規則s." [40] Again, in 1832, the Sydney 先触れ（する） wrote of "Robert Gouger," that "his misstatements have already 負傷させるd our 植民地 beyond 計算／見積り, and have 課すd the sale and やめる-rent of land." [41] But Wakefield's 株 in the change has not gone unchallenged. Mr. J. D. Rogers says of Wakefield: "He said that it was he who 示唆するd to Lord Grey (then Lord Howick), who 示唆するd to Lord Ripon (then Lord Goderich), who introduced the ３倍になる革命 of 1831. Even so the 飛行機で行く said that it turned the wheel." [42] In 見解（をとる） of this 声明, it is perhaps necessary to bring some more 証拠 to show what Lord Goderich and Lord Howick had in mind in introducing the new system. "One of the 長，指導者反対するs in 見解（をとる）," wrote Lord Goderich in his despatch of the 14th February, 1831, …を伴ってing the 規則s, [43] is "a 広大な／多数の／重要な制限 of the extreme 施設 of acquiring land which now 存在するs. This is 絶対必須の for the 目的 of checking the dispersion of 植民／開拓者s." [44] Again, in 1833, when the 植民／開拓者s of Swan River requested him, as a means to the 繁栄 of their sorely-tried 植民地, to 解任する the new 規則s for selling land there, he defended the system in words which Wakefield himself might have used to 述べる the advantage of sale over all other methods of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of waste lands. "All experience 証明するs," he wrote, "that the greatest drawback upon the 進歩 and 繁栄 of new 植民地s, arises from such a 施設 in 得るing land, as tends to destroy all 供給（する） of 労働 for 給料, and to 変える each 植民／開拓者 into a small and 貧窮化した landowner, without means to do more than to 抽出する from it a 明らかにする subsistence. Others, however, of more ample means, will be induced, from that very circumstance, to become 植民／開拓者s, from the greater 施設s of 得るing 労働, and the wider field which would thus be opened to them of laying out their 資本／首都 with advantage. It will have the その上の影響 of introducing into the 植民地 a better order of society, and of 規制するing the gradations of the different classes of it." [45] From Lord Howick's speeches in the House of ありふれたs it may be gathered that he was an 早期に変える to the Wakefield theory as he understood it. In 1831, in supporting the 廃止 of 解放する／自由な認めるs in Canada, he spoke of the incorrect notions as to the best means of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of 植民地の waste lands which had 原因（となる）d all the evils of the former system. [46] In 1839, again, he 宣言するd in no uncertain トン that he 受託するd the 原則 of the Wakefield theory. "I 完全に agree with him [47] as to its soundness and extreme importance, and I think also with him, that its 発見反映するs 広大な／多数の／重要な honour upon the gentleman by whom it was brought to light, and who first pointed out its 影響（力） upon the success of all 計画／陰謀s of 植民地化. As far as I am aware, the 利益s to be derived from the 予防 of an undue dispersion of 植民／開拓者s in a new 領土, with the means by which this 反対する can best be 遂行するd, and the necessity of 連合させるd 労働, which in a new country, can only be 安全な・保証するd by artificially 持続するing a proper 割合 between the numbers of the 全住民 and the extent of land which they 占領する, had 完全に escaped the notice of all writers upon political economy, until they were 明言する／公表するd in those 作品 of Mr. Wakefield . . . . I consider these 原則s to be not いっそう少なく important than they were novel at the time they were brought into notice by Mr. Wakefield." [48]

Two years later Howick 認める that Wakefield 起こる／始まるd the 政策 on which the Ripon 規則s were based. Speaking on May 1st, 1841, at a 別れの（言葉，会） dinner to Wakefield on the eve of his 出発 for Canada, he said: "It was true that when in office in 1831 he had endeavoured to give 使用／適用 to the system which Mr. Wakefield discovered." [49]

The Ripon 規則s, then, were an 試みる／企てる to put into practice the 長，指導者原則 of the Wakefield theory. It was the first 試みる／企てる in the nineteenth century to proceed systematically in 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of the waste lands of the 栄冠を与える in the 植民地s. It was the first 投機・賭ける of the 植民地の Office along the novel path of theory, and, as might have been 推定する／予想するd, it was a hesitating one. Although it had been 決定するd to put a price on land to 妨げる labourers from becoming landowners too soon, [50] no 苦痛s were taken to make the price "十分な." Five shillings an acre was about the usual price of land at the time, [51] or perhaps a little above the usual price. [52] But it was necessary to make a beginning without 原因（となる）ing too much 対立, and the price was purposely 直す／買収する，八百長をするd low. In 1831, Lord Howick told the House of ありふれたs in 1843, "an opinion unfavourable to the new 政策 was 全世界の／万国共通のの中で persons 利益／興味d in the 植民地s; their 激しい抗議 was so strong, that it was felt to be 慎重な to begin a little gently, to get the 計画／陰謀 into 操作／手術 with a price of 5s., and as soon as they could do it with advantage, to raise the price." [53] Howick, indeed, 株d Wakefield's 見解（をとる） that the price should be progressively raised until it became 十分な, and this he would have done had he remained in office. [54]

It may be taken as a curious illustration of the way in which the 植民地s were 治める／統治するd in 1831, that such a momentous change in land 政策 which 影響する／感情d every colonist, "a perfect 革命 in the most important 機能（する）／行事 of 植民地の政府," as Wakefield called it, [55] should have been directed 単に by a despatch under the 手渡す of a 国務長官, without any 訴える手段／行楽地 to 議会 for 確定／確認 or disavowal. By the mere ipse dixit of a 国務長官 a 植民地 might have its lands thrown open to 解決／入植地, or locked up for years; the 創立／基礎s of its 繁栄 might be laid, or the seeds of its 失敗 sown. The 規則s were certainly given the 当局 of an Order in 会議, but throughout the 訴訟／進行s 議会 was never 協議するd. It is true that at a later date when responsible 政府 was 譲歩するd to Canada in 1840, and to Australia in 1855, the all-important change was made in each 事例／患者単に by a despatch 教えるing the 知事 to choose his 助言者s with 言及／関連 to their support in the popular House; but in those 事例／患者s the 政策 had long been discussed, and had been several times before 議会.

There was little 激励 to 存在するing or ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s in the knowledge that at any time there might come another 独断的な change in the land 規則s to upset all their 計算／見積りs. The previous history of Australia had been such that there was no 保証（人） that the new 規則s might not also, in their turn, be soon superseded.

The place which 植民地s then held in the minds of Englishmen is strikingly shown by the fact that, although the Ripon 規則s were published in 十分な in the Morning Chronicle of January 24th, 1831, they had not, by February the 3rd, "been copied into any other 定期刊行物, or even について言及するd by the 圧力（をかける）." [56] Indeed, they received only a passing 言及／関連 in 議会 from Lord Howick in 1831, and did not come up for consideration there until February 22nd, 1832, when Mr. Dixon, complaining of the "iniquitous 訴訟／進行s" of the 知事 of New South むちの跡s in asking five shillings per acre for land and in （人命などを）奪う，主張するing arrears of やめる-rents, recommended the 政府 to 再考する their 政策 of selling waste lands. [57] Lord Howick replied that the old system of 認めるing lands had led to 広大な／多数の／重要な（民事の）告訴s, and orders had been accordingly sent out to change the system. [58] On June 7th, 1832, Dixon returned to the attack and, supported by Mr. Henry Lytton Bulwer, asked for a Select 委員会 to consider the alienation of 栄冠を与える lands in New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land. Howick 辞退するd on the ground that it would mean a general 調査 into the question of 移住 and 植民地の land, and would 量 to considering whether the 政府's 政策 were wise or unwise. [59]

The systematic colonizers were by no means content with this, their first success with the 植民地の Office. While they were ready to give all credit to Lord Howick for the 前進する, they considered it an "ぎこちない試みる／企てる," [60] which fell far short of a whole-hearted introduction of the Wakefield system into Australia.

In the first place, they thought the price of five shillings was not in any way a 十分な price. (Wakefield, it will be remembered, had 示唆するd two 続けざまに猛撃するs per acre. [61]) At such a price as five shillings there would be really no 制限 on the 施設 with which labourers might become landowners, and it would therefore 妨げる the 存在 in the 植民地 of a class of labourers for 雇う. [62] Indeed, so 欠陥のある in this 尊敬（する）・点 did the 規則s appear to Wakefield, that he complained the 最小限 price 設立するd was only such a "colourable 採択" of his theory as to bring it into discredit. [63] He 示唆するd, too, before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, [64] that the proper way of 直す／買収する，八百長をするing the price instead of leaving it to the 知事's discretion, was to have a responsible 団体／死体, like the Poor 法律 Commissioners, whose 機能（する）／行事 it should be to 規制する the price as circumstances might 要求する, having regard to the 反対する with which it was 課すd.

In the second place, the 規則s were 欠陥のある in that they did not 含む／封じ込める準備／条項s 説得力のある the 支出 of the land 基金 on 移住. [65] Although this part of the Wakefield theory was detachable from the 原則 of a 十分な price, yet Wakefield and his 信奉者s held that it was necessary to 充てる the whole of the proceeds to 移住 if the best and most 早い sort of 植民地化 was to take place. More 特に was it necessary, by 増加するing 全住民 in this way, to 増加する the 割合 of people to land when the price was so low as to be unable to 影響 this by 制限.

In the next place, the systematic colonizers 反対するd that the new 規則s were not 設立するd on any 耐えるing basis. The 当局 of a despatch or of an Order in 会議 was not a 十分な保証（人） that the new system would be 永久の. [66] It left too much to the discretion of the 植民地の Office, and was far too 扶養家族 on the 好意／親善 of the 植民地の大臣 for the time 存在. Although they thought the step did not go far enough, they did not want it retraced. They wished to make the change 永久の by an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会, which alone, in 見解（をとる） of past history in Australia, could 安心させる the colonists against the 恐れる of たびたび（訪れる） and 予期しない change. [67] They would have been best pleased with an 行為／法令／行動する which laid 負かす／撃墜する the 原則 that a 十分な price should be 課すd, and left it to a （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 to 決定する what price was 十分な.

It was not until some time later that 反対 was taken by Wakefield to the 計画（する） of auction as stultifying the 原則 of 十分な price; [68] but the 準備／条項 as to the size of the allotments in which waste land was to be put up for auction—640 acres, unless special 推論する／理由 was shown for a smaller 量—was 非難するd as placing too 広大な／多数の／重要な a check on the labourer's 施設 for becoming a landowner, without 妨げるing 資本主義者s from taking up as much land as they 要求するd. Robert Gouger 勧めるd on Lord Howick the necessity for 減ずるing the size of the lots so that a labourer might be 解放する／自由な to 購入（する） when he wished, without 影響する／感情ing the 力／強力にする of the 資本主義者 to 得る large 量s by buying several lots. [69] Both this 準備／条項 and that which gave the 知事 discretion in 保留するing land from sale, sinned against the 条件 laid 負かす／撃墜する by Wakefield that 植民／開拓者s should have "perfect liberty of （資金の）充当／歳出." [70] "The 知事's caprice," he wrote in 1833, "still 決定するs どの辺に land shall be 調査するd and 認めるd." [71] He called attention to the inconsistency of having so low a price, as five shillings would not keep labourers from becoming landowners too soon, and leaving a 力／強力にする in the 手渡すs of the 知事 which 事実上量d to 許すing him to make the price whatever he liked by 保留するing land and その為に encouraging 競争. [72] He would have preferred a much higher price and no discretionary 力／強力にする in the 手渡すs of the 知事 to 保留する land 直接／まっすぐに or 間接に.

Then there was the その上の制限 on the 解決／入植地 of land in New South むちの跡s 妨げるing 解放する／自由な（資金の）充当／歳出, which had its origin in the 早期に circumstances of the 植民地. Land was 許すd to be bought only in 確かな settled 地区s, "within the 限界s of 場所" 設立するd by a 政府 Order of the 14th October, 1829. These 境界s seem to have been 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 初めは so as to 妨げる the escape of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, and to 少なくなる the 適切な時期s of 衝突 between colonists and aborigines, [73] and were a very real 障壁 to 解決／入植地 and to that freedom of （資金の）充当／歳出 which was 必須の to the Wakefield system. In 非難するing the Ripon 規則s in a letter to Lord Howick, Robert Gouger 示唆するd that these 境界s should be 徐々に大きくするd as the 需要・要求する for land grew. [74]

Apart altogether from any other 反対s, the systematic colonizers held that the Wakefield theory could not have a fair 裁判，公判 in New South むちの跡s or 先頭 Diemen's Land, where there 存在するd a system of transportation, and where their main doctrine of 制限 was 妨害するd in practice by the 量 of land which had already been 認めるd to 植民／開拓者s.

Not いっそう少なく important to a young 植民地 than a good system of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of land, is 移民／移住, which brings to the land the necessary complement of 労働 and 資本／首都. During the years 1821 to 1830 inclusive, 移住 from 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain to Australia was not a 安定した stream, but a mere trickle. On an 普通の／平均（する） only 880 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s arrived each year, and this 含むs those who went to form the new 解決／入植地 at Swan River. Not until 1828 did the numbers 量 to over one thousand in any one year. [75] During the corresponding period the 普通の／平均（する）年次の number of 罪人／有罪を宣告する emigrants to the penal 植民地s of New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land was 2,447. [76] But by 1830 these 植民地s had come to be something more than mere overseas 刑務所，拘置所s. In 1828, when a 国勢（人口）調査 was taken in New South むちの跡s, the 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s (含むing emancipated 罪人／有罪を宣告するs) numbered about 21,000, while the 罪人／有罪を宣告するs numbered about 16,000. [77] The time had gone by when 知事 Macquarie could preach and practise the doctrine that a penal 植民地存在するd まず第一に／本来 for 罪人／有罪を宣告するs and 前科者s. But, at the 率 at which 罪人／有罪を宣告するs were 注ぐing in, something more than the trivial stream of 解放する／自由な emigrants was 要求するd if the 解放する／自由な全住民 was definitely to predominate in these 植民地s. The Home 政府 showed no 調印する of checking the 供給（する） of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, much いっそう少なく of abandoning the system of transportation. Indeed from 1826 to 1830 the number of 罪人／有罪を宣告する emigrants 徐々に増加するd.

Whatever may have been thought of the 正確 of the Letter from Sydney as a general description of 条件s in Australia in 1829, it was not 論争d that Wakefield was 権利 in pointing out how 不十分な労働 was, and how unsatisfactory were both indentured and 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働. Throughout the １０年間 beginning with 1830 （民事の）告訴s were ありふれた in all the Australian 植民地s of the scarcity of 労働. [78] Indeed so 広大な／多数の／重要な was the 需要・要求する for 労働 that, in 1837, the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s entertained the 提案 to introduce into the 植民地 natives of India bound by indenture to work for a given period. [79]

In all the Australian 植民地s the system of indentured 労働 had failed. Its 非，不，無-success had been one of the 原因（となる）s of the 災害 at the Swan River. [80] In New South むちの跡s Mr. James Macarthur, [81] a 豊富な landowner, is 報告（する）／憶測d to have said, "there is no instance on 記録，記録的な／記録する in the history of the 植民地, where 植民／開拓者s have been able to 妨げる their indented servants, 雇うd in England, from turning 不満な, and then leaving them after their arrival." [82] The system gave endless inconvenience to the masters, and it was 悪名高くも the 事例／患者 that indentured servants either left their masters or made so much trouble that their masters were 軍隊d to 解放（する） them from service. [83] Nor did the system work better in 先頭 Diemen's Land. There it was discredited and 人気がない because of the uniform 不品行／姦通 of the servants. [84]

罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 was still more unsatisfactory. In the first place, the 供給（する） was 限られた／立憲的な. There were not enough 割り当てるd 罪人／有罪を宣告するs to 会合，会う the needs of the 植民／開拓者s, and 使用／適用s to the 政府 for this 肉親，親類d of 労働 often had to be 辞退するd or only 部分的に／不公平に受託するd. Again, its 援助 was uncertain because it was 認めるd at the 単独の discretion of the 知事 and might be arbitrarily withheld or 孤立した. [85] Then, too, 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 was 極端に inefficient. 知事 Arthur calculated that three out of every ten 割り当てるd 罪人／有罪を宣告するs were a 全く useless 重荷（を負わせる） to their masters. [86] The 公共事業（料金）／有用性 of a 供給（する） of 軍隊d 労働, which is always economically inferior to 解放する／自由な労働, was often 少なくなるd by the practical difficulty of 説得力のある the 罪人／有罪を宣告する to work. The master had to waste a かなりの量 of time and money in 施行するing obedience by bringing the 罪人／有罪を宣告する before a 治安判事 for 罰. Indeed he often had to overlook peculation and other 不品行／姦通 because of the waste of time and money in bringing his 罪人／有罪を宣告するs to 罰, and because 罰 often meant that he lost the 罪人／有罪を宣告する's services for a shorter or longer period. In 先頭 Diemen's Land, where 罪人／有罪を宣告するs were under 厳格な人 discipline than in New South むちの跡s, [87] the "peculation, insubordination, insolence, disobedience and drunkenness" of 割り当てるd 罪人／有罪を宣告するs necessitated constant 言及／関連 to the 治安判事s. [88] Indeed in 知事 Arthur's words it was impossible, without experience of the system of assignment, "to have an idea of the vexations which …を伴って the 雇用 of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, or of the vicissitudes attendant upon their assignment. Their 罪，犯罪s and 不品行／姦通伴う／関わる the 植民／開拓者s in daily trouble, expense and 失望." [89]

One particular drawback under which these 植民地s 苦しむd, and which 関心d both 移住 and the scarcity of 労働, was the extreme disproportion between the sexes. In New South むちの跡s, in 1828, there were 28,000 males and only 9,000 女性（の）s. In 先頭 Diemen's Land at the same time there were 13,000 males and only about 4,000 女性（の）s. [90] Not only did this mean a 広大な／多数の／重要な scarcity of women's 労働, but it had a very bad 影響 upon morals in these 植民地s. [91] Nothing Wakefield had said upon this 支配する was too strong. If these 植民地s were to be successful and 繁栄する in any true sense they needed a moral regeneration, both by 中和する／阻止するing the 影響（力） of transportation and by altering the 割合 between the sexes, for which indeed the system of transportation was 大部分は responsible. A 供給（する） of 移民，移住（する）s, then, selected on a system adapted to their needs, was the most 緊急の need of the penal 植民地s of Australia in 1830. Bad, indeed, as was 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働, the colonists clung to it as their only support. 労働 of some description they needed, and 解放する／自由な労働 did not 存在する in any 量. The 評判 of the penal 植民地s was so unattractive to the ordinary emigrant that, as the returns showed, there was at that time no voluntary 移住 of 労働ing people to Australia. [92] Again, although 給料 there were high as compared with those at home, yet the cost of passage—about ｣30 or ｣40 at this time, [93] made it 事実上 impossible for the ordinary labourer to avail himself of the 適切な時期s afforded him. Shipowners 貿易（する）ing to Australia made no 準備／条項 for the accommodation of the poorer class of emigrants. [94] Canada, and 特に the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, made an equal 需要・要求する for 労働 and were much easier to reach. What the Australian 植民地s needed was some means of 打ち勝つing the 障害（者） of distance, and this they 設立する in Wakefield's "golden 橋（渡しをする）" of an 移住基金 produced as the result of land sales.

The Home 政府 had turned its attention に向かって移住 in 1831, when Lord Howick had introduced his 不成功の法案 for pauper 移住 on the lines of Wilmot Horton. [95] The 報告（する）／憶測, in 1827, of the Select 委員会 on 移住 had recommended the 形式 of a Board of 移住 "under the direct 支配（する）／統制する of an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある department of the 明言する／公表する." [96] 勧めるd on by the 植民地化 Society and by the 失敗 of Howick's 法案, the 政府 recurred to this 推薦 and, on the 24th June, 1831, 任命するd an 移住（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 consisting of the Duke of Richmond, Lord Howick, Mr. R. W. Hay, Mr. Francis 明らかにするing, and Mr. Henry Ellis, with Mr. T. F. Elliot of the 植民地の Office as 長官. [97] によれば Lord Goderich's 指示／教授／教育s they were to be a 一時的な（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 in place of that 提案するd under the 法案 of 1831; but their 機能（する）／行事s were to be 限られた／立憲的な to collecting and diffusing such （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） regarding the 植民地s as might be useful to ーするつもりであるing emigrants—for example, 率s of 給料, expense of passage, which 植民地s had most need of 移住, and what classes of emigrants were 特に要求するd. No 基金s were 許すd them from the 財務省 to 援助（する） and 行為／行う移住, but, if any parishes chose to 供給する them with money, they might use it in the 移住 of paupers. [98] The Commissioners すぐに始める，決める to work and published in a form convenient to emigrants such （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） as they could collect from the さまざまな植民地s. [99] The 移住委員会 of 1827 had recommended a 貸付金 for 移住 to be repaid by the emigrant 植民／開拓者, and many would-be colonists thought that the Commissioners had some such 基金 at their 処分. So 普及した, indeed, was this impression that, すぐに after their 任命, the Commissioners 設立する it necessary to 知らせる the public that they could give no pecuniary 援助（する） to 移住; [100] and, in regard to the British North American 植民地s, this 態度 was 厳密に持続するd. [101] The comparative closeness of these 植民地s to Britain （判決などを）下すd it unnecessary to 供給する基金s for 移住 there. Then, too, Horton's 実験s had shown how 平易な it was to spend money on 移住 to Canada without getting any return. Some of Horton's 植民／開拓者s had gone to the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, and it was not to be 推定する／予想するd that the 政府 would 供給する passages for emigrants who wished to reach the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs by way of Canada. But with regard to Australia the 事例／患者 was very different. There distance was an insuperable 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 to the unassisted emigrant. In 1831 the Commissioners 報告（する）／憶測d that there was no 欠如（する） of a disposition to emigrate to New South むちの跡s, and 先頭 Diemen's Land, but that it was impossible for labourers to 支払う／賃金 their passage there without some 新規加入 to their 資源s. [102] They, therefore, recommended that the 政府 should 前進する part of the passage money by way of 貸付金 to mechanics emigrating there. [103] ーするために have a 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限 in 事例／患者 the 前進するs were not repaid, they 提案するd a 税金 of ｣1 per 長，率いる upon 罪人／有罪を宣告するs 割り当てるd in New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land. [104] This 税金 had been 示唆するd 以前 by Lord Goderich to 知事 Darling of New South むちの跡s in considering the means of raising 基金s for 移住. [105] At the same time he had considered the question of raising money for this 目的 by land sales. He 疑問d whether this would be feasible and he regarded it rather as a source for 持続するing 解放する／自由な labourers until they could find 雇用 in the 植民地, than as a means of 財政／金融ing 移住. [106] Both these expedients Goderich now 決定するd to 可決する・採択する. He 提案するd that part of the land 歳入 of New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land should be spent in 補助装置ing 女性（の） emigrants there ーするために cure the evils arising from the 広大な／多数の／重要な disproportion between the sexes. [107] With the 同意 of the Lord Commissioners of the 財務省, ｣10,000 was in 1831 appropriated from the land 歳入 of these 植民地s for this 目的, [108] and 規則s were drawn up by the 移住 Commissioners under which ｣8, about half the passage money, was to be 与える／捧げるd by the 政府 to unmarried 女性（の）s between 15 and 30 who emigrated there. [109]

About the same time the Commissioners 得るd the 同意 of the 財務省 to their 提案 to make 貸付金s to emigrant mechanics. Under the 規則s drawn up for this 目的, the 政府 was to 与える／捧げる｣10 by way of 貸付金 to 補助装置 any married mechanic to emigrate to Australia with his family. [110] The 知事s of New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land were, as the Commissioners had 示唆するd, to 課す a 税金 on 割り当てるd 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, but, at the same time, the 返済 of the 貸付金s was to be 施行するd as 厳密に as possible. At first the 前進する適用するd only to mechanics, but afterwards it was 延長するd to 農業の labourers.

The 即座の practical 影響 of the activity of the 移住 Commissioners was that, soon after they had diffused （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） and made 準備s to send out emigrants, shipowners began to 供給する accommodation for 労働ing people, and the cost of a passage to Australia fell from ｣30-｣40 to ｣18-｣20. [111]

When the 移住（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 had been in 存在 little more than a year, it was 解散させるd, [112] and the practical working of its 推薦s was left to the 植民地の Office. [113]

The Home 政府 was not at first 性質の／したい気がして to 支払う／賃金 the whole of the passages of emigrants. The Commissioners considered that to do so would destroy the labourer's habit of 依存 on his own exertions. [114] But circumstances compelled the 政府 to abandon this position. The 試みる／企てる to base a system of 移住 upon the 返済 of 前進するs by the emigrant failed conclusively. The 提案するd 税金 upon 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 was very 人気がない in the penal 植民地s on account of the 増加するd disadvantage which it would attach to the 雇用 of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, [115] and it was not 課すd. [116] As a general 支配する neither in New South むちの跡s nor in 先頭 Diemen's Land was the 政府 able to 回復する from 補助装置d emigrants that 部分 of their passage money which had been 前進するd to them. The 知事s of both 植民地s 報告（する）／憶測d that the 量s would be difficult to collect, that it was 事実上 impossible to get 返済, and that there was no 期待 of 供給するing any かなりの sum to the 移住基金 by this means. [117] It says very little for the character of those who emigrated at this time that they were not unable but unwilling to 返す. In 先頭 Diemen's Land they were 報告（する）／憶測d to be too improvident and too little 性質の／したい気がして to remember their 負債. [118] In New South むちの跡s, up to the end of June, 1834, out of 337 only 21 had paid an instalment of ｣2 10s. 0d. on their 前進する, and the 知事疑問d whether any more would ever be 回復するd. [119] 一般に speaking, once they reached Australia, 補助装置d emigrants repudiated 義務s which perhaps they had never ーするつもりであるd to fulfil.

Indeed it was as difficult to 得る the return of 貸付金s from these emigrants who were 解放する／自由な to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of their 労働 where they pleased, as it was to 強要する indentured servants to fulfil their 契約s of 労働 in the 植民地s. The Home 政府 might have taken 警告, too, by what had happened in the 事例／患者 of やめる-rents. With a 全住民 scattered over a wide extent of country and with no (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する social 機械／機構, it was difficult for the 植民地の政府 to keep 跡をつける of the emigrant, much いっそう少なく to 抽出する money from him. Moreover the 政府 was unwilling to take 厳しい対策 against these defaulters by a forcible 徴収するing on their 所有物／資産／財産 because it would only penalize the thrifty and industrious, and 許す the idlers to escape; [120] the other 代案／選択肢 of 拘留するing debtors would not 回復する the 貸付金s, [121] nor make 移住 popular. [122]

In practice, too, it was not 平易な to find 選び出す／独身 women, or married mechanics, or married 農業の labourers, willing to emigrate, and yet 所有するing enough to 支払う／賃金 even the difference between the 量前進するd by the 政府 and the 量告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d for the passage to the 植民地.

Step by step then the Home 政府 was 軍隊d, first to 増加する the 量 of that 部分 of the passage money which was a gift to the emigrant, and finally to 支払う／賃金 the whole of the fare. Soon after a 開始／学位授与式 had been made with 女性（の）移住, of a fare of ｣17 the 株 paid by the 政府 was 増加するd to ｣12, ｣6 of which was paid on 出発 of the emigrant and ｣6 on her arrival in the 植民地. In 1834, a change was made whereby the 政府 paid the whole of the ｣17 and 要求するd the emigrant to 返す｣6. [123] Finally, in 1835, the whole of the passage became a 解放する／自由な gift to the emigrant. [124] 類似して in regard to emigrant mechanics and 農業の labourers the 量前進するd to them was かなり増加するd in 1836, [125] and, in 1837, the system became one of 解放する／自由な passages for all emigrants selected by the 政府. [126] In both 事例／患者s, too, the Home 政府, despairing of 返済 of the 前進するs, 教えるd the 知事s of New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land in 1835 to remit these 負債s and to 扱う／治療する the 貸付金s as 解放する／自由な gifts. [127]

In the 選択 of emigrants to New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land the Home 政府 was conspicuously 不成功の. When their 計画／陰謀 of 移住 was first 提案するd, Wilmot Horton's 計画（する）s for pauper 場所 and Howick's Pauper 移住法案 were very 最近の, and the colonists were afraid that it meant pauper 移住. In 1831 the 移住委員会 of 先頭 Diemen's Land 抗議するd against pauper 移民／移住 on the ground that the parishes would probably send out only habitual paupers. [128] These 恐れるs were, however, 静めるd and in the next year they 報告（する）／憶測d their satisfaction that no paupers were coming. [129] Even as late as 1837, T. F. Elliot, who had by then become the スパイ／執行官-General for 移住, 設立する in these 植民地s a "極度の慎重さを要する逮捕" of an influx of paupers. [130] But, on the whole, the 移住 to New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land during this period was not pauper 移住. In some 事例／患者s indeed paupers were sent, for example, 76 in one ship to 先頭 Diemen's Land in 1834 by the Bristol 後見人s of the Poor. [131] 知事 Arthur 堅固に反対するd to these emigrants on the ground that they were not qualified to become useful colonists. [132] Again, in 1837, some of the "selected" emigrants to 先頭 Diemen's Land were habitual paupers. [133] These 事例／患者s were, however, the exception and not the 支配する. While it was necessary for an emigrant to 支払う／賃金 part of his fare, a pauper could not emigrate without 援助, nor was a parish likely to 支払う／賃金 the expenses of a passage to Australia when Canada and the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs were so 近づく at 手渡す. The mechanics and 農業の labourers were usually 望ましい移民，移住（する）s although there were several exceptions. Both 植民地s were always willing to take a good class of these labourers, but were not at all anxious for 無差別の移民／移住. [134] In 1833, the Home 政府認める that, in the 管理／経営 of 移住, かなりの latitude had been given to shipowners, and that the emigrants sent out were not always of the class 要求するd in the 植民地s. [135] Indeed the 商売／仕事 of selecting emigrants and managing 移住 was very inadequately carried on by the 当局 at home. Its worst 味方する is illustrated by a 報告（する）／憶測 of a 外科医 in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of an emigrant ship to 先頭 Diemen's Land in 1837. He complained that of those under his 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 there had been no 選択 but "a general 招待 and 無差別の admission." [136] The result was that "the idle, the troublesome, the dissipated and the infirm, are 召集（する）d from all ４半期/4分の1s by parochial 当局, happy to be rid of such characters on any 条件." [137] Many of them 誇るd that they had never known independence of parochial 救済, and that they were 賄賂d by the parishes to avail themselves of the 適切な時期 to emigrate. He 結論するd that "by far the greater number were of a description to 与える／捧げる nothing to the 福利事業 or 繁栄 of a new 植民地—a class of people not 願望（する）d in any community, where habits of 産業, moral steadiness, or any useful 資格s are みなすd recommendable." [138]

Even worse was the 管理／経営 of 女性（の）移住. As soon as he received news of the Home 政府's 提案 to send out 女性（の） emigrants. 知事 Arthur, who had had experience of 女性（の）罪人／有罪を宣告する移住, while he welcomed the step for its 有益な results to the 植民地, 警告するd the Home 当局 that 広大な／多数の／重要な care should be taken in the 管理／経営 of the women, 特に during the voyage, "experience having 証明するd to me during my 住居 in this 植民地, that the greatest possible consequence 大（公）使館員s to the 治療 which 女性（の）s of the lower class 会合，会う with on the voyage, and too 広大な／多数の／重要な警戒 cannot かもしれない be used to 妨げる their demoralization." [139] Even if this 警告 had arrived in time it is doubtful whether 影響 would have been given to it in the first two ships which sailed to Australia with 女性（の） emigrants in 1832. The 植民地の Office thought it was beyond the competence of an ordinary department of 政府 to superintend the 選択 of the emigrants. [140] They therefore contented themselves with 供給するing passages in the ships, and confided the work of 選択 to charitable 会・原則s. Finding that they could not get a 十分な number of women 有能な of 支払う／賃金ing the difference between the sum 前進するd by way of 貸付金 and the passage money, the 政府 made a 解放する／自由な gift of the passages to all selected 女性（の） emigrants. [141] The disorder which they 恐れるd might occur from the method of 選択 they considered a いっそう少なく evil "than the 確かな mischief of leaving the disproportion between the sexes in those 植民地s without an 試みる／企てる at its 是正." [142] The ships, Red Rover and Princess 王室の, were accordingly fitted out to take emigrants, the first to New South むちの跡s, the second to 先頭 Diemen's Land. The Magdalen 女性（の）刑務所, with the 援助 of さまざまな後見人 Societies, was 許すd to 供給する the 乗客s for the Princess 王室の. This 協定, however, fell through, and after the parish workhouses had 与える／捧げるd their 割当, the number was 完全にするd from casual applicants. "Of the 200 女性（の）s sent out by the Princess 王室の, 84 were taken from the two charitable societies, 22 from the parish workhouses and schools, and the 残りの人，物 from the casual applicants." [143] Those who sailed on board the Red Rover to New South むちの跡s were somewhat better selected and were 吸収するd by the 植民地 without much trouble. [144] But the colonists of 先頭 Diemen's Land were rightly very 不満な with the emigrants by the Princess 王室の. As might have been 推定する／予想するd from the injudicious method of 選択 they were a very mixed 議会. At least one-half of them were 売春婦s. [145] Those who were selected from 少年院s showed no 調印するs of 改革（する）. "There can be no 疑問," wrote 知事 Arthur, "that in selecting the 女性（の）s from the 刑務所, and other public 会・原則s, the 委員会 in England were actuated by the very best 動機s, but they have, indeed, sadly erred in the 見積（る） they have formed of the reformation of the women taken from those 設立s—it would almost seem, whilst it has been their 反対する to 除去する the best characters from those 会・原則s, that the persons in the 即座の告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of them, must have availed themselves of the 適切な時期 of getting rid of some of the very worst." [146] Several of the women were furnished with written characters to which they did not in the least correspond. [147] 手はず／準備 on board ship were very bad and the 行為／行う of some of the emigrants during the voyage was "licentious and immoral." [148] 知事 Arthur wrote that the scene on board was "too 甚だしい／１２ダース to repeat." [149] Indeed some of the emigrants were 報告（する）／憶測d to be "far more depraved than the generality of 罪人／有罪を宣告する women." [150] 自然に the better class of emigrants on the ship complained 激しく that they had been deceived by misrepresentations in England as to their companions on the voyage. [151]

After the 失敗 of this 企業 the 植民地の Office ゆだねるd the 商売／仕事 of selecting 女性（の） emigrants and the 管理／経営 of emigrant ships to a charitable 委員会, later called the London 移住委員会, who 任意に gave their services and 行為／法令／行動するd under 規則s 許可／制裁d by the 政府. [152] The members of this 委員会 were 初めは selected from amongst the 委員会 of the 避難 for the Destitute, and later 追加するd three or four others to their numbers. [153] They were 統括するd over by Mr. Edward Forster, and the 商売／仕事 of 供給（する）ing ships and managing general shipping 手はず／準備 was carried on by their スパイ／執行官, Mr. John Marshall. [154]

In spite of this change in 管理／経営, the character of 女性（の）移住 to Australia did not すぐに show much 改良. The first ship which the 委員会 sent to New South むちの跡s in 1833, the Bussorah Merchant, 含む／封じ込めるd a small 割合 of 売春婦s who 再開するd their former 方式 of life, but the 残り／休憩（する） of the emigrants were やめる満足な. [155] In the same year, however, although in despatching the Lay トン to New South むちの跡s, they took 苦痛s "to ascertain the character of all the persons who went by this ship "and confidently hoped they would 証明する a very 価値のある取得／買収 to the 植民地, [156] the character and 行為／行う of the emigrants were so bad as to throw 広大な／多数の／重要な疑問 upon the efficacy of the 委員会's methods of 選択. Only 50 of the 232 women were of the description 要求するd by the colonists. The 残り／休憩（する） were so indifferent in character and 含む／封じ込めるd so few who were likely to 追加する to the decency and respectability of the 植民地, that it was 設立する impossible to form a Ladies' 委員会 at Sydney to 補助装置 in their 処分. [157] Again the 手はず／準備 on board ship were very bad. The greatest disorder and 混乱勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd during the whole voyage and 制限のない intercourse 存在するd between the seamen and a 広大な／多数の／重要な number of the 女性（の）乗客s. [158] Again the better part of the emigrants with 推論する／理由 complained of their associates. [159]

The first ship [160] sent out by the 委員会 to arrive in New South むちの跡s in 1835, 含む／封じ込めるd a better 選択—only one-sixth of the number were 売春婦s. This ship, too, "現在のd a 広大な／多数の／重要な scene of disorder and immorality during the whole of the voyage." [161] Another ship of that year, the Canton, had a "黒人／ボイコット名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）" of about thirty only. [162] The third ship to arrive in 1835 and those in 1836 gave no 原因（となる） for （民事の）告訴 on the 得点する／非難する／２０ of the character of the emigrants, but some of these ships had sickness on board. [163]

The emigrant ships which followed the Princess 王室の to 先頭 Diemen's Land in the years 1834 and 1835, 含む／封じ込めるd women of a decidedly superior type to the 乗客s by that 大型船, and their 行為／行う on board was better, though there were still a few 望ましくないs of whom the better class complained. [164] But, in 1836, the Boadicea arrived and gave new 原因（となる） for （民事の）告訴 as to the 選択 of emigrants. Out of the 216 persons she carried, 46 were girls under the age of 15 (some were 老年の 11-13), and a 広大な／多数の／重要な number of these were 苦しむing from chronic ophthalmia. [165] No （民事の）告訴 was made of the 行為／行う of these children, but it was cruel and inexpedient to send out to a penal 植民地 where the sexes were disproportionate, a number of young girls unable to 保護する themselves. [166] More young children were brought by another ship in the same year. [167] In each 事例／患者 these children could not 安全に be sent to service, and they were 一時的に供給するd for by the Ladies' 委員会.

Enough 詳細（に述べる） has been given to show that the system of 選択可決する・採択するd by the 移住委員会 was, 裁判官d by its results, exceedingly 欠陥のある. [168] The 委員会 took the 警戒 to 要求する from ーするつもりであるing emigrants a 証明書 of character 調印するd by a reputable person, but in many 事例／患者s they were deceived. They also had a system of personal 査察 of applicants, but this was hardly more successful, although no reasonable method of 選択 would have availed to 除外する all 望ましくないs.

Again, the 手はず／準備 on board the emigrant ships were often 欠陥のある. Much depended on the officers in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of the emigrants, 特に on the master, the 外科医, and the superintendent, the latter two of whom were chosen by the 委員会. Where the superintendent was wisely chosen there was little （民事の）告訴 as to the 行為／行う on board ship. [169] But the choice was not always wise, [170] nor was the 行為／行う of masters and 外科医s always good. [171]

In the Australian 植民地s there was 必然的に a good 取引，協定 of 不満 with this 肉親，親類d of 移住. The 評判 of the better class of emigrants was likely to be 計器d by the character of the worst, and this 逆に影響する／感情d the 人気 of 移住. In 1834 it was 主張するd that the first few shiploads of 女性（の） emigrants to Australia were a byword there and that it was ありふれた to 言及する to them as "Laytonians," "Bussorah Merchants," "Princess 王室のs," and "Red Rovers," to 避ける using a harsher 指名する. [172] The Australian 植民地s 不正に needed 女性（の） emigrants, but not of the type these 代表するd. [173] In 1834 the 知事 of 先頭 Diemen's Land 報告（する）／憶測d that 移住 was not 要求するd there except of a few mechanics, but that there was still plenty of room for "the most 価値のある of all 輸入s," women of good character. [174] The 植民地s complained of the method of 選択, of the general 手はず／準備 for 移住, and of the 管理／経営 of emigrants during the voyage. On the other 手渡す（民事の）告訴s were not wanting as to the 歓迎会 of the emigrants and their 治療 in the 植民地s before they 得るd positions. [175] The Home 政府 was 勧めるd to 主張する upon more care in the 管理／経営 of 移住. [176] 知事 Bourke in 1834 had 示唆するd the 任命 of some responsible person to superintend the 選択 of emigrants. [177] Accordingly, in 1835, Mr. J. D. Pinnock, who had been for some time 大（公）使館員d to the 移住商売／仕事 of the 植民地の Office, was 任命するd to the position of 移住スパイ／執行官. [178] But the colonists, finding that the 原因（となる）s of their 不満 were not 除去するd, 決定するd to assume more 支配（する）／統制する over 移住. They were jealous, too, of the fact that 基金s raised in the 植民地 should be used for such important 目的s by persons unconnected with the 植民地s; and, in New South むちの跡s in 1835, they 示唆するd that 移住 should in Britain be managed by those who had a personal 利益／興味 in the 植民地. [179] This suggestion was 是認するd by Bourke and 認可するd by the Home 政府. Accordingly 海軍の外科医s, who had been superintendents of 罪人／有罪を宣告する ships and therefore were familiar both with the needs of the 植民地s and the 管理／経営 of emigrants during a long voyage, were 任命するd by the 植民地の政府 to proceed to 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain to manage 移住. There each 外科医 was to select and bring out under his personal 監督 a shipload of emigrants. [180]

In 先頭 Diemen's Land, where the land 歳入 was much smaller, and the 需要・要求する for 労働 much いっそう少なく, it was not 設立する necessary to 可決する・採択する類似の対策. [181]

About the same time, too, in New South むちの跡s, an 完全に different method of 補助装置ing 移住 was introduced by the 知事, on the 推薦 of the 法律を制定する会議, by a 布告／宣言 of the 28th October, 1835. Any 私的な植民／開拓者 who, before the end of 1837, introduced into the 植民地 married mechanics or farm servants under 30 years of age, was to receive a bounty of ｣30 for each married couple, with an 付加｣5 for each child over 12 months. ｣15 per 長，率いる was 許すd for the introduction of unmarried 女性（の）s between 15 and 30 travelling under the 保護 of the married couples, and ｣10 for each unmarried male, 供給するd that at the same time an equal number of 女性（の）s was brought. [182] These 量s were reckoned as about equal to the cost of the passage of the さまざまな classes of emigrants, and the 知事 considered bounty 移住 to be the "cheapest and most 望ましい方式 of encouraging the 移住 of useful persons," because the 政府 would 背負い込む no expense in selecting the emigrants and in 持続するing them until they could be 乗る，着手するd. [183] The 是認 of the Home 政府 was 得るd, and the 割合 of the land 歳入 of the 植民地 which was 利用できる for 移住 was divided between the two 計画／陰謀s, two-thirds 存在 reserved for the use of the Home 政府 in 補助装置ing 移住, and one-third for the 支払い（額） of bounties. [184] The two 対策, bounty 移住 and the 任命 of 外科医-superintendents of 移住 would together, the 知事 hoped, 確実にする to New South むちの跡s a 十分な供給（する） of 労働毎年. [185] Again, 先頭 Diemen's Land did not at first feel 正当化するd in 可決する・採択するing the new system.

At the end of 1836, in 見解（をとる） of these changes, the London 移住委員会表明するd a 願望（する） to 放棄する their 機能（する）／行事s, 特に after the 推薦s made by the Waste Lands 委員会 of that year. [186] In giving 証拠 before that 委員会, Wakefield had 堅固に attacked the 原則 of 許すing such an important 事柄 as 移住財政／金融d by 植民地の land-歳入 to 残り／休憩（する） in the 手渡すs of a 私的な and irresponsible 委員会, and had 示唆するd a special and responsible 団体／死体 should be 任命するd for the 目的. [187] The 委員会 had 可決する・採択するd his suggestion and had recommended that 移住 should be managed by a central Board responsible to the 政府, or 直接／まっすぐに to 議会. [188] The 辞職 of the London 移住委員会 was 受託するd and Lord Glenelg, 早期に in 1837, took the 適切な時期 of 適合するing in some degree to the 推薦 of the Waste Lands 委員会 by 任命するing as スパイ／執行官-General for 移住 Mr. T. F. Elliot, who had been 長官 to the 移住（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 of 1831-2. His 義務 was to 演習 a general superintendence over 移住 to all 植民地s, and, in regard to Australia, to help in carrying on the system of 政府移住 which he 設立する in 軍隊. [189] 移住, then, became at length a department of 政府治めるd by an officer responsible to the 植民地の Office and therefore 間接に to 議会.

These changes in land 規則 and in 移住 had a mixed 歓迎会 from the Australian colonists. At first they were inclined to 反対する vigorously to the 廃止 of 解放する／自由な認めるs and to the 課税 of a 最小限 price of 5s. per acre. [190] A strong 抗議する was made to Lord Goderich by a number of merchants and landowners of New South むちの跡s 居住（者） in London. [191] Several deputations from the Australian 植民地s waited on Lord Howick at the 植民地の Office to complain of the price of land. [192] Lord Goderich, indeed, when 学校／設けるing the change, 心配するd that the colonists would complain both because of its suddenness, and the novelty of a comparatively high price; but he looked 今後 to this with equanimity as やむを得ず …を伴ってing any change of an 存在するing 政策. [193]

The price of land was the point upon which the colonists' 対立 concentrated. In their opinion there was difficulty enough in 得るing land under the old system without the その上の制限 of a 最小限 price which, they argued, would 妨げる the 繁栄 of the 植民地 and 妨げる移民／移住. [194] In the opinion of the 植民地の圧力（をかける） of New South むちの跡s, 解放する／自由な認めるs of land were bounties 申し込む／申し出d to induce emigrants to spend their money in emigrating and settling in the 植民地. To sell land, then, and thus to 除去する this bounty was to put an effectual stop to 移住, and to turn the tide to other parts of the world. [195] The Sydney Gazette, in 1831, 表明するd what it considered to be the best public opinion on the new system: "That the new 規則s 尊敬（する）・点ing やめる-rents and the 購入（する） of lands are calculated to 妨げる the 繁栄 of the 植民地, partly by 抑圧するing a large 割合 of the 植民／開拓者s, and partly by deterring 移住, is the opinion, we might almost say the 全員一致の opinion, of those whose opinion is する権利を与えるd to 尊敬（する）・点. We for our part have met with no 合理的な／理性的な man of the contrary opinion." [196] A number of emigrant 植民／開拓者s, agriculturists, and graziers of New South むちの跡s, in 嘆願（書）ing 知事 Darling in 1831, 表明するd their "暗い／優うつな逮捕s" as to the consequences of the new land 規則s, and submitted that the price of 5s. per acre was so 過度の "that no 即位 of emigrant 植民／開拓者s can be looked for under such 条件." [197] Some 植民／開拓者s wrote their 私的な抗議するs to the 植民地の Office, [198] and Bourke, in 1832, 報告（する）／憶測d that the new 規則s "appear to have 原因（となる）d かなりの alarm and discontent to the 主要な／長／主犯 proprietors of the land, and their friends and 信奉者s in the 植民地." [199]

In 先頭 Diemen's Land, too, 類似の opinions were held. 知事 Arthur thought that 5s. per acre was a very high price, [200] and 報告（する）／憶測d that the new 規則s were "very 一般に unpalatable to the 植民／開拓者s." [201] In Western Australia, in 1832, the 植民／開拓者s 見解（をとる）d with alarm the introduction of the system of sale because they 恐れるd it would 妨げる移住, and they 示唆するd it should be 孤立した by the Home 政府. [202]

Even while they disapproved of the sale of land, the colonists at the same time welcomed the use of the land 歳入 in 移住. [203] In 1831 the Sydney Gazette wrote of the 計画（する） that it "was truly excellent, and cannot but have a most 有益な影響 upon the 繁栄 of the 植民地s." [204] The colonists were anxious for any system of 補助装置d 移住 which did not result in bringing out paupers. [205]

In 先頭 Diemen's Land, while the system of 補助装置d 移住 was 井戸／弁護士席 received, the 知事, always mindful of its character as a penal 植民地, was unwilling to encourage 移住 on any large 規模. There were special 推論する／理由s in that 植民地 for 対立 to the new system. So much land had been already 疎遠にするd that it was difficult to raise money from that source for 移住. [206] Again, of the land that was left, Arthur said that a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of it was of such poor 質 that it would never fetch five shillings an acre. [207] Arthur was afraid that the 廃止 of the system of 解放する／自由な認めるs would mean that there would be no 移民／移住 of small 資本主義者s, and he wished for these "respectable persons" to whom 罪人／有罪を宣告するs might be 割り当てるd. [208] For the same 推論する／理由 he 反対するd to anything like a plentiful 供給（する） of 解放する／自由な労働存在 introduced, because, in that 事例／患者, the 雇用 of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs by the colonists would 中止する, and the 政府 would be put to greater expense for their 維持／整備. In his 注目する，もくろむs 先頭 Diemen's Land was まず第一に／本来 a penal 植民地, and, while he welcomed 女性（の）移住, he was inclined to discourage anything more than a select 移住 of artisans and 農業の labourers. [209] He 恐れるd, also, that, if the land 歳入 were used in 移住 the 資本／首都 of the 植民地 would be sent abroad, and the labourers who arrived might find 非，不，無 of it to give them 雇用. [210]

But, on the whole, although the colonists' 反対s to the new system were strenuous enough at first, they did not last very long, 特に when it was 設立する that the money paid for land went to introduce emigrants. Mr. James Macarthur, in giving 証拠 before the Transportation 委員会 of 1837, 表明するd the colonists' 態度 when he said that there was at first a very general feeling in New South むちの跡s that the 規則s would be injurious, because they would 妨げる移住, but that, when it was understood that the land 歳入 was to be 適用するd to the introduction of 労働, the 対立 died 負かす／撃墜する. [211]

Two competent 観察者／傍聴者s, one in New South むちの跡s, the other in 先頭 Diemen's Land, who had both had experience of the old method of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of land, very soon （機の）カム, やめる独立して of one another, to the 結論 that the new system was a 広大な／多数の／重要な改良. Major Mitchell, the famous explorer and Surveyor-General of New South むちの跡s, wrote in a 私的な letter to Mr. R. W. Hay, of the 植民地の Office, in 1832, that "although the price of five shillings per acre was at first thought high, the new system is likely to work better than the old, by which all good land would probably have been taken up in 最大限認めるs before the country had any proportionate 全住民." [212]

In the same year 知事 Arthur wrote in a 私的な letter to Lord Goderich, that, although the new 規則s were not popular, he was more and more 納得させるd that "they are 設立するd on a wise and beneficent 政策, and, in the end, I have no 疑問, they will 証明する to have been most advantageous in 促進するing the best 利益／興味s of the 植民地." [213] Indeed, the 恐れるs of the colonists as to the harmful 影響s of land sales 証明するd groundless. In Western Australia during this period very little land was sold, and there was no 移住基金, but that was 予定 to special 原因（となる）s relating to the previous lavish system of 認めるs and the scarcity of good land.

In New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, however, the sale of land was unchecked, and 改善するd from year to year, while 移住増加するd 大いに. Not only did emigrants go out with the 援助 of 政府, but unassisted 移住 grew in 容積／容量, so that in the year 1832 nearly as many persons （機の）カム out at their own cost to New South むちの跡s as had come in the three 先行する years put together. [214]

All the money used in 移住 to Australia at this time （機の）カム from the land 歳入 of these 植民地s; and, as the sales of land 増加するd, two closely 関係のある questions arose in New South むちの跡s, one as to the 量 which should be spent on 移住, the other as to who should 支配（する）／統制する the land 歳入.

In the first few years, when 移住財政／金融d by land sales was in the nature of an 実験, a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd sum was 始める，決める aside by the Home 政府 from the 植民地の land 歳入; but, as the 歳入増加するd and the 計画／陰謀証明するd to be soundly based, the 量 for 移住増加するd.

From the beginning the colonists 推定する／予想するd that the whole of the proceeds of the land sales would be spent on 移住, [215] and this was probably the idea in Lord Howick's mind when the change of 1831 was introduced; for then he wrote to the 財務省 calling their attention to "the impolicy of 適用するing to the ordinary 現在の expenses of the 植民地 that 部分 of the 領土の歳入 which arises from the sale of land. The 基金s derived from this source should be looked upon, not as forming a part of the income of the 植民地, and 利用できる for the 目的 of 会合 its 年次の expenses, but as 資本／首都 which should not be 永久的に sunk, but 投資するd so as to produce a profitable return," the best 方式 of 投資存在女性（の）移住. [216] These words were 解釈する／通訳するd by the colonists to mean that the Home 政府 was 誓約（する）d to 充てる the land 歳入 wholly to 移住, and this belief soon became general in New South むちの跡s. "From what has fallen from His Majesty's 大臣s on the 支配する," Bourke wrote in 1833, "it is the received opinion here that the proceeds of the sale of 栄冠を与える lands under the 存在するing 規則s are 誓約（する）d to 補助装置 respectable and useful mechanics and labourers and their wives and families and young unmarried women of good repute to emigrate from the 部隊d Kingdom to New South むちの跡s." [217] In the next year he 示唆するd that it would be advisable for the Home 政府 to use the whole of the land 歳入 in this manner. [218] At that time, too, the question of the 量利用できる for 移住 became 激烈な／緊急の, because the expense of 持続するing their police and gaol 設立s was suddenly thrown upon the 植民地. This 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 had been borne by the mother-country since 1827, when 明確な／細部議会の認めるs for the civil 設立s of the Australian 植民地s had been discontinued; [219] and in 1834, the 財務省, considering that the 植民地s had 十分に増加するd in 繁栄, decided that the 植民地の歳入 should henceforth 供給する "for the police 設立, for gaols, and for a 確かな部分 of the 植民地の海洋, the expense of which is 概算の at about ｣25,000 per 年." [220] This new 支出 made a large 需要・要求する on the 資源s of the 植民地, and operated to 妨げる the land 歳入 from 存在 used 単独で in 移住. It was 恐れるd that the ordinary 歳入 would not be 十分な to 会合，会う the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金, 特に as the 量示唆するd of ｣25,000 a year was much too low. In 1836 the 見積（る） of 支出 under this 長，率いる was ｣45,000, [221] and it was still higher in the 後継するing years. The colonists, 持つ／拘留するing the 見解（をとる）s they did on 移住, 反対するd to the possible depletion of the land 歳入, 特に as the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s for gaols and police were 大部分は予定 to transportation, of which they （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that the mother-country, which got the 利益, should 耐える the expense. [222] In 1835 they 嘆願（書）d that the whole of this 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 should not be borne by the 植民地, and that the land 歳入 should not be コースを変えるd from 移住. [223] Bourke supported this 嘆願（書）, and 示唆するd that ｣20,000 should be paid by the mother-country and the 残り／休憩（する） by the 植民地, because, if the 植民地 had to 耐える the whole expense, 移住 would be 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なうd. [224] This did not, however, 会合，会う with the 是認 of the Home 政府, and the question by whom the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s should be borne remained for several years a source of 論争 between the 植民地 and the mother-country. That the Home 政府 had from the beginning 誓約（する）d itself to use all the 歳入 from the land sales in 移住 was 正式に主張するd, in 1835, by the 移住委員会 of the New South むちの跡s 法律を制定する会議, who put it on 記録，記録的な／記録する "that the 基金 arising from the sale of lands should be appropriated 排他的に to the 目的 of introducing a moral and industrious 全住民; that they consider this （資金の）充当／歳出 alike 不可欠の to the 現在の利益／興味s, and the 未来繁栄 and character of the 植民地; and that they regard the opinion 表明するd by the 国務長官 for the 植民地s, and 認可するd by the Lords of the 財務省, in the light of a 誓約（する） by His Majesty's 政府, that the 栄冠を与える lands of the 植民地 shall be held sacred to the 昇進／宣伝 of 移住." [225] On 領収書 of this 推薦 Lord Glenelg 協議するd with the 財務省, and 勧めるd that as large a 部分 as possible of the land 歳入 should be 適用するd to 移住, since "the 使用／適用 of the whole of the 逮捕する proceeds of the sale of 栄冠を与える lands in the 植民地 to the 昇進／宣伝 of 移住 . . . appears to have been the 意向 of Lord Ripon . . . on the first 設立 of the 現在の system of the sale of these lands." [226] The 財務省 agreed that 移住 should be considered a 最初の／主要な告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 on the land 歳入 of the 植民地, and that for it 十分な基金s should be 始める，決める aside; but they repudiated any "約束／交戦 or understanding that the whole proceeds of the sales of 栄冠を与える lands in the Australian 植民地s should be 充てるd to the furtherance of 移住." [227] Glenelg then 教えるd Bourke that "no 部分 of such 歳入 should, on any account, be 充てるd to other 目的s, until this 最初の／主要な反対する had been 十分に供給するd for." [228] In the next year, when it was decided to spend two-thirds of the land 歳入 on 政府移住 and one-third on bounty 移住, Bourke, taking it for 認めるd that this meant that the land 歳入 was to be spent 単独で on this 反対する, complained to Glenelg that this was doubtful 政策, if the 植民地 was to continue to 会合，会う the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 for gaols and police, に向かって which the 黒字／過剰 land 歳入 had been 適用するd [229] In 1837, then, this question was still unsettled, and it was to 悩ます the colonists for some time to come. They had wrung from the Home 政府 the 譲歩 that the whole of the land 歳入せねばならない be spent in 移住, but they had no means of 説得力のある this, nor was any 誓約（する）認める. The 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s for gaols and police had to be met by them, even if it meant encroaching upon the land 歳入.

The other question as to who should 支配（する）／統制する the land 歳入 was 支配するd by the fact that the land sold belonged to the 栄冠を与える, and the 栄冠を与える主張するd the 権利 to have the 単独の支配（する）／統制する. At first this 歳入 was indistinguishable from the ordinary 歳入 of the 植民地, but, in 1833, by the 指示／教授／教育s of Lord Goderich it was separated from the ordinary 歳入 and was not appropriated by the 法律を制定する会議, but by the 知事 alone under the direction of the Home 政府. [230] In the に引き続いて year this was made a 支配する of 抗議する in the 法律を制定する会議 by Mr. Blaxland, who （人命などを）奪う，主張するd the 権利 of that 団体／死体 to appropriate the land 歳入, 特に as the Home 政府 was, in his opinion, breaking its 誓約（する） to expend the money wholly upon 移住. [231] The colonists also 嘆願（書）d the 栄冠を与える to the same 影響, and Bourke recommended that their wishes should be 従うd with. [232] Lord Glenelg's answer was, with the concurrence of the 財務省, [233] to 権限を与える the 知事 to place in the 植民地の財務省 any 黒字／過剰 of the land 歳入 after 支払う／賃金ing the expenses of 移住; but at the same time he gave an explicit 否定 to the （人命などを）奪う，主張する of the 法律を制定する会議 to have 支配（する）／統制する over this 支店 of 歳入: "It cannot be too distinctly understood, that the directions just given are not to be taken as divesting the 政府 of the 十分な and uncontrolled 力／強力にする of 適用するing the 栄冠を与える歳入s, in part or in whole, without the 同意 or 介入 of the 立法機関." [234]

After 1831, the new and uniform system of sale of lands in Australia was 厳密に持続するd by the Home 政府 in spite of many 使用／適用s for a general change or for a 権利放棄 of the 規則s in special 事例／患者s. To some of the applicants for exceptional 治療, however, it was considered advisable to 認める land under the old 規則s where the 事例／患者 was 特に hard, as, for example, where men had 以前 been 約束d 認めるs and had not chosen them by 1831, or where they had sailed to the 植民地 on the 約束 of the older 規則s. But these 譲歩s were always exceptional, and the usual answer to an 使用／適用 for a 解放する／自由な認める was that in no circumstances could land be 性質の／したい気がして of さもなければ than by sale. The Home 政府 even turned a deaf ear to suggestions made by those in 当局 in the 植民地 with a 見解（をとる） to 改善する the 規則s and 容易にする the 解決／入植地 of the land. In 1837, for instance. Major Mitchell 提案するd that, ーするために encourage emigrants, they should be 許すd to 購入（する） land on their arrival, at the 最小限 price of five shillings per acre without auction. [235] In 1835, too, Bourke made a very 類似の提案 that new 植民／開拓者s should be 許すd to 購入（する） at the 最小限 price any land 以前 put up for auction at that price and remaining unsold. In doing this the 原則 of 競争 would, he 認める, be sacrificed, but it would be 補償するd by the 激励 given to 移住. [236] A reply given to a 嘆願（書） of some colonists in New South むちの跡s asking for a change in the land 規則s, illustrates the position taken up by the 植民地の Office. "The 存在するing system of 疎遠にするing the waste lands of the 栄冠を与える having been deliberately 可決する・採択するd, and having been 繰り返して and 公然と発表するd as the 計画（する） upon which alone a 肩書を与える to such lands could be acquired," Lord Glenelg wrote, "it would be impossible without an actual 違反 of 約束 and a 出発 from a 原則 the value of which has been 証明するd by experience, to 逆戻りする to the former method of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of those lands." [237]

The general 政策 of the Home 政府 in regard to New South むちの跡s from 1830 was 決定するd おもに by considerations of economy, which took the form, in the 事例／患者 of land, of 限定するing 解決／入植地 within the 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 限界s of 場所 and discouraging 占領／職業 beyond these 境界s. In 1830 a （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 sat in England to 問い合わせ into the 歳入 and 支出 of the 植民地s. [238] Their 報告（する）／憶測 on the Australian 植民地s commented on the disadvantage and inconvenience of 解決／入植地s distant from the seat of 政府 there, which entailed large and unnecessary expense and 増加する in 政府 departments, and recommended the 制限 of 解決／入植地s within 確かな限界s "beyond which they should not be 許すd to 延長する without special 当局 from His Majesty's 政府." [239] While they professed themselves unwilling to discourage the 企業s of adventurous 植民／開拓者s, the Commissioners recommended, on grounds of economy, "広大な／多数の／重要な警告を与える in multiplying and 延長するing 政府設立s in new 地区s." [240] The Home 政府 tried to carry out these 推薦s, partly by 試みる／企てるing to concentrate the 植民／開拓者s by selling land within the 限界s of 場所, and partly by 辞退するing to 大きくする those 限界s. One of the avowed 反対するs of the Ripon 規則s was to 中和する／阻止する the 傾向 of the 植民／開拓者s to 分散させる, [241] so that the expenses of 政府 should be 少なくなるd. It was one 事柄, however, to lay 負かす／撃墜する a 政策 in the 植民地の Office, where first-手渡す knowledge of the 条件s of the 植民地s was wanting, and another 事柄 to 適用する it 首尾よく in New South むちの跡s. The 植民地の Office 可決する・採択するd as its watchword "集中," while the whole movement in New South むちの跡s during this period was に向かって dispersion of the 植民／開拓者s over an ますます larger extent of country. The 探検隊／遠征隊s and 発見s of Oxley (1823), Hamilton Hume and Hovell (1824), Captain Sturt (1830), and Major Mitchell (1832, 1833, and 1836), opened up the fertile pastoral lands of the north, south, and west of New South むちの跡s, and sheep and cattle 子孫を作る人s moved ever その上の on looking for more and better pastures. Squatting became a profitable and a 広範囲にわたって-followed 追跡. [242] The 無断占拠者 drove his flocks over unoccupied land for which he paid nothing, and the wool 産業 of the 植民地繁栄するd. Bourke 述べるd the position in 1834: "Already have the flocks and herds of the colonists spread themselves over a large 部分 of this Southern country. They are to be 設立する in 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers in Monaroo Plains to the 西方の of Twofold Bay, and some are said to roam as far to the southward as Cape Howe . . . . It is not beyond the southern 境界 alone the flocks and herds of the colonists have wandered for suitable pastures. They are 非常に／多数の to the south-west along the banks of the Murrumbidgee, and to the north they have crossed the Mountain 範囲 into Liverpool Plains . . . . In every direction the 願望（する） of procuring good pastures for sheep has led the colonists far beyond the 限界s of 場所." [243] To 会合，会う this 広大な／多数の／重要な dispersion, 調印するs of which were not wanting in 1830, the 植民地の Office had no 限定された政策 but that of 妨げるing 解決／入植地 or 占領／職業 outside the 境界s laid 負かす／撃墜する in 1829. The 政府 Order of August 1st, 1831, 問題／発行するd by Darling on 領収書 of the Ripon 規則s, 許すd the sale of land only within the 限界s of 場所, [244] and made no 準備／条項 for those who wished to （問題を）取り上げる lands beyond the 限界s. By the same Order, 規則s were made for 賃貸し（する）ing unoccupied lands within the 限界s of 場所. 賃貸し（する）s for one year of lots of 640 acres were put up for auction 毎年 at a 最小限 price of twenty shillings, and there was no 制限 on the number of 賃貸し（する）s which might be held by any one man. The lessee was 通知するd that the land 含む／封じ込めるd in his 賃貸し（する） was still open to 購入（する） and, if sold, would have to be 降伏するd by him at a month's notice. [245] But those who 試みる／企てるd to settle or to graze their flocks and herds beyond the 限界s of 場所 were 扱う／治療するd as trespassers. As 早期に as 1831, Darling wrote that it was 事実上 impossible to 妨げる植民／開拓者s from sending their cattle outside the 境界s; [246] but no 試みる／企てる was made by the Home 政府 to lay 負かす／撃墜する any other 政策 in regard to this unauthorized 占領／職業 of 栄冠を与える Lands than to 会合，会う it with a 拒絶 to 延長する the 限界s or to give the 無断占拠者s any 権利 or 肩書を与える to the land which they held. The problem of how to 取引，協定 with the 無断占拠者s, both within and without the 境界s, grew more 激烈な／緊急の every year after 1830. To 延長する the 限界s so that land throughout the 植民地 might be sold would not by itself have been 十分な; for the 無断占拠者s were not 用意が出来ている to 支払う／賃金 anything like five shillings an acre for land for pastoral 目的s. Bourke, however, in the absence of any 指示／教授／教育s, took it upon himself to 工夫する some means of 規制するing this unauthorized 占領／職業, which, though it could not be 妨げるd, might be controlled. His 試みる／企てる at 予防 had been a 失敗. In 1833 he had passed an 行為／法令／行動する [247] to 保護する the 栄冠を与える Lands from trespass, and to 妨げる squatting 存在 considered as giving a 肩書を与える to the land. Commissioners were 任命するd under the 行為／法令／行動する to 妨げる侵入占拠 on the 栄冠を与える Lands, but this was 効果のない／無能な, for, in 1835, Bourke 報告（する）／憶測d that his 政府簡単に could not 妨げる植民／開拓者s from 占領するing with their herds and flocks lands outside the 境界s. [248] The 繁栄 of the Australian 植民地s depended at this time おもに on the pastoral 産業. For its success not a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of 労働 and 資本／首都 was necessary, but freedom of 接近 to the unoccupied 栄冠を与える Lands was 必須の, and the 政策 of 妨げるing this would, if successful, have been injurious to the best 利益／興味s of the 植民地. Some 肯定的な政策, however, was necessary if the 肩書を与える of the 栄冠を与える to these lands was to be 認めるd. The 無断占拠者s were of all classes, rich and poor, of reputable and of indifferent character, and Bourke's difficulty was to find a 計画（する） which would 控訴 all classes; for he 恐れるd that even the wealthier and more respectable 無断占拠者s would prefer their unauthorized 占領／職業 to a 合法的な肩書を与える, if the latter were 安全な・保証するd at any expense; while any 試みる／企てる to 施行する a system against the general wishes of the colonists would be hopeless. [249] His 計画（する）, as introduced by an 行為／法令／行動する [250] of 1836, to 抑制する the unauthorized 占領／職業 of 栄冠を与える Lands, was to 認める licences under which lands outside the 限界s of 場所 might be 占領するd for pastoral 目的s, and to 抑制する by 刑罰，罰則 any unlicensed 占領／職業. Within the 限界s of 場所 those 占領するing 栄冠を与える Lands without a 賃貸し（する） under the 規則s of August 1st, 1831, were liable to a 罰金. Outside the 限界s no one might, on 刑罰，罰則 of a 類似の罰金, 占領する without a licence, which was to be 認めるd for one year to anyone on 支払い（額） of a 料金 of ｣10, and was renewable on the same 条件. The licensee was 警告するd that if the 限界s of 場所 were 延長するd the land which he 占領するd would be liable to be sold, and all 改良s would be undertaken at his own 危険. [251] The system 設立するd in this way was simple and elastic. No honest occupier would be 乱すd by it, while the 料金s for licences were not ーするつもりであるd to bring in more 歳入 than would 支払う／賃金 the expenses of the Commissioners 任命するd to carry the 行為／法令／行動する into 影響. The 無断占拠者 who took out a licence had now a 限定された合法的な position, and was no longer a mere trespasser, though he had no （人命などを）奪う，主張する to the land which he 占領するd other than a 権利 to depasture his flocks and herds there. [252]

The 政策 of 制限可決する・採択するd by the 植民地の Office was carried into 影響 also by their 成果／努力s to 妨げる解決／入植地 outside the 限界s of 場所. Not only was the practice of squatting 広範囲にわたって延長するd during this period, but many 試みる／企てるs were made to acquire from the 政府 for 解決／入植地 land outside the 境界s laid 負かす／撃墜する in 1829. A 提案 was made to the 政府 of New South むちの跡s in 1834, by 陸軍大佐 Verner and others, to buy land at three shillings and sixpence per acre at Twofold Bay, ninety miles south of the 存在するing 境界s, and to settle there families from the north of Ireland. [253] Bourke, in commenting on the 提案, 反対するd to any lowering of the 最小限 price of land, but 示唆するd that, in 見解（をとる） of the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing 願望（する） of the colonists to spread beyond the 境界s, the 限界s of 場所 should be 延長するd southward so as to 含む this 地区. [254] In answer to this 提案 and to Bourke's 推薦. Lord Aberdeen, while 辞退するing 許可 for the 提案するd new 解決／入植地, definitely pronounced against any 拡張 of the 境界s, and gave Bourke 指示／教授／教育s as to how to 行為／法令／行動する in 事例／患者 of other 類似の使用／適用s. "Adverting to the general question to which you call my attention, arising out of the foregoing proposition, viz., as to the expediency of 延長するing the 場所 of 植民／開拓者s beyond the 現在の権限を与えるd 限界s so far to the southward as Twofold Bay, I have to 熟知させる you that notwithstanding the advantages which you have pointed out in your despatch as likely to result from it to the grazing and other 農業の利益／興味s of the 植民地. His Majesty's 政府 are not 用意が出来ている to 権限を与える a 手段, the consequence of which would be to spread over a still その上の extent of 領土 a 全住民 which it was the 反対する of the late land 規則s to concentrate, and to コースを変える for a distant 反対する, not すぐに necessary to the 繁栄 of the 植民地, a 部分 of its 歳入s, the whole of which is barely 十分な to 持続する in that 明言する／公表する of efficiency which is so 望ましい the さまざまな設立s and 会・原則s 要求するd by the inhabitants of the 地区s already 占領するd. I am glad, however, of the 適切な時期 which you have thus afforded me of 表明するing my 感情s upon this point, and you will not fail to discountenance any 計画（する）s which may hereafter be 提案するd to you for settling the 領土 beyond the 現在の限界s to which the 場所 of 植民／開拓者s is 制限するd." [255] In the same year an 使用／適用 for land at Portland Bay, on the south-west coast of what is now Victoria, was made by Mr. Thomas Henty and his sons, the story of whose 企業 in 設立するing the first 永久の解決／入植地 in that part of Australia is 井戸／弁護士席 known. In 1829 they had 得るd a 認める of over 80,000 acres at Swan River, and had brought out a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of 資本／首都 and 在庫／株, but, disappointed with the 質 of the 国／地域, they had sailed to 先頭 Diemen's Land, only to find that the newly-introduced Ripon 規則s 妨げるd them from 得るing a 解放する／自由な認める of land there. They now 提案するd to buy land from the 政府 at Portland Bay, and in return to abandon the 認める at Swan River. [256] 知事 Arthur, through whom the 使用／適用 was made, recommended the 提案, and 示唆するd that it would be 望ましい to settle the land in that neighbourhood. [257] But this request was also 辞退するd, and the Hentys continued to "squat" [258] at Portland Bay and to 嘆願（書） the 政府 for land. In spite of these 使用／適用s and the 証拠 that unauthorized 解決／入植地 was taking place where 権限を与えるd 解決／入植地 was forbidden, the Home 政府 strove to 持続する its 政策 of 制限. Bur the logic of facts 証明するd in the end to be too strong even for the 植民地の Office, and they were compelled to 産する／生じる. In 1835 Mr. John Batman sailed from 先頭 Diemen's Land to Port Phillip, where he 結論するd a 条約 with the natives by which, によれば the forms of English 法律, they 認めるd to him, as 代表するing the Port Phillip 協会, about 600,000 acres of land in the neighbourhood. This 認める含むd the 現在の場所／位置s of Geelong and Melbourne, and was made for a small consideration of knives, 一面に覆う／毛布s, etc., and a 年一回の rent of 類似の articles. [259] The members of the 協会 at once 占領するd the land with their sheep and cattle, and asked for 確定／確認 of their 条約 from the Home 政府. The 公式の／役人態度 of the 植民地の Office on the general question of 制限するing 解決／入植地 is 井戸／弁護士席 shown by a memorandum made by Mr. R. W. Hay on the 領収書 of Batman's 使用／適用. "All 計画／陰謀s of this 肉親，親類d," he wrote, "have been of late years discountenanced as 主要な continually to the 設立 of fresh 解決／入植地s and fresh expense—and, if everyone were 許すd to follow his own inclination by selecting a fit place of 住居 on the coast of New Holland, all hopes of 制限するing the 限界s of our 解決／入植地s in that ４半期/4分の1 must be at once abandoned." [260] Although the 解決／入植地 was made from 先頭 Diemen's Land and Arthur 示唆するd that it should be 支配する to the 当局 of that 植民地, [261] the 領土 was within the 国境s of New South むちの跡s, and Bourke at once made it （疑いを）晴らす that he （人命などを）奪う，主張するd to 演習当局 there. The land in question 存在栄冠を与える land, there was no difficulty in 解任するing the （人命などを）奪う，主張する made by the Port Phillip 協会 for the 有効性，効力 of their 認める from the natives; but all that Bourke could do in 見解（をとる） of Lord Aberdeen's despatch of 1834 was to 問題／発行する a 布告／宣言 to the 影響 that the land was within the 国境s of New South むちの跡s, that the 条約 was 無効の as against the 栄冠を与える, and that trespassers there would be dealt with in the same way as other 侵入者s upon the 空いている lands of the 栄冠を与える. [262] This done, he wrote to the 植民地の Office for 指示／教授／教育s, and 一方／合間 the informal and unauthorized 解決／入植地 at Port Phillip continued to 増加する. In his despatch [263] to Lord Glenelg advising the 開始 of Port Phillip to 解決／入植地, Bourke gave the same 推論する／理由s as he had given in the 事例／患者 of Twofold Bay, and entered into the whole question of the 政策 of 制限. He quarrelled with the doctrine of 集中, and 否定するd that it was suitable to the 条件s of New South むちの跡s. "Admitting, as every reasonable person must, that a 確かな degree of 集中 is necessary for the 進歩 of wealth and civilization, and that it enables 政府 to become at once efficient and economical, I cannot 避ける perceiving the peculiarities which, in this 植民地, （判決などを）下す it impolitic, and even impossible, to 抑制する dispersion within 限界s that would be expedient どこかよそで." [264] The 長，指導者 of these peculiarities was that the wool 産業, the 主要な／長／主犯 source of the wealth of the 植民地, 要求するd 解放する／自由な接近 to a wide 範囲 of country. "The colonists must さもなければ抑制する the 増加する, or endeavour to raise 人工的な food for their 在庫／株. Whilst nature 現在のs all around an 制限のない供給（する） of the most wholesome nutriment, either course would seem a perverse 拒絶 of the bounty of Providence; and the latter would certainly 要求する more 労働 than can be 得るd in the 植民地, or 移民／移住 profitably 供給（する）." [265] Moreover, he 率直に自白するd that the 政府 were unable to 妨げる this dispersion or to 除去する侵入者s. He therefore 示唆するd that it would be more to the advantage of the 植民地 to sell the land at Twofold Bay and Port Phillip to the 植民／開拓者s than to try to 軍隊 them to abandon their 解決／入植地s. In this way the さまざまな会・原則s of society might be there introduced. "To 差し控える from their introduction through the 恐れる of encouraging dispersion, is, I am 説得するd, a fallacious 政策. The dispersion will go on, notwithstanding the discouragement, but …を伴ってd by much evil, that might be 妨げるd by the 指導／手引 and 支配（する）／統制する of 当局 opportunely introduced." [266] In 見解（をとる） of this 起訴，告発 of their 政策 of the 先行する five years, and of the fact that a 解決／入植地 was 現実に存在設立するd at Port Phillip, the Home 政府 made haste to 影響 a 完全にする change of 前線, and, in a despatch of April 13th, 1836, [267] Lord Glenelg 許すd land to be sold at these places outside the 限界s of 場所, and at the same time tried unsuccessfully to reconcile this with the previous 政策 of 制限. The 原則 of the Ripon 規則s, he wrote, was to 中和する／阻止する dispersion, but this 原則 had to be 狭くするd in its 使用／適用 by the physical peculiarities of the 植民地, which was essentially a pastoral country. It was その上の限られた／立憲的な by the impossibility of repressing by any 法律s "the spirit of adventure and 憶測" which gave rise to these unauthorized 解決／入植地s. "All that remains for the 政府 in such circumstances," he wrote, "is to assume the 指導／手引 and direction of 企業s, which, though it cannot 妨げる or retard, it may yet 行為／行う to happy results. It may indeed 収容する／認める of serious 疑問 whether the 植民／開拓者s at Port Phillip and Twofold Bay have not in reality given birth to undertakings which 審議する／熟考する reflection would have recommended rather than discouraged." [268] In other words, he 認める that the 政策 of 制限 of 解決／入植地 was unsuited to the needs of the 植民地 and impossible to 施行する. The despatch also 認可するd of the 対策 which Bourke had taken, and, on its 領収書 in 1836, he threw the 地区 of Port Phillip open to 解決／入植地 under the 規則s of 1831. [269]

It is now possible to answer 簡潔に the question how far the Wakefield system had been introduced into New South むちの跡s by 1837.

In the first place, a uniform system of sale of waste lands had been 設立するd, but no 試みる／企てる had been made to 安全な・保証する a 十分な price. Lord Glenelg, indeed, in the beginning of 1837, reminded Bourke that the 指示／教授／教育s of 1831 had given the 知事 discretion to raise the price, [270] and that he was at liberty to do so now if he thought it necessary; [271] but Bourke replied that such a step was unnecessary, because 競争 by auction was 十分な to 得る the 十分な value of the land. [272] From this answer it may be gathered that the 動機s actuating Bourke in 直す／買収する，八百長をするing a price were not those of Wakefield. Bourke thought he had 直す／買収する，八百長をするd a proper price, when by auction the 十分な value of the land was 得るd; Wakefield, on the other 手渡す, wished for a price which would be 十分な to 妨げる a labourer from becoming a landowner too soon, whether or not that price 代表するd the market value of the land. [273]

Again, there was not in New South むちの跡s during this period anything like the 十分な liberty of （資金の）充当／歳出 of land which Wakefield 需要・要求するd as a necessary 条件 of the working of his theory. The 知事's discretion still decided what land within the 限界s of 場所 was to be put up for sale, while the 政策 of 妨げるing 解決／入植地 outside those 限界s was 全く foreign to the ideas of Wakefield, who would have 願望（する）d that any 植民／開拓者 might 購入（する） at the 最小限 price as much land as he needed in any place and at any time he wished.

In the next place, part only of the proceeds of the land sales was 充てるd to 移住, and the 政府 expressly 避けるd 誓約（する）ing themselves to 扱う／治療する the land 基金 as sacred to this 目的. Moreover, the 移住 itself was neither 井戸／弁護士席 selected nor 井戸／弁護士席 managed. Wakefield wished that the whole 商売／仕事 of land sales and 移住 should be 行為／行うd by a public and responsible 団体／死体告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d with 決定するing a 十分な price and with expending the resulting money in 井戸／弁護士席 selected 移住. Indeed, the only part of the land 規則s which would have had his 是認 was that 取引，協定ing with squatting. To give every one who was anxious to 占領する unsold land for pastoral 目的s a 権利 to do so on 支払い（額） of a small 料金, and at the same time to 供給する that the land might at any time be sold for 目的s of 農業, was 正確に／まさに the 原則 for which Wakefield had always argued. [274]

The Wakefield system, then, had only been very 部分的に／不公平に適用するd in New South むちの跡s by 1837, but the important 原則 of selling land and using some of the proceeds in 移住 was 井戸／弁護士席設立するd.

一方／合間, Wakefield had not been idle. During the whole period he had been working to 設立する the new 植民地 of South Australia, [275] and, in 1836, he was able to come 今後 in public and expound his 見解（をとる）s on 植民地化. The systematic colonizers were 満足させるd neither with the changes in New South むちの跡s, nor with the way in which the South Australian 植民地 had been 就任するd by the 行為／法令／行動する of 1834; and they contrived to get a Select 委員会 of the House of ありふれたs 任命するd to sit in 1836 to 診察する into the question of the 処分 of waste lands in the Australian 植民地s, at the Cape of Good Hope, and in the West Indies. 明らかに they meant to 含む the British North American 植民地s within the 範囲 of the 調査, but in this they were 不成功の. [276] The Select 委員会 was strong and 影響力のある, 含む／封じ込めるing as it did such men as H. G. 区 (chairman). Sir George Grey, W. Hutt, G. Poulett Scrope, W. E. Gladstone, J. A. Roebuck, Francis 明らかにするing, and H. L. Bulwer. No 疑問 Wakefield was not above 準備するing a 事例／患者 for the 委員会. Many of the members were predisposed favourably to his 見解（をとる）s, and the Wakefield theory had so many 支持者s and so few 対抗者s amongst the 証言，証人／目撃するs who gave 証拠 that it was 公正に／かなり obvious in which direction the 報告（する）／憶測 would tend. Of the eleven 証言，証人／目撃するs 診察するd, five were decided adherents of the Wakefield theory, [277] one was 敵意を持った to some parts of it, [278] two 代表するd the 植民地の Office, [279] while only three colonists in all gave 証拠, two from 先頭 Diemen's Land, [280] and one from Trinidad. [281] Wakefield was the 長，指導者証言，証人／目撃する, and he was seen to 広大な／多数の／重要な advantage in expounding and developing his theory, answering 反対s, and 非難するing an other methods of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of waste land.

The 委員会's 報告（する）／憶測, which was short, was 事実上 a 推薦 of the Wakefield system. They 認可するd of what had already been done in the Australian 植民地s between 1831 and 1836, and 示唆するd その上の活動／戦闘 to 延長する and 完全にする the 原則 of land sales and 移住. The 原則 of a 最小限 price they recommended should be 設立するd by an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会, ーするために give it "a character of permanency and 安定, which it does not 所有する at 現在の"; but they gave no opinion as to its 量, "conceiving that the whole tenor of the 証拠 goes to 証明する that it must 変化させるによれば the circumstances of each 植民地, and can only be 決定するd, in any one, by the 実験（する） of experience." They その上の recommended that the money 供給するd by land sales should be used to 促進する selected 移住 to each 植民地 in 割合 to the 量 raised there, preference 存在 given to young married couples; that on the 安全 or the land 基金 a 貸付金 might be raised for 移住; and that the whole 手はず／準備 connected with the sale of land, 含むing the 直す／買収する，八百長をするing of the price, the 調査するing of the land, and the direction of 補助装置d 移住, should be in the 手渡すs of a Board 居住（者） in London, responsible either to some department of 政府 or 直接／まっすぐに to 議会. [282]

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 VII.

1 England and America, Vol. ii, footnote at p. 160. Robert Gouger, who at this time was 事実上の／代理 as Wakefield's 広報担当者, in July, 1829, sent to the 植民地の Office Wakefield's earliest 小冊子, Sketch of a 提案 for colonizing Australia. Mr. R. W. Hay, then 永久の Under-国務長官 for the 植民地s, 表明するd his 不賛成 in 覚え書き pencilled on the 小冊子 which are 価値（がある）保存するing as giving the 植民地の Office 見解（をとる） of the 計画（する）. As to the price of ｣2 per acre, he wrote, "No 植民／開拓者 would take land upon these 条件. They even now complain at having to 支払う／賃金 5s. per acre for the 購入（する） of it, conceiving that the valuation is too high at that 率." As to the use of the land 基金 in 移住, he wrote, "The proceeds are 手配中の，お尋ね者 for the 現在の expenses of the 植民地," This 小冊子 is in the 記録，記録的な／記録する Office, C.O. 201/206.

3 指示／教授／教育s to the 知事s of New South むちの跡s, 先頭 Diemen's Land and Western Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

8 Ibid., p. 109. The 人物／姿／数字s are from Bigge's 報告（する）／憶測s with the necessary 是正s. Mr. Kelsey, in his 証拠 before the 1836 Lands 委員会, gives the 量 as 177,500. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499. Question 1620.

11 Ibid., p. 109. Kelsey gives the total for 認めるs 1810-22 as 400,000 acres. Question 1622.

12 See the 規則s for 1824. 虫垂 No. 4 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Waste Lands 委員会, 1836. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

14 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 on Australian 植民地s, Acc. and Pap., 1830-1, Vol. iv, p. 67.

25 Arthur to Goderich, No. 59, October 27th, 1831: "Although I never should have 投機・賭けるd to have recommended so total a change as your Lordship has been pleased to introduce, yet, such was the 乱用 under the former system in 反抗 of all the vigilance and 脅しs of the 政府 that I must say I do most heartily rejoice that it has been put a stop to." C.O. 280/30.

27 Ibid., No. 4: "条件 upon which the 栄冠を与える lands will be 性質の／したい気がして of in New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land." 植民地の Office, January 20th, 1831. Enclosure in No. 4.

37 See his despatches to Huskisson, No. 93, August 2nd, 1828, and No. 106, August 27th, 1828. C.O. 201/193.

38 観客, September 10th, 1831; June 29th, 1839; England and America, 1833, Vol. ii, footnote at p. 161. Gouger's letter to Glenelg, May 12th, 1835, E. Hodder, The 設立するing of South Australia, p. 160. 陸軍大佐 Torrens, 植民地化 of South Australia, 1835, Preface, p. vii. Systematic 植民地化, 1849, p. i. H. G. 区 in Hansard, 1839, 3rd Series, Vol. xlviii, pp. 853-4. Art of 植民地化, 1849, p. 46.

42 Vol. vi, Australasia, Historical 地理学 of the British 植民地s, at p. 112.

44 See also R. W. Hay's letter to Major Mitchell, January 9th, 1832. C.O. 324/87: "I やめる agree with you as to the necessity of concentrating as much as possible the 植民／開拓者s who may arrive, which can only be done by 限定するing the new colonists to 確かな tracts of country. This is one of the 長，指導者反対するs which the 政府 has had in 見解（をとる） in laying 負かす／撃墜する the new 規則s, and it seems the most likely 方式 of insuring the 支払い（額） of a 十分な price for the land 始める，決める up to sale."

45 Despatch to 知事 Stirling, March 8th, 1833. C.O. 397/2. See also his despatch to the 知事 of Lower Canada, November 21st, 1831. 引用するd in 十分な in Robert Christie's History of Lower Canada, 1850, Vol. iii, pp. 374 et seq.

47 H. G. 区 who had introduced 決意／決議s 断言するing the necessity of 植民地化 on the lines of the Wakefield theory. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlviii, p. 869.

49 Morning Chronicle, May 3rd, 1841. Lord John Russell, speaking in the House of ありふれたs in 1841, said that the 原則s laid 負かす／撃墜する in Wakefield's 作品 were 可決する・採択するd by the 植民地の長官 in 1831. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. lvii, p. 994.

50 "The 植民地 will be その上の利益d by the longer period which must elapse, under the new system, before the labourer can become a proprietor."—Goderich to Bourke, December 26th, 1832. C.O. 202/30.

52 Goderich's despatch of February 14th, 1831. The 普通の／平均（する） valuation of land in sixteen 郡s of New South むちの跡s in 1831, によれば the Commissioners of Valuation and 調査する, was about 3s. per acre; in 先頭 Diemen's Land in 1834 it was 3s. 4d. per acre. Blue 調書をとる／予約する of 統計（学） (N.S.W.), 1831. C.O. 206/71. Arthur to Stanley, No. 18, March 13th, 1834. C.O. 280/47.

65 Letter of P——— to Lord Howick, No. v, 観客, February 5th, 1831. 観客, July 13th, 1839. 植民地の Gazette, December 8th, 1838.

66 New British 州 of South Australia, 1835, 2nd Ed., p. 100. 観客, July 13th, 1839. Letter of P——— to Lord Howick, No. v. . . . 観客, February 5th, 1831.

67 Lord Glenelg, indeed, in 1837 公式に認める the 一時的な nature of the land 規則s. In the collection of 支配するs and 規則s which he 問題／発行するd in that year for the 指導／手引 of 植民地の支配者s, he 警告するs them that "the 規則s on that 長，率いる must be regarded as 一時的に only, so far as 尊敬（する）・点s all the minor 詳細（に述べる）s." 支配するs and 規則s for the （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） and 指導／手引 of the 主要な／長／主犯 officers and others in His Majesty's 植民地の所有／入手s, 1837, Preface. See also H. G. 区 in the House of ありふれたs, 1839. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlviii, p. 854.

70 England and America, Vol. ii, p. 163. See also R. D. Hanson's 証拠 before 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, Question 457.

72 Wakefield's 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, to Question 651.

73 See the 嘆願（書） of the "主要な／長／主犯 Landholders of New South むちの跡s," enclosed in despatch of Darling to Goderich, September 1st, 1831. C.O. 201/220.

76 See Return in 虫垂 I, No. 61, to 報告（する）／憶測 of 1837 Transportation 委員会. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxii.

77 Blue 調書をとる／予約する of 統計（学） (N.S.W.), 1828. C.O. 206/69. The 詳細（に述べる）d 人物／姿／数字s were—解放する／自由な emigrants and 解放する／自由な born, 13,400; 解放する／自由な by servitude and 容赦d, 7,530; 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, 15,668. These 人物／姿／数字s are given in 報告（する）／憶測 of 王室の（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 on 領収書s and 支出 in the 植民地s, 3rd 報告（する）／憶測, 1830. Acc. and Pap., 1830-1, Vol. iv, p. 67.

78 More 特に in N.S.W. See, e.g., Bourke to Goderich, September 24th, 1832. C.O. 201/227; to a いっそう少なく extent in V.D.'s Land, See Arthur to Goderich, July 9th, 1831, No. 42. C.O. 280/29.

81 Son of Hannibal Macarthur. Rusden, History of Australia, 1883, Vol. ii, p. 62.

82 R. S. Hall, 明言する／公表する of New South むちの跡s, 1831, p. 16. See also Macarthur's 証拠 before the Transportation 委員会 of 1837. Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xix. Questions 2549-50.

85 知事 Darling's enemies said that only his friends and the 支持者s of his 政府 could 得る罪人／有罪を宣告するs.—R. S. Hall, 明言する／公表する of New South むちの跡s. 1831, p. 12.

88 See 一般に Arthur to Goderich, No, 29, June 28th, 1832. C.O. 280/34. See also M. Phillips, A 植民地の専制政治, 1909, p. 127.

90 Blue 調書をとる／予約する of 統計（学） for N.S.W., 1828, C.O. 206/69; and for 先頭 Diemen's Land, 1828, C.O. 284/51.

91 Bourke to Goderich, April 11th, 1832. C.O. 201/226. See also E. S. Hall's letter to Goderich, August 15th, 1831. C.O. 201/223.

92 報告（する）／憶測 of Mr. T. F. Elliot, スパイ／執行官-General for 移住, 1838. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xl, p. i. See also his 証拠 before the Select 委員会 on New Zealand, 1838. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxi, p. 327.

97 報告（する）／憶測 of the スパイ／執行官-General for 移住, 1838. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xl, p. I.

98 指示／教授／教育s from Goderich to the Commissioners of 移住, July 1st. 1831. C.O. 384/27.

99 A 小冊子, Emigrant's Guide to New South むちの跡s, 1832, 含む／封じ込めるs （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） published by the Commissioners. See also （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）尊敬（する）・点ing the Australian 植民地s, 植民地の Office, July 18th, 1831 (B.M. 1304 m. 12, 1-2); and （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）尊敬（する）・点ing the British 植民地s in North America (B.M. T. 1394 (27)).

100 Enclosure i in No. 5, and enclosure i in No. 9, Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

101 報告（する）／憶測 of the スパイ／執行官-General for 移住, 1838.

102 移住 Commissioners to Goderich, September 24th, 1831. Enclosure 2 in No. 8, Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

105 Despatch of January 23rd, 1831, No. 3, ibid. A 税金 on 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 was 示唆するd to the Commissioners on 歳入 and 支出 of 植民地s who 報告（する）／憶測d in 1830. Thinking that 地元の条件s might make the 税金 inexpedient, they 単に brought the 提案 before the 財務省. Acc. and Pap., 1830-1, Vol. iv, p. 67 (third 報告（する）／憶測 of Commissioners).

106 Despatch of January 23rd, 1831. No. 3, Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

107 Lord Goderich was not altogether 選び出す／独身-minded in this. He was not unmindful of the 財政上の面 of the 事例／患者—すなわち, that an 増加する of 全住民 would mean an 増加する of 歳入. See Howick to Stewart, July 16th, 1831. Enclosure i in No. 7, ibid.

110 規則s of November 8th, 1831, 問題／発行するd by the 植民地の Office. 報告（する）／憶測s of Commissioners, 1831 (B.M. 1304 m. 13, 1-2.)

111 報告（する）／憶測 of 移住 Commissioners, March 15th, 1832. Acc. and Pap., 1831-2, Vol. xxxii, p. 209.

113 Ibid., and see 報告（する）／憶測 of スパイ／執行官-General for 移住, 1838. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xl, p. i.

115 Darling to Goderich, September 10th, 1831, C.O. 201/220. Arthur to Goderich, No. 42, July 9th, 1831, C.O. 280/29; No. 29, June 28th, 1832, C.O. 280/34; No. 39, July 31st, 1832, enclosing 報告（する）／憶測 of 移民／移住委員会 of 先頭 Diemen's Land, C.O. 280/34.

116 Sir George Grey's 証拠 before the 1836 Waste Lands 委員会. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499, Question 1877.

117 New South むちの跡s. Bourke to Stanley, No. 101, December 6th, 1833, C.O. 201/233; No. 92, September 18th, 1834, C.O. 201/240; Bourke to Spring Rice, No. 27, February 13th, 1835, C.O. 201/245; 先頭 Diemen's Land, Arthur to Stanley, No. 48, August 24th, 1833, C.O. 280/42; No. 9, January 24th, 1834, C.O. 280/46.

119 Bourke to Spring Rice, No. 27, February 13th, 1835. C.O. 201/245. In New South むちの跡s up to the end of June, 1835, ｣7,670 had been lent to 長，率いるs of families, of which ｣167 had been 回復するd, ｣2,075 to 女性（の）s of which nothing had been 回復するd. 報告（する）／憶測 of 移住委員会 of 法律を制定する会議 of N.S.W., 1835. Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101, Enclosure to No. 1.

122 報告（する）／憶測 of 移住委員会 of 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s, 1835.

123 Stanley to Bourke, No. 74, April 8th, 1834. C.O. 202/30. Stanley to Arthur, No. 24, February 12th, 1834. C.O. 408/10.

124 Aberdeen to Arthur, No. 8, February 17th, 1835. C.O. 408/10. Aberdeen to Bourke, No. 25, February 17th, 1835. C.O. 202/32.

126 Glenelg to Bourke, No. 323, May 20th, 1837. C.O. 202/34. Glenelg to Franklin, No. 125, May 31st, 1837. C.O. 408/12.

127 Glenelg to Bourke, No. 8, June 20th, 1835. C.O. 202/32. Glenelg to Arthur, No. 6, June 6th, 1835. C.O. 408/10.

128 Arthur to Goderich, No. 42, July 9th, 1831, enclosing 報告（する）／憶測 of the 移住委員会. C.O. 280/29.

129 Arthur to Goderich, No. 39, July 31st, 1832, enclosing 報告（する）／憶測. C.O. 280/34.

134 Arthur to Goderich, No. 39, July 31st, 1832, C.O. 280/34; No. 38, July 5th, 1833, C.O. 280/42. Arthur to Hay, December 24th, 1834, C.O. 280/52. Bourke to Goderich, No. 51, April 11th, 1832, C.O. 201/226; September 24th, 1832, C.O. 201/227; to Glenelg, No. 102, October 14th, 1835, C.O. 201/247.

136 報告（する）／憶測 of 外科医 James Evans, of the William Metcalfe, March 17th, 1837. C.O. 280/78.

140 Goderich to Arthur, No. 127, March 29th, 1833. C.O. 408/9. 報告（する）／憶測 of T. F. Elliot, スパイ／執行官-General for 移住, April 29th, 1838. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xl, p. 1.

141 Ibid. After the 失敗 of this 企業 the 政府逆戻りするd for a while to the system of 前進するs.

147 Letter from the Ladies' 委員会 of 先頭 Diemen's Land to Mr. Fry, October 9th, 1832. C.O. 280/36. One of the women, for instance, with a good written character, was expelled from the 女性（の） Orphanage in 先頭 Diemen's Land (where they stayed until places were 設立する for them) for bringing in a male 罪人／有罪を宣告する dressed in women's 着せる／賦与するs. Another （機の）カム out from a 刑務所 with a character "so good that her example may 影響（力） others, very anxious for 宗教的な指示／教授／教育." She got a good place, but within three weeks was turned away for drunkenness.

152 Sir George Grey in the House of ありふれたs, 1836. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xxxv, pp. 12-13.

154 In 1834 the 委員会 consisted of: Mr. Edward Forster, Mr. Samuel Hoare, Mr. John Taylor, Mr. Charles Holte Bracebridge, Mr. John S. Reynolds, Mr. Thomas Lewin, Mr. Capel Cure, Mr. Charles Lushington, Mr. George Long, 陸軍大佐 Phipps, Mr. John Pirie, Mr. W. Crawford, Mr. Nadir Baxter, Mr. S. H. Sherry. See the circular of "The 委員会 for 促進するing the 移住 of 女性（の）s to the Australian 植民地s," 1834, in C.O. 384/35.

158 Ibid. See also letters from 女性（の） emigrants by this ship in The Times, August 28th, September 3rd, September 19th, and December 26th, 1834.

163 The Canton, 1835, had smallpox on board; Bourke to Glenelg, No. 91, September 9th, 1835, C.O. 201/247. The James Pattison, 1836, 含む／封じ込めるd a collection of emigrants in every way 満足な; Bourke to Hay, March 1st, 1836, C.O. 201/252; Bourke to Glenelg, No. 32, March 3rd, 1836 (above). The Lady Macnaghten, 1837, had fever on board; Bourke to Glenelg, No. 19, April 10th, 1837, C.O. 201/260.

164 Strathfieldsaye, Despatch No. 52, September 26th, 1834, C.O. 280/49. Sarah, Despatch No. 19, February 26th, 1835, C.O. 280/55. Charles Kerr, Despatch No. 101, December 26th, 1835, C.O. 280/60; No. 26, February 18th, 1836, C.O. 280/65. Arthur to Hay, February 20th, 1836, C.O. 280/65. See also 一般に報告（する）／憶測 of Ladies' 委員会, 1836, enclosure to Despatch No. 41, April 20th, 1836, C.O. 280/65.

165 報告（する）／憶測 of 委員会 which boarded the Boadicea, February 8th, 1836, enclosed in Despatch No. 27, February 19th, 1836. C.O. 280/65.

167 The Amelia Thompson, Despatch No. 84, September 9th, 1836, C.O. 280/67. The Bussorah Merchant arrived in December, 1837, with measles and smallpox on board, 原因（となる）ing fifty-eight deaths out of about 300 souls. Franklin to Glenelg, December 18th, No. 132, C.O. 280/81.

168 It was fortunate for the history of Australia that the least 満足な of these emigrants were also the least likely to leave 子孫s. See, for instance, Arthur's 私的な letter to Hay, September 10th, 1832. C.O. 280/35.

169 As on the Sarah. Arthur to Spring Rice, No. 19, February 26th, 1835. C.O. 280/55.

170 As on the David Scott. Bourke to Spring Rice, No. 27, February 13th, 1835. C.O. 201/245.

171 Arthur to Goderich, No. 43, September 8th, 1832, C.O. 280/35. Arthur to Shaw Lefevre, August 12th, 1834, C.O. 280/49.

172 See The Times for August 6th, 1834. See also J. D. Lang, Historical and 統計に基づく Account of New South むちの跡s, 1875, 4th Ed., Vol. i, p. 263, and Sir William Molesworth in the House of ありふれたs, May 5th, 1839. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. liii, pp. 1257-8.

173 See 報告（する）／憶測 of 移住委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s, 1835. Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101, enclosure to No. I.

175 Spring Rice to Bourke, No. 27, September 10th, 1834, C.O. 202/32. Spring Rice to Arthur, No. 13, October 15th, 1834, C.O. 408/10. Bourke to 国務長官, No. 45, May 8th, 1835, C.O. 201/245.

176 Arthur to Goderich, No. 43, September 8th, 1832, C.O. 280/35. Arthur to Glenelg, No. 26, February 18th, 1836, C.O. 280/65; No. 27. February 19th, 1836, C.O. 280/65. Arthur to Hay, February 20th, 1836. Ibid. Compare Bourke to Glenelg, No. 102, October 14th, 1835, C.O. 201/247.

178 Aberdeen to Bourke, No. 25, February 17th, 1835. C.O. 202/32. See also 報告（する）／憶測 of the 移住委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議 of N.S.W., 1835. Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101.

180 Bourke to Glenelg, October 14th, 1835, No. 1 of Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101. See also despatches 通知するing 任命 of 外科医s, No. 17, of 1836. C.O. 201/252, Nos. 9, 13, 14, 15, and 16, of 1837, C.O. 201/260; and No. 39 of 1837, C.O. 201/261.

182 See the 政府 notice enclosed in Despatch of Bourke to Glenelg, No. 49, April 30th, 1836. No. 4 of Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101. This notice 新たにするs that of October 28th, 1835, which is printed in 政府 Gazette, New South むちの跡s, for 1835. C.O. 205/3.

183 Bourke to Glenelg, No. 102, October 14th, 1835. No. i of Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101.

186 報告（する）／憶測 of 移住委員会, December 6th, 1836. 虫垂 I, No. 55, to Transportation 委員会's 報告（する）／憶測, 1837. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxii.

187 To Question 915. "The sales of land furnish money for 伝えるing emigrants to New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land; and to whom is the work confided? To a 委員会, so called by itself, sitting somewhere, but I am sure I do not know where, in the city of London, consisting of some benevolent gentlemen and ladies. Thus the 明言する／公表する現実に confides the superintendence of 移住, with the public 基金s, to a benevolent society; a small party of 私的な persons, 含むing 女性（の）s, who cannot be under any 責任／義務, since they have not to make 報告（する）／憶測s to anybody, and are accountable to no one but themselves . . . a party of people whom nobody knows anything at all about, and whose very 存在, I believe, was unknown to the 大多数 of the Members of this 委員会, till I について言及するd it just now." The 移住委員会 consisted only of men and made たびたび（訪れる）報告（する）／憶測s to the 植民地の Office.

189 報告（する）／憶測 of T. F. Elliot, enclosed in No. 10 of Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xxxix, p. 409.

190 Lord Stanley in the House of ありふれたs, 1842. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. Ix, p. 81. See also 植民地の Gazette, July 29th, 1840.

191 Lord Howick. Question 2958 (to Wakefield), Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

192 Lord Howick in the House of ありふれたs, 1843. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. lxviii, p. 573.

193 Goderich to Darling, February 14th, 1831, No. 4 of Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

195 Sydney Gazette, October 12th, 1830, in discussing 提案s of the 国家の植民地化 Society.

197 嘆願（書） enclosed in Despatch of Darling to Goderich, September 28th, 1831. C.O. 201/220.

198 e.g., Busby to Howick, August 21st, 1831, C.O. 201/223. J. Stephen to Goderich, July 20th, 1831, C.O. 201/224. F. Boucher to Goderich, September 3rd, 1832, C.O. 201/229.

200 Arthur to Goderich, No. 42, July 9th, 1831. C.O. 280/29. See also Hobart Town Almanack for 1834, p. 56.

201 Arthur to Goderich, No. 59, October 27th, 1831. C.O. 280/30. See also 私的な letter Arthur to Goderich, September 24th, 1832. C.O. 280/35.

202 記念の of 植民／開拓者s to the 長官 of 明言する／公表する 1832, enclosed in Stirling to Goderich, September 20th, 1832. C.O. 18/10.

208 Arthur to Hay, September 7th, 1833, and October 5th, 1833, C.O. 280/43. Arthur to Spring Rice, No. 37, May 14th, 1835, C.O. 280/57.

214 Bourke to Goderich, No. 35, March 23rd, 1833. C.O. 201/231, The actual 人物／姿／数字s were 1829, 564; 1830, 309; 1831, 457; 1832, 1214. See also Elliot's 証拠 before Select 委員会 on New Zealand. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxi, p. 327.

215 Sydney Gazette, July 14th, 1831: "The proceeds of the sales of land, under the 規則s recently promulgated, are to be 適用するd 排他的に to the 除去 of paupers from England to New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land."

216 Howick to Hon. J. Stewart, July 16th, 1831. Enclosure 1 in No. 7 of Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

219 J. Stewart to Sir George Grey, September 23rd, 1834. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 403, Enclosure to No. I.

220 Spring Rice to Bourke, No. 39, November 15th, 1834. C.O. 202/32. Part of this despatch is 抽出するd in Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 403, No. I.

222 Bourke to Aberdeen, No. 79, August 12th, 1835. C.O. 201/247. The 財務省 had 心配するd this 反対 and were ready beforehand with their answer. The Lords Commissioners of the 財務省 "are aware that it may be 申し立てられた／疑わしい, that the very 激しい expense of pohce, which 構成するs by far the greater 部分 of these 量s, 同様に as the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s …に出席するing the gaols, are principally （判決などを）下すd necessary by the presence of the 罪人／有罪を宣告するs; but as the 広大な／多数の／重要な and 速く増加するing 繁栄 of these 植民地s is so おもに to be せいにするd to the advantages derived from the 労働 of the 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, and as the necessity for the large police 設立 arises from the dispersion of the 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, for the accommodation of the 植民／開拓者s, it appears to my Lords that the 支出 in question may be most legitimately 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d upon the 植民地の歳入s." J. Stewart to Sir George Grey, September 23rd, 1834. Enclosure to No. i. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 403.

224 Bourke to Glenelg, No. 92, September 15th, 1835. C.O. 201/247. The 嘆願（書） enclosed with this despatch is 行方不明の.

225 報告（する）／憶測 of September 18th, 1835, enclosed in No. 1 of Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101.

226 J. Stephen to A. Y. Spearman, August 19th, 1836. Enclosure i in No. 3, ibid.

229 Bourke to Glenelg, No. 70, July 28th, 1837, C.O. 201/261; No. 85, September 8th, 1837, C.O. 201/262.

230 Bourke to Stanley, No. 75, September 1st, 1834. No. 2 of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 403.

233 J. Stewart to Sir G. Grey. Enclosure to Despatch No. 39 of Nov. 15th, 1834. Acc. and Pap., 1840 Vol. xxxiii, p. 403.

238 The （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 consisted of Earl of Rosslyn, Henry Goulburn, Maurice Fitzgerald, Lord Eliot, and Sir James Willoughby Gordon. Acc. and Pap., 1830-1, Vol. iv, p. i.

242 The first 公式の／役人 use of the 条件 "無断占拠者" and "squatting" seems to have occurred in a 報告（する）／憶測 of a 委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s on Gaols and Police, October 9th, 1835, enclosed in Despatch No. 6, January 20th, 1836. C.O. 201/252. The 無断占拠者s were of さまざまな types from the ticket-of-leave man to the 豊富な解放する／自由な植民／開拓者. The latter class, too, were jealous of the former, whom they （刑事）被告 of sheep-stealing and other 罪，犯罪s, and requested the 知事 to bring under police 監督. Ibid., and see Bourke to Glenelg, No. 100, September 14th, 1836. C.O. 201/254.

243 Bourke to Stanley, No. 59, July 4th, 1834. C.O. 201/239. Australia on the whole was lightly 木材／素質d and at once accessible to roving pastoralists; 反して in Canada, for example, the presence of 激しい forests 妨げるd the land from 存在 used in this way for pastoral or 農業の目的s until some 試みる／企てる at （疑いを）晴らすing had been made. See Gipps to Russell, September 28th, 1840, H. of C. Paper, No. 120, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 293.

244 In his 政府 of Victoria, 1897, p. 37, and History of the Australasian 植民地s, 1912, p. 63, Professor Jenks 令状s that this was 予定 to a 審議する／熟考する misreading of the 規則s by Darling; but in 見解（をとる） of the 推薦s of the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 of 1830 and the 政策 of the 植民地の Office from 1831 onwards, 特に in regard to the 提案するd 解決／入植地s at Twofold Bay and Port Phillip, it seems more probable that Darling's 制限 of the sale of land within the 限界s of 場所 was in keeping with the 意向 of the Home 政府. The 言い回し of ｧｧ 1 and 2 of the Ripon 規則s is wide enough to 適用する to all the land within the 国境s of the 植民地; but the 植民地の Office, which was fully aware of the 限界s of 場所 laid 負かす／撃墜する by the 政府 Order of 1829, did not 反対する to Darling's reading, and, indeed, in 1834, definitely 辞退するd to 許す the 限界s to be 延長するd. See Despatch of Aberdeen to Bourke, No. 12, December 25th, 1834. C.O. 202/32. R. W. Hay wrote to Major Mitchell (the Surveyor-General of New South むちの跡s) on the new 規則s. "I やめる agree with you as to the necessity of concentrating as much as possible the 植民／開拓者s who may arrive, which can only be done by 限定するing the new colonists to 確かな tracts of country. This is one of the 長，指導者反対するs which the 政府 has had in 見解（をとる） in laying 負かす／撃墜する the new 規則s, and it seems the most likely 方式 of insuring the 支払い（額） of a 十分な price for the land 始める，決める up to sale." Letter of January 9th, 1832. C.O. 324/87. The Ripon 規則s are printed in Enclosure in No. 4, Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113. The 政府 Order of August 1st, 1831, is enclosed with the despatch of Darling to Goderich, No. 81, September 28th, 1831. C.O. 201/220. See also 指示／教授／教育s to the 知事s of New South むちの跡s, 先頭 Diemen's Land, and Swan River, ｧ 28. Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113, No. I.

248 Bourke to Glenelg, No. 99, October 10th, 1835, 虫垂 No. i to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on Waste Lands. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

249 Bourke to Glenelg, No. 119, December 18th, 1835. 虫垂 No. 13 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Transportation 委員会. Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xix.

251 See 行為／法令／行動する in 政府 Gazette, August 17th, 1836; and 政府 Notice of October 1st, 1836, 含むing form of licence. 政府 Gazette, October 5th, 1836. C.O. 205/4.

253 使用／適用 enclosed in Despatch No. 59, July 4th, 1834, C.O. 201/239. See also a その上の提案 by 陸軍大佐 Verner, February 24th, 1835, C.O. 201/251.

256 See his 記念の enclosed in letter of Arthur to Hay, April 18th, 1834, C.O. 280/47; and his 記念の of February 11th, 1835, C.O. 201/251.

259 See the correspondence in 虫垂 i to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

262 布告／宣言, August 26th, 1835. 虫垂 No. i, Acc. and Pap., 1836. Vol. xi, p. 499.

266 Bourke to Glenelg, No. 99, October 10th, 1835. 虫垂 No. i. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

269 Notice of September 9th, 1836, in 政府 Gazette, New South むちの跡s, September 14th, 1836. C.O. 205/4.

270 Goderich to Bourke, July 10th, 1831. No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

273 James Stephen pencilled a comment upon Bourke's despatch which showed that he too was no 支持する of a 十分な price. "The 推論する／理由s 割り当てるd by General Bourke against raising the 最小限 upset price appear to me conclusive." Despatch No. 83, C.O. 201/262.

276 観客, September 24th, 1836. The 観客 says that Canada was omitted "by a trick of the 植民地の Office."

277 Wolryche Whitmore, R. D. Hanson, 陸軍大佐 Torrens, W. H. Burnley and Wakefield himself.

一時期／支部 VIII

THE NEW BRITISH PROVINCE OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA

Although the 国家の植民地化 Society was short-lived, its 長，指導者 members carried on their 仕事 of propagating the Wakefield theory, and, almost from the beginning, they decided to put it to the 実験（する） of 実験 by 設立するing a new 植民地近づく Spencer's 湾 on the south coast of Australia. The 報告（する）／憶測 made by Captain Sturt after his famous voyage of 1830 along the River Murray, had brought this part of Australia before the public notice, and in that direction the systematic colonizers 提案するd to place their 解決／入植地. [1] "We 解決するd," wrote Wakefield in 1849, "to try and 設立する a fresh 植民地, in which both our economical and political 見解（をとる）s should 得る a fair 裁判，公判." [2] There were many 推論する／理由s which （判決などを）下すd the other Australian 植民地s unfit in their 注目する，もくろむs for an essay in systematic 植民地化.

In the first place, leaving Swan River out of consideration, the system of transportation and assignment of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs not only 干渉するd with the 割合 between land and 労働 which it was hoped to 設立する, but was abhorrent to them from a moral point of 見解（をとる）. In the next place, they could not hope that the Wakefield system would have a fair chance of working 井戸／弁護士席 in 植民地s where already so much land had been 自由に認めるd as to 妨げる any proper relation between land and 労働. In the last place, they hoped to try an 実験 in self-政府 apart from the 植民地の Office, which was impossible in any of the 存在するing Australian 植民地s. Wakefield from the first seems to have been 怪しげな of the "完全に独断的な and distant" [3] 支配する, as he called it, of the 植民地の Office. Perhaps he was afraid that their 欠如（する） of system and foresight in 取引，協定ing with the land question would be repeated, perhaps he was anxious to have no controlling 手渡す to 干渉する with his 計画／陰謀s. Whatever be the 推論する／理由 his first 計画（する） would, if 可決する・採択するd, have effectually 除外するd the 植民地の Office from the 政府 of the new 植民地.

The 提案 was 討議するd by the systematic colonizers in the autumn of 1830, [4] and was brought before the 植民地の Office in February, 1831, by Major Bacon, late of the 17th Lancers, who had seen active service in the 半島, at Waterloo where he was 厳しく負傷させるd, and in the East Indies. [5] He 単に recommended the 設立するing of a 植民地 in South Australia, of which he hoped to be 知事, and gave no その上の指示，表示する物 of his 計画（する） than that it was not to cost the mother-country anything. [6] The 植民地の Office at once showed that they were 敵意を持った to the 設立するing of new 植民地s, on the ground of expense, by replying that "the 国務長官 does not feel at liberty at the 現在の moment to 持つ／拘留する out any 激励 to 計画／陰謀s which have for their 反対する the 拡張 of the number of His Majesty's 解決／入植地s abroad, and which, whether 設立するd in the 手始め by individuals, or by the 政府, are always liable to end in becoming in some way or other a source of expense to the 歳入 of this country." [7] The systematic colonizers then drew up a 完全にする and formal 計画（する） [8] for 設立するing the new 植民地 by means of a 共同の-在庫／株 company which should not only manage land-sales and 移住, but also the 政府 of the 植民地.

A company, called the South Australian Land Company, [9] was to be formed with a 資本／首都 of ｣500,000, one-４半期/4分の1 of which was to be spent in buying land in the 植民地, one-４半期/4分の1 in making 前進するs to 植民／開拓者s, and the 残り／休憩（する） in 雇うing 労働 on its own land. The 原則s on which the new 植民地 was to be settled were those of the Wakefield system. No lands were to be 性質の／したい気がして of さもなければ than by auction at a 最小限 price of 5s. in the first year, which was to be raised to 7s. 6d. in the second year, and thereafter raised "until the price 需要・要求するd for land shall be that which will 確実にする the cultivation of all land 認めるd." [10] The whole of the proceeds from the land sales, except what was needed for the expenses of 調査する, was to be used in the 移住 of young people of both sexes in equal numbers. The colonists were to be 許すd to pasture their cattle on any land while it was unappropriated.

On its political 味方する the 計画（する）残り／休憩（する）d upon two 原則s, first, that the colonists should defray as soon as possible the cost of their own 政府; next, that at no distant date they should enjoy self-政府. 固守 to the 原則s of 植民地化 which they laid 負かす／撃墜する was, they considered, the only way in which to 確実にする the success of the 植民地. Therefore, they argued, the 政府 of the 植民地 should, at first, be in the 手渡すs not of the 植民地の Office, but of those 井戸／弁護士席熟知させるd with these 原則s. The company, then, was to recommend a 知事 whom the 栄冠を与える should 任命する, and he was to have 絶対の力／強力にする, 法律を制定する and (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, with no 会議 to 支配（する）／統制する him, until the male adult 全住民 of the 植民地 reached 5,000, when a 法律を制定する議会 to manage all the 事件／事情／状勢s of the 植民地 was to be elected 毎年 by the male adults, and the 知事 was to be 任命するd by the 栄冠を与える. [11] The company was to 供給する the expenses of 政府 by way of 貸付金 to the 植民地 until twelve months after the first 会合 of the 法律を制定する議会, when it was 明らかに to 存在する単に as a 共同の-在庫／株 land company. さまざまな other 準備／条項s were made; there was to be liberty of the 圧力（をかける）, freedom of 貿易（する）, and no 干渉，妨害 with 宗教, while for 目的s of defence all the male adult colonists were to form a 民兵.

The 利益（をあげる）s of the company were to come 単独で from the rent and re-sale of land bought from the Home 政府, and the promoters of the 計画（する） held out 確かな誘導s to 加入者s. In the first place, the company, 存在 the first 買い手, would have choice of 状況／情勢 and would take their land 近づく the port and 近づく the seat of 政府 so that it would soon 所有する a position value. Again, the 増加する in price after the first year, and in その後の years, would 追加する to the value of the company's land. Lastly, the money which the company paid for land would not only 供給（する）労働, but also would 原因（となる） more 競争 for land, and in that 事例／患者増加する the value of their 持つ／拘留するing. [12]

In August, 1831, a deputation consisting of 陸軍大佐 Torrens, Major Bacon, Robert Gouger, and G. J. Graham waited on the 植民地の Office, and, in submitting this 計画（する） for the 是認 of the 政府 and asking for a 借り切る／憲章 of 合併／会社設立 for the company, they called attention to the advantages which would be 伸び（る）d by the mother-country from the fact that no expense would be incurred, that a number of destitute people would be 除去するd from 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain and 供給するd for, and that a new market would be opened for British 製造（する）s. [13]

に引き続いて on this 提案 the systematic colonizers had several interviews and conversations both with Lord Howick and Lord Goderich, and they thought that they had 得るd the 是認 of the 植民地の Office to the 計画（する）, 支配する to two alterations, first, that the 知事 should be 指名するd 同様に as 任命するd by the 栄冠を与える; next, that a 法律を制定する議会 should not be 認めるd until the male adult 全住民 numbered 10,000. They at once 始める，決める about forming the company, and 発表するd that a 借り切る／憲章 had been 約束d by the 政府. [14] A long article [15] appeared in the 観客 of October 29th, 1831, explaining and 温かく supporting the 事業／計画（する）, and （人命などを）奪う，主張するing that it had the 許可／制裁 of the 政府. Lord Howick at once took steps to make it plain that the 是認 on which they relied was 単に his own 言葉の許可／制裁, that Lord Goderich was by no means committed to the 提案, but that, if the 借り切る／憲章 were 認可するd by the 弁護士／代理人／検事-General and supported by a respectable 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of 加入者s, and if it was （疑いを）晴らす that the 政府 were to be put to no expense, he had little 疑問 Lord Goderich would recommend the 問題／発行する of the 借り切る／憲章. [16]

その上の conversations followed, [17] and another deputation waited on the 植民地の Office, [18] but the 交渉s fell through. 明らかに the position was that neither 味方する was willing to take the first step. The 政府 would not definitely pronounce upon the 計画／陰謀 until it was before them in 詳細（に述べる） …を伴ってd by a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of 加入者s 影響力のある enough to 確実にする its success, while the 資本主義者s supporting it were unwilling to 約束 their 援助（する） until some 限定された and 無条件の許可／制裁 was given by the 政府. [19]

In the next year the South Australian Land Company was formed, under the leadership of Mr. Wolryche Whitmore, with a strong 一時的に委員会, [20] and 類似の提案s were laid before Lord Goderich. [21] He then 辞退するd the 許可／制裁 of the 政府, because, apart from the difficulty of the practical 操作／手術 of the 計画／陰謀 and other 反対s, "広大な／多数の／重要な inconvenience would arise from the circumstance of a new 植民地存在 placed so 近づく to the penal 解決／入植地s at Sydney and in 先頭 Diemen's Land, as that 提案するd." [22] After その上の interviews the Company sent to Lord Goderich a 借り切る／憲章具体的に表現するing their 計画／陰謀 with the alteration as to the 任命 of a 知事, and deferring the 認める of a 法律を制定する議会 until the 全住民 of the 植民地 reached 50,000. [23] The 借り切る／憲章 was submitted by Lord Goderich to Mr. James Stephen, then Counsel to the 植民地の Office, who 表明するd his 確信して opinion that the 計画／陰謀 was "wild and impracticable," and raised several 反対s, all of which were 可決する・採択するd by Lord Goderich and sent to the Company. [24] The 主要な／長／主犯反対s were that the 借り切る／憲章 would "移転 to this Company the 主権，独立 of a 広大な unexplored 領土;" that there would be no 安全 against their 乱用 of the 力／強力にする of 法律制定, or for their proper 使用／適用 of public money; and that "all the 力／強力にするs of the Company, 広範囲にわたる as they are, and 伴う／関わるing in their practical 影響s the 君主 dominion of the whole 領土, are 最終的に to be transferred to a popular 議会, which would be to 築く within the British 君主国 a 政府純粋に共和国の／共和党の." [25] The Company at once 表明するd their 乗り気 to make any modifications which Goderich might 提案する, if only the 原則s of land sale, 移住, 政府 by the Company, and the 結局の特権 of a 法律を制定する議会 were 保持するd. [26] Goderich's reply was to the 影響 that, since the Company knew their own minds so little as to be anxious, on the mere について言及する of 反対s, to make 根底となる modifications in their 提案, there could be no advantage in continuing the correspondence. [27]

A large and 豊富な団体／死体 of 植民／開拓者s had been collected by the Company in 期待 of the 認める of a 借り切る／憲章. ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s had subscribed ｣100,000, while others were 用意が出来ている to 投資する another ｣100,000; [28] but, when this break in the 交渉s occurred, the Company was 完全に解散させるd, [29] and the ーするつもりであるing colonists 分散させるd, some of them going to the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. [30] The promoters of the South Australian 計画／陰謀 were inclined to 非難する Mr. R. W. Hay of the 植民地の Office for its 欠如（する） of success, and 特に for the 反対s which Lord Goderich raised, in ignorance that they were the work of Mr. James Stephen. [31] Probably however, the true 推論する／理由, apart from the 反対 to 設立するing new 植民地s on the 得点する／非難する／２０ of expense, was not the 敵意 of any one man, but the fact that they asked too much from the 植民地の Office when they 需要・要求するd 完全にする支配（する）／統制する over the 植民地, both 経済的な and political, and 提案するd to 除外する the 植民地の Office altogether from the 政府.

When Lord Goderich left the 植民地の Office in March, 1833, the hopes of the systematic colonizers 生き返らせるd, and in July of that year they submitted to Stanley, the new 国務長官, 事実上 the same 提案 that Goderich had 辞退するd. The 植民地 was still to be 設立するd on the 原則s of land sales and 移住, by a 共同の-在庫／株 company which should 支配（する）／統制する and 財政／金融 its 政府 until a 法律を制定する議会 was introduced, although now the 栄冠を与える was to 任命する the 知事 and all 公式の／役人s of the 植民地. [32] Stanley showed himself somewhat more 同情的なに向かって the idea of 設立するing a new 植民地, but he 課すd 条件s which the Company were not 用意が出来ている to fulfil, and, after some correspondence, the 交渉s were 終結させるd by a 非常に長い silence on the part of the 植民地の Office. [33]

The next important step in the 設立するing of South Australia was the 出版（物） in November, 1833, of Wakefield's 調書をとる／予約する England and America, which had an 即座の success in 生き返らせるing the drooping spirits of the systematic colonizers and 決起大会／結集させるing the waverers. Grote and others, who had 以前 been 懐疑的な about the new 植民地, now became its warm adherents, and another 影響力のある団体／死体 of projectors and ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s was formed. [34] 警告するd by past 失敗s, they now 決定するd to abandon the 計画（する） of a 共同の-在庫／株 company and to form an 協会 for the 目的 of 設立するing and 治める／統治するing the 植民地, which should not be engaged in any way in a pecuniary 憶測, so that there should be no room for the suggestion that the whole 計画／陰謀 was a 職業. [35] This new 団体／死体, which was called the South Australian 協会, was to be composed of three classes of members, first, ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s, secondly, those who were willing to 援助（する） the 協会 without taking a responsible part, thirdly, those who should be trustees for 設立するing the 植民地. [36] They 要求するd from the 政府 a 借り切る／憲章, like those of William Penn and Lord Baltimore, which should 会社にする／組み込む the trustees, 含む／封じ込める準備／条項s for land sales and 移住, and 許す the trustees to enable 共同の-在庫／株 companies to be formed to 購入（する） land and 補助装置解決／入植地. Until a 法律を制定する議会 was 認めるd the 政府 of the 植民地 was to be in the 手渡すs of the trustees, who were to raise 貸付金s for the necessary expenses, which were to be repaid by the 植民地. [37]

Gouger and his friends worked incessantly in the last three months of 1833 to form the 協会, [38] and, by the beginning of 1834, their 反対する was 達成するd and the 団体／死体 of ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s was large in number and in 資本／首都. [39] Yet another 小冊子 [40] （機の）カム from Wakefield's ready pen, and the systematic colonizers, having 設立する a friend in Mr. J. Shaw Lefevre, who had recently entered the 植民地の Office as Political Under-長官, thought the movement 十分に前進するd to 令状 their approaching Stanley once more. They now 主張するd upon the difference between this 事業／計画（する） and the last, but 設立する that he preferred the former 計画（する） of a 共同の-在庫／株 company 誓約（する）d to buy land and therefore with a pecuniary 利益／興味 in 治める／統治するing 井戸／弁護士席. [41] Such an 利益／興味, he 反対するd, was 欠如（する）ing in the 提案するd trustees; moreover they were responsible to no one and the 植民地 would be a 共和国独立した・無所属 of the mother-country. [42] He 需要・要求するd that the 管理／経営 of the 植民地 should be in the 植民地の Office, and 拒絶する／低下するd to proceed その上の in the 交渉s "unless the 政府 of the 植民地 is to be left in the 手渡すs of the 栄冠を与える and its 憲法の助言者s, until it is able to 治める／統治する itself." [43]

At this 行う／開催する／段階 the systematic colonizers definitely abandoned their 計画（する） of 治める／統治するing the new 植民地, whether by a 共同の-在庫／株 company or by a 借り切る／憲章d 協会, and were willing to 収容する／認める the （人命などを）奪う，主張する of the 栄冠を与える to have 支配（する）／統制する of the 政府供給するd that the twin 原則s of land sales and selected emiration were 譲歩するd. [44]

"It was （疑いを）晴らす to us," wrote Wakefield in 1849, "that the part of our South Australian 計画（する） to which the 植民地の Office most 反対するd, was a 準備／条項 for bestowing on the colonists a かなりの量 of 地元の self-政府. As we could not move an インチ without the 許可／制裁 of that Office, we now 解決するd to abandon the political part of our 計画／陰謀, in the hope of 存在 able to realize the economical part." [45] They now asked from Stanley an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会具体的に表現するing the 原則s of land sales and 移住, and intimated their 意向 to continue in 存在 as a 私的な and 一時的な society to 促進する the success of the 手段. They adverted to the difficulty of 得るing, under the new 計画／陰謀, 基金s for the expenses of the 植民地の政府, and 示唆するd, since it was useless to 推定する／予想する a 議会の認める, that the money might be raised, if once their 計画／陰謀 of 植民地化 was 堅固に設立するd, by 貸付金 on the 安全 of the land sales and the 歳入 of the 植民地. [46] In the correspondence and 交渉s which followed, the most debatable point was as to the source from which this 基金 could be drawn. Stanley, on the one 手渡す, would not move until 十分な money was subscribed and 保証（人）d to carry on the 植民地の政府 for ten years, so as to 妨げる all expense to the mother-country. [47] The 協会, on the other 手渡す, could not 約束 to raise the money until they knew what 肉親，親類d of an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 they were going to get. [48] While 事柄s were in this 条件 of 行き詰まる, Stanley left the 植民地の Office in June, 1834, and Spring Rice took his place. The latter had been a schoolfellow of Wakefield, [49] and the systematic colonizers, complaining of the 延期する which had taken place, すぐに適用するd to him for 公式の／役人許可／制裁 to their 計画／陰謀. [50] This he 約束d on the same 条件s that Stanley had laid 負かす／撃墜する, すなわち, that a 資本／首都 of at least ｣50,000 was 約束d by ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s for 投資 in the 植民地, and that the 法案 was not to come into 操作／手術 until ｣35,000 had been vested in Commissioners, for 購入（する） of land, and until 十分な基金s were also 約束d to support the 政府 of the 植民地 for the next ten years. [51] A 法案 was 草案d for the 協会, under the superintendence of Wakefield by his brother Daniel, [52] 修正するd by the 植民地の Office, [53] and introduced into the House of ありふれたs by Whitmore.

一方／合間 on the 30th June, 1834, a large public 会合, 組織するd by the 協会 to advertise the 植民地 and 得る public support, was held in Exeter Hall, when さまざまな（衆議院の）議長s, 含むing Whitmore, Torrens, and Grote, all repeated in different form the arguments for systematic 植民地化, with which Wakefield had for some years been identified. [54]

The second reading of the 法案 was taken in the House of ありふれたs after 2 a.m. on July 23rd, when only about fifty members were 現在の and there was little 対立; but in 委員会 on July 29th, Mr. Alexander 明らかにするing vigorously attacked the 法案 and only Spring Rice's support enabled it to go 安全に through. [55] The 法案, however, had few friends, and when introduced into the House of Lords it met with some 対立 which 脅すd to be 致命的な; but the systematic colonizers managed to enlist the services of the Duke of Wellington, and, with his 影響（力） in its support, the 法案 became 法律 on August 15th, 1834. [56]

The 戦う／戦い had not been fought without loss to the 勝利者s. In the course of its passage through the 植民地の Office and through 議会 the 法案 had been altered and 修正するd in さまざまな ways. "We struck out this 準備／条項," wrote Wakefield in 1849, "because it displeased somebody, altered another to conciliate another person, and 挿入するd a third because it 具体的に表現するd somebody's crotchet." [57] Wakefield and his associates were by no means 満足させるd with the 行為／法令／行動する in its final form, but there was 十分な of their 初めの提案 to 許す them to hope that, with good 管理／経営, a successful 植民地 might be 設立するd by "the first 試みる／企てる since the time of the 古代の Greeks to colonize systematically." [58]

In all the 労働s which had gone to make possible this 実験 in systematic 植民地化 Wakefield had taken an important, though not a public, part. He did not appear on the 一時的に委員会s, nor on the deputations to the 植民地の Office, nor at the 会合 in Exeter Hall; but in the pages of Gouger's diary he may be seen 協議するing with Gouger, "deciding points 概略で," [59] and advising him in 策略. He looked upon Gouger as his "mere 委任する／代表" [60] 代表するing him in public, and, throughout the whole of the struggle to 設立する South Australia, his had been the controlling mind. [61]

The systematic colonizers had 勝利d against the 対立 of the 永久の公式の／役人s of the 植民地の Office. There is no 疑問 but that R. W. Hay and James Stephen were both 敵意を持った to the 計画（する） of 設立するing a 植民地, the former because he thought it would 必然的に result in expense to the mother-country, [62] the latter because he disbelieved in the 原則 of forming a 解決／入植地 in a new 植民地 by selling its waste land. Stephen wrote, in 1836, in a 私的な memorandum for Sir George Grey, of the "天然のまま theory which has given birth to the South Australian 植民地," and that "to 推定する／予想する to settle a new country by an 即座の sale of the land seems to me as 合理的な／理性的な a 計画／陰謀 as to 請け負う the building of a 橋（渡しをする） across the Swan River by the sale of the waters." [63] Both, however, once the 原則 of the 法案 was 受託するd by the 政府, withdrew their 公式の／役人対立. [64]

The 行為／法令／行動する [65] 権限を与えるd the 創造 of one or more 州s [66] in South Australia, [67] and the 任命 of one or more 居住（者）s there to make 法律s for the 植民地. [68] Three or more Commissioners were to be 任命するd to carry out the 行為／法令／行動する. [69] They were to have 力／強力にする to sell land at auction, or さもなければ as they might decide, at a 最小限 price of 12s., and to 雇う the proceeds in 移住. [70] They also had 力／強力にする to let unsold land for pasturage. The 基金s for carrying on the 政府 were to be raised by the Commissioners, by 貸付金 up to the 量 of ｣200,000 on the 安全 of the ordinary 歳入 of the 植民地, [71] and with the collateral 安全 of the land-基金. [72] No 罪人／有罪を宣告するs were to be sent to the 植民地 at any time or under any circumstances. [73] When the 全住民量d to 50,000 a 憲法 might be 認めるd to the 植民地. [74] Until ｣20,000 had been raised by 貸付金 and 投資するd in 政府安全s, and land had been sold to the 量 of ｣35,000, the general 力／強力にするs 認めるd by the 行為／法令／行動する were to be inoperative. [75]

The weak 共同のs in the 行為／法令／行動する as a practical 手段 were that the Commissioners had to 供給する基金s by 貸付金s for a 政府 for which they were not responsible, and the 知事 who was responsible alone to the 植民地の Office had to depend for his 供給（する）s on the Commissioners. 当局 was divided in two Ways; first, the 知事 was controlled 直接／まっすぐに by the 植民地の Office in the normal way, and also 間接に by the Commissioners' 支配（する）／統制する of 供給（する）s; next, in the 植民地 the 処分 of land was in the 手渡すs of a 居住（者） Commissioner responsible to the Commissioners alone, and with the 演習 of his 義務s the 知事 could not 干渉する. Moreover no 準備／条項 was made for any 地元の支配（する）／統制する over 支出.

After the passing of the 行為／法令／行動する, the first important step to be taken was to find suitable 候補者s for the office of Commissioner. The South Australian 協会 submitted to Mr. Spring Rice the 指名するs of several men who were ready to 行為／法令／行動する, 含むing Whitmore, Grote, 陸軍大佐 Torrens, and H. G. 区; [76] but, although he 認可するd the 選択, he had neglected to 任命する them when, in November, 1834, he left office, and the Duke of Wellington formed his 一時的に行政. [77] The uncertain 明言する／公表する of the English political world at the end of 1834 妨げるd any その上の steps from 存在 taken until January, 1835, when Gouger and Torrens, 疲れた／うんざりしたing of the 延期する which was 分散させるing the 団体／死体 of colonists which had been gathered in 1834, [78] approached Lord Aberdeen, who had become 国務長官 for the 植民地s in Peel's short-lived 省, and requested 許可 to 服従させる／提出する指名するs for his 是認. [79] On the change of 省s, however, Grote, Clay and 区, who had been willing to serve as Commissioners under the Melbourne 政府, 辞退するd to take office because "Tory 支配する was too repugnant to their disposition," [80] and fresh 指名するs had to be 得るd.

Wakefield was absent in Lisbon from October, 1834, to April, 1835, during the illness and death of his only daughter, [81] and on Gouger and Torrens devolved the direction of 事件／事情／状勢s. They selected eight people to serve as Commissioners, and Wakefield, when he returned to London, 発表するd that he would not 干渉する with what was 存在 done, but would leave 事柄s in Torrens's 手渡すs. [82] After some months' 延期する, during which Mr. Charles 認める (afterwards Lord Glenelg) 後継するd Lord Aberdeen at the 植民地の Office, the 指名された人s were 認可するd, with the 新規加入 of Mr. E. Barnard and Mr. J. Shaw Lefevre as 代表者／国会議員s of the 植民地の Department, and were gazetted as South Australian 植民地化 Commissioners on May 15th, 1835. [83]

Some changes were made in their 階級s, when, for example, Angas 辞職するd on the 形式 of the South Australian Company, and Wright because of the 株 which he took in raising a 貸付金 for the Commissioners; but, on the whole, they seem to have deserved Wakefield's description of them as "ignorant and careless amateurs." [84] They were engaged in the 商売／仕事 of 設立するing and 治める／統治するing a 植民地 sixteen thousand miles distant in an uninhabited 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, and for this they had had no previous experience or training. Again, their numbers made them too unwieldy a 団体／死体 for 促進するing 商売／仕事 if all …に出席するd, while there was no compulsion on them to …に出席する and 演習 the very 広大な／多数の／重要な力／強力にするゆだねるd to them, nor had they any 利益／興味, except a 単に philanthropic one, in 治める／統治するing economically and 井戸／弁護士席. In their 行為／行う of 商売／仕事 they wasted much time and became in 影響 a 肉親，親類d of 審議ing club, discussing frivolous and unmeaning 支配するs instead of …に出席するing to more serious 商売／仕事. [85] 陸軍大佐 Torrens complained, too, that they did not understand the 原則s of the new 実験 in 植民地化, and that he had more than once to fight alone for the 維持／整備 of those 原則s. [86]

The 法律 officers of the 栄冠を与える早期に decided that, in their 取引 with the 基金s raised for the expenses of the 植民地, the Commissioners were 免除されたd by the 行為／法令／行動する from 支配（する）／統制する either by the 植民地の Office or by the 財務省. [87] Again, Lord Glenelg, who was 長，率いる of the 植民地の Office during the 早期に years of the Commissioners' 支配する, deliberately 可決する・採択するd the 政策 of giving them 十分な支配（する）／統制する of the new 植民地, and 協議するd them on every possible occasion, [88] 任命するing and 解任するing 知事s and other 公式の／役人s on their 推薦. [89]

The Commissioners, then, 所有するd of 広大な／多数の／重要な力／強力にする and 事実上 irresponsible, were inexperienced and amateurish—Wakefield called them "a dilettante （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, an amateur （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, a sort of fancy （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限," [90] and they had to carry out a new and doubtful 実験. The wonder is not that they failed, but that they never seemed to entertain any 疑問s as to their success. [91]

The first important work for the Commissioners was to sell enough land and raise enough money by 貸付金 to fulfil the 条件s of the 行為／法令／行動する and begin to 設立する the 植民地. It therefore became necessary to decide at what price the land should be sold, and on this question Wakefield definitely broke with the Commissioners and with Gouger. The 行為／法令／行動する itself had given some 指導／手引 by 直す／買収する，八百長をするing the 最小限 price at 12s. per acre and 権力を与えるing the Commissioners to raise it, but that 量 was 直す／買収する，八百長をするd by the 委員会 of the South Australian 協会, who had, in April, 1834, at the request of Stanley, [92] entered into 計算／見積りs as to what the 最小限 price should be. In their opinion four 農業の and one 非，不，無-農業の labourer were 要求するd to cultivate 200 acres, and therefore the 最小限 price of that 量 of land should be such as would 供給する for the 移住 of ten people, five men and five women. The cost of passage per 長，率いる they 概算の at ｣15, so that the 最小限 price was 決定するd at 15s. per acre, but, in order not to make land too difficult nor too 平易な of 接近 to labourers and to induce 資本主義者s to emigrate, they 減ずるd the price to 12s. per acre. [93] This 計算／見積り, as Wakefield pointed out, was mere guesswork, based on factors of which only the cost of passage to the 植民地 was in any way 確かな , and he strenuously 反対するd to its 存在 made the basis of a 十分な price. [94] "I have always thought," he wrote to Gouger in May, 1835, "｣2 the very lowest price that せねばならない be 要求するd for the 反対する in 見解（をとる） . . . . If they start with 12s., the 植民地 will be a second Swan River, and if you support that price, many people will 自然に suppose that I do. It is for the sake of a year or two hence that I wish to guard myself from only a seeming 参加, through you, in an 実験 which, in my opinion, must fail." [95] He disclaimed for himself and his 計画（する） of 植民地化 all 責任／義務 for the success of the 植民地. "With 12s. for the lowest price, this 植民地 will be no 裁判，公判 of the 原則 which it has cost me so much 苦痛s to 設立する thus far." [96]

His 反対 was reasonable enough from his own point of 見解（をとる）, because the basis of his theory was a 制限する price 十分な to 妨げる labourers from becoming landowners too soon, and sale of land at any other price was not the Wakefield system but something else. The practical difficulty, however, was that no one seemed able to 決定する in any other way than by rough and ready 計算／見積りs what the 十分な price should be in 量, and Wakefield gave little 援助, considering that it was not for him but for the Commissioners to 直す／買収する，八百長をする. [97] Over the question of price Wakefield quarrelled with Gouger, who thought it expedient that the price should at first be low, for no one would buy land at ｣2 per acre, [98] and the 違反 between them was never 傷をいやす／和解させるd. [99] "How do you know that nobody will buy land at a 十分な price?" he wrote to Gouger, "That 実験 has not yet been tried. That 実験 may be tried here without 危険 to anyone. We wholly 同意しない, you see, on what you call 原則. I must now consider you as one of the 対抗者s of my 原則." [100] Wakefield had abandoned the political 味方する of his 計画／陰謀, but he was not 用意が出来ている without a struggle to 産する／生じる the 原則 of a 十分な price. He accordingly 演説（する）／住所d to the Commissioners a powerful letter 明らかにする／漏らすing his 利益／興味 in and work for the 植民地 from the beginning and 明言する／公表するing a strong 事例／患者 for the Wakefield theory. He argued that the 示唆するd price of 12s. was not a 十分な price, and 勧めるd them either to make a 完全にする裁判，公判 of his theory by selling land at a 十分な price, or to abandon the 植民地 altogether. "Our 信用 is," he wrote, "that the 実験, when 公正に／かなり tried, will 後継する. Therefore, I 投機・賭ける to say, let it be tried 公正に／かなり, or not at all for the 現在の; rather let there be no 植民地 at all for the 現在の, than one which does not 公正に／かなり try the 実験 of a 雇うd-労働 price for land." [101] Amongst other things he 警告するd the Commissioners against the 計画（する） of auction, reminding them that the 行為／法令／行動する left the method of sale to their discretion, and recommending "that the price 指名するd should be the only price, whatever the 量, 質 or 状況／情勢 of the land sold, or whoever the 買い手." [102] But Wakefield was no longer listened to. When the time （機の）カム to put his theory to the 実験（する） of practice, the Commissioners thought more of selling enough land to 設立する the 植民地, than of に引き続いて Wakefield's opinion as to what was a 十分な price. They 可決する・採択するd his suggestion of a uniform price, but 直す／買収する，八百長をするd it at ｣1 per acre.

One of the 長，指導者長所s which, from the beginning, the systematic colonizers had （人命などを）奪う，主張するd for their 計画／陰謀 was that it was to cost nothing to the mother-country. [103] First the South Australian Land Company and then the South Australian 協会, was to 供給する the 基金s for carrying on the 政府 and even when both these 団体／死体s had 解散させるd, the projectors of the 計画／陰謀, and 特に陸軍大佐 Torrens, spoke of it as 存在 self-supporting. They 適用するd to the 実験 of 設立するing the new 植民地 the unhappy 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, as it afterwards 証明するd, of "self-supporting 植民地化." [104] The Commissioners, when 任命するd, followed their chairman. 陸軍大佐 Torrens, in this 事柄, and decided questions of 政策によれば whether or not they were in （許可，名誉などを）与える with the "self-supporting 原則." For instance, they first chose 陸軍大佐 Napier to be 知事, but, when he 需要・要求するd 軍隊／機動隊s and the 力／強力にする to draw on the British 政府 for money in 事例／患者 of need, they 辞退するd on the ground that his 需要・要求する was "at variance with the self-supporting 原則 upon which the new 植民地 is to be 設立するd." [105] "Self-supporting 植民地化" 明らかに meant two very different things; first, that the whole expenses of 移住 were to be defrayed out of the proceeds of the land-sales, secondly, that the expenses of 政府 and 解決／入植地 were to be borne by 貸付金s raised on the 安全 of the 未来歳入 and of the land-sales. Only in the former sense did Wakefield 受託する the doctrine. While his 計画（する） was one for a 共同の-在庫／株 company, or even for a 借り切る／憲章d 協会, he believed that the money could be easily raised to 妨げる the 植民地 from ever becoming a 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 on the mother-country; but when the 支配（する）／統制する of the 植民地 was divided between the 植民地の Office and a 団体／死体 of irresponsible Commissioners his opinion altered. [106] But Wakefield's 支配（する）／統制する中止するd with the passing of the 行為／法令／行動する, and the Commissioners continued to （人命などを）奪う，主張する for the new 植民地 the advantage of 存在 self-supporting in both senses. They had little 疑問 but that 貸付金s would easily be raised, in 量十分な to carry on the 解決／入植地 and 政府 of the 植民地 until it was able to support itself. [107]

Having 直す／買収する，八百長をするd the price of land at ｣1 per acre, the Commissioners 問題／発行するd their 規則s for the 処分 of land in the new 植民地, [108] and 始める，決める to work to sell enough to enable them to begin 植民地化. But at that price little land was sold; the 団体／死体 of 資本主義者s and ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s had been 分散させるd by the long 延期する, and it appeared as if the 植民地 would never be started. As a last 資源 the Commissioners altered their 規則s in two important 尊敬（する）・点s. First, in 一致 with an 協定 made with the South Australian Company, the price of land was 一時的に減ずるd to 12s. per acre (those who had paid ｣1 were recompensed in land) and, secondly, a system of special 調査するs was 設立するd. By this latter 規則, anyone who paid the price of 4,000 acres was する権利を与えるd to 需要・要求する a special 調査する of not more than 15,000 acres in any part of the 植民地, out of which, when 調査するd, he might choose his land. [109] At the same time the South Australian Company was formed by G. F. Angas and others as a 共同の-在庫／株 land company to buy land at the lowered price from the Commissioners, and to develop its 資源s. [110] Their 購入（する）s enabled the Commissioners to 完全にする the necessary 量定める／命ずるd by the 行為／法令／行動する. When a 貸付金 was raised and ｣20,000 of it placed in a 保証（人）基金, the 条件s of the 行為／法令／行動する were 満足させるd, and by November, 1835, the way was （疑いを）晴らす for the 創立／基礎 of the new 植民地. [111]

The Commissioners were 許すd to 指名する the 知事 and all the 公式の／役人s for the 植民地. [112] Their first choice for 知事 was 陸軍大佐 Napier. But, when his 条件s were 辞退するd, [113] Captain Hindmarsh was 指名するd, and he with all the other 指名された人s of the Commissioners, was 任命するd to office by the 栄冠を与える. [114]

The first part of a 調査するing party proceeded to the 植民地 at the end of March, 1836, the 残り／休憩（する）, under 陸軍大佐 Light, the Surveyor-General, sailed on the 1st May, 1836, and three months afterwards, the 知事 and the first 公式の／役人団体／死体 of emigrants left. The 初期の mistake was thus made of 許すing the 植民／開拓者s to tread too closely upon the heels of the surveyors. One ill consequence was that for some years the 調査するs were behindhand. 植民／開拓者s, however, were so anxious to go out that they did not wait for the sailing of the 公式の／役人 ships, but proceeded to the 植民地 on their own account, and thus 軍隊d the 手渡すs of the Commissioners. [115]

With much care 陸軍大佐 Light chose the 現在の場所／位置 of the city of Adelaide, wisely guided rather by the presence of fertile land than by the attraction of a good harbour 近づく at 手渡す. [116] Although his choice was vigorously …に反対するd at the time, [117] the 大多数 of the colonists 認可するd it, and time has 正当化するd him.

知事 Hindmarsh during his 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of office 苦しむd from the consequence of the 分割 of 当局, and quarrelled not only with the 居住（者） Commissioner, who, as the 代表者／国会議員 of the Commissioners, had 支配（する）／統制する of the lands in the 植民地 and of 移住, but also with many of the other 公式の／役人s. [118] As a result he was 解任するd on the 推薦 of the Commissioners, [119] and superseded by Lieut.-陸軍大佐 Gawler, in whom were 部隊d the offices of 知事 and 居住（者） Commissioner, so that he was controlled 直接／まっすぐに by the 植民地の Office as 知事, and by the Commissioners as 居住（者） Commissioner, and 間接に by the Commissioners, upon whom he was 扶養家族 for the 基金s necessary to carry on the 植民地の政府. [120]

Gawler arrived in South Australia on October 13th, 1838, and soon afterwards 報告（する）／憶測d a 苦しめるing 明言する／公表する of things in the 植民地. There was no system in the public offices, and scarcely any 記録，記録的な／記録するs of public accounts; the 財政／金融s were in 混乱 and the 財務省 overdrawn; salaries were 未払いの and the 植民地の歳入ごくわずかの. Moreover, the 調査するs were behindhand, and there were few 植民／開拓者s engaged in 農業, most of them 存在占領するd with land-jobbing in Adelaide. [121] Within a few days of his arrival Gawler 通知するd the Commissioners of his 意向 to 増加する the 調査するing staff, so that those who had bought land might be settled upon it. He also intimated that he would have to 出発／死 from his 指示／教授／教育s and draw 法案s on the Commissioners for the expenses of 政府. [122] The Commissioners replied 認可するing of his 行為／行う, and 認めるing him ample 力／強力にするs to carry on the 調査するs and to 背負い込む any 付加 expense for this 目的. [123]

Gawler's 政策 was based on the belief that a new 植民地 could not be 設立するd without a 自由主義の政府支出 in its 早期に years, [124] and he proceeded to carry out this 政策 by 増加するing the 調査する department and 請け負うing many public 作品. In 新規加入, he 設立する it necessary to spend かなりの sums in 組織するing a police 軍隊, and in 持続するing on 政府作品 those emigrants who could not 得る work どこかよそで. During his 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of office, lands were 調査するd and sold, emigrants 注ぐd in, public 作品 on a large 規模 were 開始するd, and, although the 歳入増加するd かなり, nearly all these expenses were met by 法案s drawn upon the Commissioners. South Australia seemed to be rising on a wave of 繁栄.

合間 the Commissioners had borrowed in all ｣80,000 for the expenses of the 植民地の政府, [125] and were 占領するd in selling land and selecting and sending out emigrants. In 1839, they 設立する it necessary to 得る an 修正するing 行為／法令／行動する which gave them 力／強力にする to raise 貸付金s on easier 条件 and to borrow either from the 歳入 or the 移住基金 for the 利益 of the other. [126] They at once made use of this 力／強力にする by borrowing 大部分は from the 移住基金 to 会合，会う the expenses of the 政府 of the 植民地. All 報告（する）／憶測s as to the 植民地 ignored the fact that its 明らかな繁栄 was 原因（となる）d by the large 政府支出 of borrowed money, and South Australia was held up as an example of successful 植民地化, costing nothing to the mother-country. [127] 陸軍大佐 Torrens, after much importuning of the 植民地の Office, had, in 1837, 安全な・保証するd a salary as chairman of the South Australian Commissioners, [128] but when, at the end of 1839, the remaining Commissioners requested an interview with Lord John Russell on the 支配する of their own remuneration, [129] Russell took the 適切な時期 of 解任するing them [130] and 任命するing in their place a new （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, called the 植民地の Land and 移住 Board, consisting of Messrs. Torrens, T. F. Elliot and Villiers, who were also to 行為／法令／行動する as 移住 Commissioners for all the British 植民地s. [131] Even with their last breath the retiring （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 congratulated themselves that "the result of our 労働s has been the 設立, without cost to the mother-country, of a 植民地所有するing the 必須の elements of 安定 and 繁栄. The 早い進歩 which the 州 of South Australia has hitherto made may be retarded, but cannot now be 逮捕（する）d." [132] But within a few months of their 解雇／（訴訟の）却下, the new Commissioners, who were now 存在 called upon to 直面する Gawler's 法案s, became alarmed, and 招待するd the attention of the 国務長官 to the 財政上の状況／情勢 of the new 植民地. [133] An 試みる／企てる on the part of the new Commissioners to raise a 貸付金 of ｣120,000, the residue of the 量 which the 初めの行為／法令／行動する許すd, failed, [134] and, in September, 1840, they advised Gawler that they 辞退するd to 受託する any more 法案s, and that he was to 中止する to draw upon them. [135]

The new 実験 had ended in 破産 for an 量 so 広大な／多数の／重要な that the Home 政府 was 軍隊d to come to the 救助（する） and 学校／設ける a strict 調査 into the 事件／事情／状勢s of the 植民地. They 前進するd a 貸付金 of ｣155,000, 任命するd a Select 委員会 to 問い合わせ and 報告（する）／憶測, and, in the 合間, 解任するd Gawler and, on the same 大型船 which carried this despatch, sent out Captain George Grey to take his place. [136]

Gawler had spent money at the 率 of about ｣140,000 for the year 1839, [137] and ｣175,000 for the year 1840, [138] when the 植民地の歳入 was about ｣30,000 a year, and it remains to be considered how far this 支出 was 正当化するd.

The 長，指導者 items consisted of 調査するs, expenses in 関係 with 移住, and public 作品.

In the earliest 提案 of the systematic colonizers, 準備／条項 had been made for the expenses of 調査する to be defrayed out of the proceeds of the land sales; [139] but in the course of the long 交渉s this salutary 準備／条項 had been somewhere omitted, and the 歳入基金 raised by 貸付金 was 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d with this expense. The 規則s 可決する・採択するd by the Commissioners 法令d that 調査するs should always be in 前進する of the 需要・要求する, [140] and, had not Gawler 試みる／企てるd to carry out this 規則 as quickly as possible, it would have meant a 違反 of 約束 with the 植民／開拓者s. Indeed, as already 明言する／公表するd, when the 調査するs were 設立する to be behindhand the Commissioners 権限を与えるd Gawler to 増加する the staff and to 背負い込む any expense necessary to bring them up to the 需要・要求する, and even complimented him on his success. [141] Moreover, the system, of special 調査するs 証明するd very expensive, and to 調査する 15,000 acres cost nearly as much as was paid for the 4,000 acres selected. [142]

The 支出 on 移住 consisted partly in 輸送（する）ing emigrants and their 所持品 from the 上陸 place to Adelaide, and partly in 持続するing them until they could get 雇用 and whenever they were 失業した. In their 規則s as to 移住 the Commissioners definitely 誓約（する）d themselves to support all emigrants and their families, if ever 失業した, by 供給するing 労働 at 減ずるd 給料 on 政府作品. [143]

The 支出 for public 作品, for example 政府 buildings and 改良s at the Port, was on a somewhat different 地盤. Gawler 設立する it necessary for the 行為／行う of public 商売／仕事 and for the accommodation of 商業 to begin these 作品; and for some of them he 得るd the 是認 of the Commissioners. [144]

But there seems no 疑問 that the 支出 under each 長，率いる was somewhat in 超過 of what was necessary, even if he 行為／法令／行動するd with the direct or indirect 是認 of the Commissioners.

In the first place, although the 調査するs were unavoidably expensive when 率s of 給料 and prices of 準備／条項s in the 植民地 were high, yet Gawler encouraged rather than discouraged the system of special 調査するs which was one of the most expensive items.

In the next place, the 維持／整備 of emigrants was 行為／行うd on an extravagant 規模. The 手はず／準備 made were so 自由主義の that many emigrants preferred remaining in the 慰安 of 政府雇用 at a low 率 of 給料 to 直面するing the difficulties of 労働 in the country even at a higher 行う. [145] By the time Grey arrived in the 植民地 emigrants had come to look upon 政府雇用 as a 権利 instead of a 特権, and applicants for 救済 were in some 事例／患者s 設立する to be owners of 在庫／株 or land, while others were saving money out of what they received from the 政府. [146]

In the third place, some of the public 作品 were undertaken in a careless and extravagant manner. The gaol, for example, which was one of the most 高くつく／犠牲の大きい items under this 長，率いる, was pronounced by Grey to be more than 十分な for the needs of the 植民地, and a large enough one could have been built at a much いっそう少なく cost. The 作品 at the Port, too. Grey 設立する to have been 行為／行うd in a 無謀な and discreditable manner. [147]

Gawler's defence [148] of his 行為／行う量d in 影響 to this, that the 指示／教授／教育s which he had received from the Commissioners were 全く不十分な to the 状況／情勢 in which he 設立する himself, and that therefore he was 軍隊d to discard them, and to rely 単独で upon the discretion given to him to 行為／法令／行動する in 事例／患者s of 緊急. [149] He pointed out that these 指示／教授／教育s were ーするつもりであるd to 適用する to a 全住民 of about 4,000, and were inapplicable to a community numbering nearly 16,000. Moreover, he （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that the Commissioners had 認可するd not only of his 出発 from the 指示／教授／教育s but also of most of the public 作品 which he had undertaken. For the 量 spent in 調査するs he had （疑いを）晴らす justification in the 誓約（する）s given to 植民／開拓者s by the Commissioners, and the only 支配する of 支出 to which they could take 反対 was that on public 作品. These, he argued, were part of the necessary outfit of the 植民地, and in regard to them it was wiser to make 永久の rather than 一時的な準備／条項 even if it meant a 激しい支出. He considered, too, that, by commending his 行為／行う in using his 緊急力／強力にする and in 製図／抽選法案s, and by 差し控えるing from any 非難 until the end of 1840, the Commissioners had 権限を与えるd his 政策 of 政府支出.

On the other 手渡す, the Commissioners 持続するd that he had sent them 単に vague 見積（る）s, without 詳細（に述べる）s of 支出, had 始める，決める their 指示／教授／教育s at naught, and had 正当化するd as an 緊急 a course of 行為／行う延長するing over two years. [150]

The Commissioners' 指示／教授／教育s to Gawler were でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れるd with very little foresight. They were "too minute to be obeyed, too vague to be 制限する." [151] The 見積（る）s on which they were based were 不十分な, and Gawler was 軍隊d by the 状況／情勢 of the 植民地 to 出発／死 from them. [152] Again, for most of the items of expense Gawler 明確に had either the direct or the indirect 当局 of the Commissioners, the 支出 for 調査するs and the 維持／整備 of emigrants was 直接／まっすぐに許可／制裁d, and that for police and public 作品間接に. By 差し控えるing, too, from disapproving of his 行為／行う until the end of 1840, they led him to believe that what he was doing was in （許可，名誉などを）与える with their wishes. Moreover, the Select 委員会 of 1841, without giving a decided opinion upon Gawler's 行為／行う, 報告（する）／憶測d that those who 非難d his 支出 "have been unable to point out any 明確な／細部 items by which it could have been かなり減ずるd without 広大な／多数の／重要な public inconvenience." [153]

Gawler's 事例／患者 then, as against the Commissioners, was a very strong one. [154] They seem to have 演習d a very slack 監督 over him, and were in reality ignorant of what was necessary to the 設立 of a new 植民地. In Gawler's words, "The Commissioners were desirous to form a 罰金植民地, and abstractedly they were willing to 権限を与える the 対策 necessary to 遂行する their end; but . . . they did not calculate the cost of them, nor had they any 適する conception of the difficulties arising from the 明言する／公表する and 必要物／必要条件s of a new and large community suddenly collected and 工場／植物d in an unexplored wilderness." [155] The root of the evil was in the 初めの行為／法令／行動する, which confided the 商売／仕事 of 植民地化 to a 私的な and irresponsible 団体／死体, divided 当局 in such an inconvenient manner that neither the 植民地の Office nor the Commissioners could effectually 演習 it, and 定める／命ずるd the dangerous method of raising 基金s for 設立するing the 植民地 by 貸付金s at a high 率 of 利益／興味 on a 不安定な安全. [156]

But, even if Gawler was 正当化するd by the 当局 of the Commissioners, he cannot be wholly acquitted of 非難する for the 災害s which befell the 植民地. He was hardly 令状d in discarding from his first arrival in the 植民地 all his 指示／教授／教育s except the one which 許すd him to 行為／法令／行動する upon his own discretion. [157] Then, too, he was not ignorant of the extent to which the 行為／法令／行動する許すd the Commissioners to borrow for the expense of the 植民地の政府, and he 越えるd this 限界. Finally, his 審議する／熟考する政策 of 政府支出証明するd harmful to the 繁栄 of the 植民地. By 雇うing a かなりの量 of 労働 on 政府作品 and by spending money liberally, he accentuated the 集中 of 全住民 about Adelaide, the neglect of 農業, the land-jobbing, and the mania for 憶測, which he had 設立する in 存在 on his arrival. This 政策, 連合させるd with the 維持／整備 of emigrants on too favourable 条件, 原因（となる）d the price of 労働 to rise to such an extent that 農業 became 無益な. [158] On the whole, however, though his 政策 may have been mistaken, Gawler deserves more sympathy than he has usually received. His position was one of 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の difficulty. With vague and 不十分な指示／教授／教育s he was sent out to 設立する a new 植民地, and, on his arrival 設立する it in such a 明言する／公表する that he was 軍隊d to 背負い込む large expense; the Commissioners showed no 調印するs of 不賛成 until their 基金s were exhausted, and even expressly 許可／制裁d many of his most expensive undertakings. [159] But, when the 植民地 failed, the Commissioners and the projectors of the 実験 laid the 非難する at his door, [160] and, though his personal honour was vindicated, he never 得るd from the 政府 any general justification for his 行為／行う.

Captain Grey arrived in South Australia in May, 1841, with 指示／教授／教育s to make all possible 削減s in 支出, and not to 背負い込む fresh 支出 excepting in 事例／患者s of extreme 緊急. [161] His 政策 for a new 植民地 was to make no large 支出 of 政府基金s, so that the price of 労働 should be 妨げるd from rising, and it should 支払う／賃金 the 植民／開拓者s to take to 農業. [162] He すぐに began to make 広範囲にわたる削減s in all 政府 Departments, 廃止するing some, cutting 負かす／撃墜する the expenses of others, and discontinuing public 作品. [163]

He was 補佐官d in this by the fact that the system of special 調査するs was at the same time abandoned by the Home 政府. [164] By these 対策 he managed by the end of 1841 to 減ずる the 政府支出 from the 率 of ｣150,000 a year, at which he 設立する it, to ｣40,000. [165] He also took steps at once to を取り引きする the question of 持続するing emigrants at the public expense, and laid it 負かす／撃墜する that while they should not be 許すd to 餓死する, they would no longer have the same 特権s as before. [166] He stopped all 政府 rations, 減ずるd the 率 of their 給料, giving them just a 十分な量 to place them beyond the reach of want, and endeavoured to 軍隊 them into 私的な雇用. The 停止 of public 作品 threw a 広大な／多数の／重要な number out of 雇用, and, for a time, the 政府 was supporting no いっそう少なく than one-twelfth of the total 全住民. [167] His 改革（する）s were carried only in the 直面する of much 対立, and the destitute emigrants were very discontented with their new 条件. To 会合，会う this large 増加する in numbers. Grey was 軍隊d to draw 法案s on the 財務省, which, 認めるing that this was a proper 事例／患者 of 緊急, 受託するd them. But at the same time the Home 政府 rebuked him for his leniency in 取引，協定ing with the 失業した, and directed that their 給料 should be その上の減ずるd and 黒字／過剰 labourers shipped off to the other Australasian 植民地s. [168] In the 合間, however. Grey had 堅固に固執するd to his 政策, and it 証明するd so successful that, by the end of 1842, he was able to 報告（する）／憶測 that every able-団体／死体d labourer was in 十分な雇用. [169]

Grey 設立する the 仕事 of directing the colonists to 農業 not very difficult. When the 政府支出 was definitely checked, and the colonists thrown upon their own 資源s, the energy which they had thrown into land-憶測 and the building of a town was turned に向かって what should have been their first care. [170] 労働 was now both plentiful and cheap, 農業 became profitable, and 前進するd with 早い strides, [171] while the country 全住民 grew at the expense of the town. [172] The 人物／姿／数字s of the 配当 of 全住民 and of the 量 of cultivated land tell their own tale. In 1840 there was a 全住民 of 14,610, of which 8,439 were in Adelaide and 6,121 in the country. In 1843 there was a 全住民 of 17,366, of which 6,107 were in Adelaide and 11,259 in the country. [173] Between 1840 and 1842 the 全住民 was 井戸／弁護士席 nigh 静止している, 移民／移住 having 中止するd with the 開始／学位授与式 of 1841, while the land under cultivation 増加するd from 2,686 acres in 1840, to 7,092 in 1841, and to 19,641 in 1842. [174]

One mistake only Grey made. When Gawler had been 教えるd to 中止する製図／抽選法案s on the Commissioners, he had drawn 法案s on the 財務省 which had been dishonoured. [175] Gawler had also 約束d to draw その上の法案s on the 財務省 to 支払う／賃金 those who had 前進するd money in the 植民地 to the 政府, and this 負債, incurred by Gawler, was brought before Grey for 解決／入植地. He scrutinized the items carefully, and, although he had been 警告するd not to take 対策 without 当局 for the 解決／入植地 of Gawler's 負債s, he assumed the 責任／義務 of 製図／抽選法案s on the 財務省 to 支払う／賃金 these accounts to the 量 of ｣14,000. [176] The 財務省 at once 辞退するd to 受託する the 法案s, on the ground that, unlike his 法案s for the expenses of 持続するing the 失業した, they were not drawn on account of any 緊急, and Grey was directed to 支払う／賃金 the 負債 by means of 利益／興味-耐えるing debentures 問題／発行するd in the 植民地. [177] Grey was 自然に disappointed and 熱心に felt the discredit. [178] He knew the 危険 which he ran; but he 行為／法令／行動するd in 一致 with what he conceived to be his 義務, [179] and always remained of the opinion that his 活動／戦闘 had been necessary and 有益な. [180] The Home 政府 were sorry to have to 辞退する his 法案s, but were impressed with the necessity, after Gawler's doings, of showing the colonists that the 知事's 力／強力にする to draw on home 基金s was very 制限するd. [181] At the same time Grey's services were fully 認めるd by the Home 政府. In 発表するing to him that his 法案s had been dishonoured, Lord Stanley wrote: "I think it 権利 to 伝える to you the 保証／確信 that, although Her Majesty's 政府 have seen 推論する／理由 to disapprove of this particular 訴訟／進行, yet in other 尊敬（する）・点s, the tenor of your 行政, so far as it has fallen within their cognizance, has been such as to leave unimpaired the 信用／信任 of the 政府 in the prudence and discretion of your 対策." [182] A year later, when その上の（警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） had been received from South Australia, Lord Stanley gave to Grey unqualified 賞賛する for his excellent 行政 of the 植民地 during a most 批判的な period. "I have the satisfaction," he wrote, "of 保証するing you, that in reviewing your 行為／行う of the 財政上の事件／事情／状勢s of South Australia, the Lords Commissioners of the 財務省同意する with myself, in 大（公）使館員ing 広大な／多数の／重要な importance to your services; and are not いっそう少なく ready than I am to 認める the zeal, the ability, and the firmness which have characterized your 成果／努力s to retrieve the 植民地 from the 当惑s in which it was 伴う／関わるd." [183]

By the end of 1841 the Select 委員会 on South Australia had 報告（する）／憶測d, and the Home 政府 had 決定するd on its line of 政策に向かって the 植民地. The Select 委員会 had 非難するd the 政府 by Commissioners which the 初めの行為／法令／行動する had 設立するd, and had recommended that the 植民地 should be placed on the same 地盤 as the other Australian 植民地s in this 尊敬（する）・点. Lord Stanley introduced a 法案 in 1842 to give 影響 to this 推薦, which passed into 法律 with little discussion; and South Australia took its position as an ordinary 植民地 under the 支配（する）／統制する of the 植民地の Office. The 行為／法令／行動する took away all 当局 from the Commissioners, 変えるd the 貸付金 of ｣155,000 into a gift to the 植民地, and 供給するd for the 設立 of a 指名するd 法律を制定する会議類似の to those of the other Australian 植民地s. [184]

The Home 政府 had dealt handsomely with South Australia. In 新規加入 to the gift of ｣155,000, a その上の sum of ｣60,000 was put on the 見積（る）s of 1842 to 会合，会う the 法案s drawn by Gawler and by Grey. But, although the Select 委員会 had recommended that the money borrowed by the Commissioners from the 移住基金 should be repaid, this 推薦 was not carried out. [185]

Another 行為／法令／行動する of 1842, which 適用するd also to the other Australasian 植民地s, 規制するd the 処分 of waste lands in South Australia. The 最小限 price was 直す／買収する，八百長をするd at ｣1 per acre, but sale by auction was introduced instead of a uniform price, while the proceeds were divided into two parts, one half 存在充てるd to 移住, and the other half to the care of the aborigines, to 調査するs, and to 改善するing the means of communication. [186]

By the beginning of 1843 the 植民地 had passed its worst difficulties [187] and was on the high road to 繁栄; so that the 発見 of 巡査 at the Kapunda and Burra Burra 地雷s in 1842 and 1844, to which the 回復 has often been せいにするd, 単に加速するd its 進歩. [188]

How far was the Wakefield system 適用するd in South Australia, and how far was it a 失敗? [189]

The 設立 of a 政府 by Commissioners who divided 支配（する）／統制する between themselves and the 植民地の Office was no part of the Wakefield theory, and was 認める on all 味方するs to be an entire 失敗. [190] The system of 設立するing a 植民地 without expense to the mother-country by means of money borrowed on the 安全 of 未来歳入, which was part of Wakefield's 計画／陰謀 for 設立するing new 植民地s, also 証明するd, under the 管理／経営 of the Commissioners, to be a 失敗. The 計画（する） of selling land at what Wakefield held to be a "十分な price" was never 可決する・採択するd, and, in Wakefield's opinion, this by itself was enough to vitiate the 実験 as a 裁判，公判 of his theory. Indeed, to the low price 設立するd he せいにするd the fact that the 植民／開拓者s took up more land than they could use. [191]

But, if the Wakefield theory is taken to mean the sale instead of the 解放する／自由な認めるing of land, and the use of the proceeds in selected 移住, it was in this 事例／患者 conspicuously successful. A 繁栄する植民地 of 16,000 people had been 設立するd, and over 200,000 acres of land sold, in what was 以前 a wilderness; and the emigrants sent out were judiciously selected. Indeed, while admitting the 不可欠の part played by Grey, it must not be forgotten that the 回復 of South Australia was in a large 手段予定 to the character of the 早期に植民／開拓者s. Grey himself said, in 1894, that "the calibre of the 早期に植民／開拓者s in South Australia gave me 信用 in the new Anglo-Saxondom in the Southern 半球 . . . . There was a 価値（がある）, a 誠実, a true （犯罪の）一味 about them, which could not fail of 広大な／多数の／重要な things." [192]

Another important factor which made for success was the good 質 of the land. Wakefield and his associates, in comparing Western Australia with South Australia to the disadvantage of the former, were apt to forget that the land around Perth had disappointed 期待s, while that around Adelaide had 正当化するd the good opinions formed of it; [193] so that, when the 植民／開拓者s 中止するd land 憶測 and betook themselves to 農業, their 成果／努力s were 井戸／弁護士席 rewarded. [194]

Grey himself was of opinion that, if land sales and 移住 were 適切に行為／行うd, they formed an excellent system of 設立するing a new 植民地; [195] and the Select 委員会 of 1841, while 非難するing the 準備／条項s which had been made for managing the 植民地, 報告（する）／憶測d that the 原則設立するd of land-sales and 移住 was a sound one.

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 VIII.

1 At first the position was vague enough; Port Lincoln, Kangaroo Island, and Spencer's 湾 were all について言及するd as possible 場所／位置s for the new 植民地.

4 設立するing of South Australia, edited by E. Hodder, 1898, p. 160. Hodder in his History of South Australia, 1893, Vol. i, p. 23, 令状s of the 植民地化 Society: "No 試みる／企てる to 設立する a 植民地 in South Australia was made by this Society as such, although many of its members afterwards identified themselves with the South Australian 協会." There is no 疑問 that the 初期の impulse （機の）カム from the 植民地化 Society. Bentham, in his manuscript 公式文書，認めるs on the Wakefield theory, 絶えず calls the 計画（する） of 設立するing a 植民地 on Spencer's 湾 "The 植民地化 Society's 提案."—Box No. 8 in University College Library, London.

6 Bacon to Hay, Feb. 20th, 1831. Bacon to Sir Herbert Taylor, February 2nd, 1831. C.O. 13/1.

8 In a 小冊子, 提案 to His Majesty's 政府 for 設立するing a 植民地 on the Southern Coast of Australia, 1831.

9 It is necessary to distinguish this 団体／死体 from the South Australian 協会, 1834, and from the South Australian Company, 1836. The former was a voluntary 団体／死体 to 援助（する） in 促進するing the 設立するing of a 植民地, but not a land company, nor a 利益（をあげる）-making 関心. The latter, 設立するd by George Fife Angas, was a 利益（をあげる）-making, 共同の在庫／株 land company which 補助装置d in the 解決／入植地 of South Australia.

10 提案, 1831, p. 8. It will be remembered that auction was part of the Wakefield system until about 1835. Supra, Chap. v, pp. 109-111.

11 Considering the time at which it was 提案するd it was a bold 計画（する） to 需要・要求する not only self-政府 at an 早期に行う／開催する／段階, but male adult 選挙権／賛成 and 年次の議会s.

14 In a 小冊子, 計画（する） of a Company to be 設立するd for the 目的 of 設立するing a 植民地 in Southern Australia, 購入（する）ing land therein, and 準備するing the land so 購入（する）d for the 歓迎会 of 移民，移住（する）s, 1831. See p. 4.

15 E. Hodder, History of South Australia, 1893, Vol. i, p. 23, calls it an 宣伝.

16 See his Memorandum of Oct. 31st, 1831. No. 1 of Correspondence as to South Australia since 1831. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i. This printed correspondence is by no means 完全にする as to the earlier 提案s. See on this point Wakefield's 証拠 before the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841, Question 2596. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv. Wakefield （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that they relied on the 是認表明するd by Lord Goderich himself unknown to Lord Howick, and that it was to this that the article in the 観客 referred. England and America, 1833, Vol. ii, p. 309, 公式文書，認める 5.

19 See the letters of Major Bacon to W. Tooke, Sept. 3rd, 1831; W. Tooke to Bacon, Sept. 9th, 1831; Bacon to Elliot, Nov. 1st, 1831, C.O. 13/1. See also Wakefield's 証拠 before the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841, Question 2596.

20 For a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of the 指名するs see England and America, Vol. ii, p. 305. A その上の名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of the members is given at pp. 319-21.

22 R. W. Hay to Wolryche Whitmore, May 30th, 1832. England and America, Vol. ii, pp. 306-7.

23 The 借り切る／憲章 is enclosed in a letter from Col. Torrens to Lord Goderich, July 9th, 1832. No. 2 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

24 R. W. Hay to Torrens, July 17th, 1832. No. 3, ibid. For Stephen's 反対s see his Memorandum in C.O. 13/1.

25 Wakefield commented: "If the Company should 生き返らせる their 事業／計画（する）, they would do 井戸／弁護士席 to put a House of Lords into it; with a Baron Blackswan, a Viscount Kangaroo, a Marquis of Morrumbidgee and a Bishop of Ornithoryncus." England and America, Vol. ii, p. 338, 公式文書，認める 45.

26 Torrens to Goderich, July 19th, 1832. No. 4 of Acc. and Pap., 1841 , Vol. xvii, p. 1.

28 記念の of June 4th, 1832, C.O. 13/1; England and America, Vol. ii, pp.307 et seq.

29 R. Gouger to W. Whitmore, Dec. 2nd, 1833. Letter 調書をとる／予約する of the South Australian 協会, C.O. 386/10.

30 R. Gouger to G. P. Scrope, Dec. 16th, 1833, ibid. See also Art of 植民地化, pp. 46-7.

31 See England and America. Vol. ii, pp. 311 and 335; 観客, Jan. 4th, 1834. Morning Chronicle, Sept. 24th, 1832, and Gouger's letter there. Lord Goderich evidently thought the 計画（する） would come to nothing, for, when his attention was called to Gouger's letter, he wrote: "After all, however, it is a 支配する of such (n)艦隊／(a)素早いing 利益／興味 that I do not think we need 推定する／予想する anything more troublesome than an absurd 小冊子 from Mr. Gouger, and a few more pert paragraphs in the Morning Chronicle." Goderich to Hay, Sept. 25th, 1832. C.O. 13/1.

32 Enclosure to Whitmore to Stanley, July 6th, 1833. No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i. R. W. Hay's comment gives the 植民地の Office point of 見解（をとる） again. "The 長，指導者反対 to this 計画／陰謀 in the 手始め is that the 創立／基礎 of a new 植民地 will to a 確かな extent コースを変える emigrants from those already 設立するd; and that a large expense will be occasioned to the 政府最終的に by the 創立／基礎 of a new 解決／入植地, whatever 期待 of 免疫 from expense may be held out by the 初めの創立者s." Memorandum in C.O. 13/2.

33 Stanley to Whitmore, Aug. 22nd, 1833. No. 7 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. I. See also 設立するing of South Australia, 1898, pp. 54-60.

35 Ibid., and see 小冊子, 輪郭（を描く） of the 計画（する） of a 提案するd 植民地 to he 設立するd on the South Coast of Australia, 1834, p. 8, footnote.

36 Ibid., p. 5. See also prospectus of the South Australian 協会, 設立するing of South Australia, p. 74.

38 A 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of the members of the 一時的に委員会含むs Buller, Grote, B. Hawes, Rowland Hill, W. Hutt, J. A. Roebuck, G. P. Scrope, Nassau 上級の, Col. Torrens, and W. Whitmore. Ibid., p. 71.

39 Gouger to Whitmore, Dec. 2nd, 1833, Jan. 11th, 1834, and Jan. 24th, 1834. C.O. 386/10. See also 設立するing of South Australia, p. 81.

40 輪郭（を描く） of the 計画（する） of a 提案するd 植民地 to be 設立するd on the South Coast of Australia, 1834.

41 Minute of 会議／協議会 between Stanley and a deputation of the South Australian 協会, Jan. 31st, 1834. 設立するing of South Australia, pp. 87-93.

42 Ibid. Another 推論する／理由 may have 重さを計るd with him. An 入ること／参加（者） in Gouger's diary runs thus: "Feb. 25th, Lefevre told ——— that Stanley felt 納得させるd we had some hidden 反対する, in consequence of our 委員会存在 all 過激なs, and he was therefore very 怪しげな of the 手段." 設立するing of South Australia, p. 96.

43 J. Lefevre to Whitmore, March 17th, 1834. No. 9 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

44 私的な letter of Gouger to Lefevre, March 18th, 1834. C.O. 13/2. The part which Wakefield played in these 交渉s is shown by the fact that this important change was made and sent to the 植民地の Office by Gouger and himself, unknown to the other members of the 委員会, whose 是認 was only 得るd afterwards. 設立するing of South Australia, pp. 104-5, 117-18. At the same time Gouger and Wakefield sent Mr. J. Shaw Lefevre a very 堅固に worded answer to the 反対s raised by the 植民地の Office, in which の間の alia Stanley is 述べるd as 事実上の／代理 "like the dog in the manger, 妨げるing others, through mere whim or envy, from using that which he cannot use himself. 植民地の大臣 by 指名する, he becomes in fact the 国務長官 for the 予防 of 植民地s." Ibid., pp. 107-13.

46 Grote to Lefevre, March 21st, 1834. No. 10 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

50 委員会 of the South Australian 協会 to T. Spring Rice, June 4th, 1834. No. 13 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

52 New British 州 of South Australia, 1835, 2nd Ed., p. 205. Wakefield's letter to the South Australian Commissioners, June 2nd, 1835. 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841.

53 Lefevre to Whitmore, July 12th, 1834. No. 16 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

54 報告（する）／憶測 in The Times, July 1st, 1834. A 報告（する）／憶測 is printed as 虫垂 ii. to the 小冊子, New British 州 of South Australia, 1835, 2nd Ed. They did not altogether 後継する in their 反対する of attracting public support. A 主要な article in The Times of July 4th, 1834, 公然と非難するd the 計画／陰謀 as a "共同の-在庫／株 juggle for getting British paupers scalped by bushmen in Southern Australia."

55 審議 in Hansard for 1834, 3rd Series, Vol. xxv, pp. 429-32, and pp. 700 et seq. 明らかにするing said: "The real 反対する of the 植民地 was, to realize the 見解（をとる）s of a 始める，決める of . . . 実験の philosophers . . . . If they wished to make the 実験単に, why had they not selected some 穏健な-sized cabbage-garden, without going to a country nobody knew where, and しっかり掴むing a tract of 領土 embracing several degrees of latitude and longitude and bounded only by the 広大な／多数の／重要な geographical line of the tropic of Capricorn? . . . He would say, take sixty or a hundred miles square; and he asked, if that was not enough for these gentlemen to play their いたずらs in." Ibid., pp. 701-2.

56 Mirror of 議会, 1834, Vol. iv, p. 3288. See Whitmore's account of the Duke of Wellington's 援助（する）. 植民地の Gazette, May 6th, 1843. See also Gouger to the Duke of Wellington, Jan. 16th, 1835, C.O. 13/3; 設立するing of South Australia, pp. 237-9; Art of 植民地化, p. 48. Wakefield said that, when the 法案 was introduced into the House of Lords, "A Prince of the 血 asked, 'Pray, where is this South Australia?' and the Lord （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長, renowned for the より勝るing extent and variety of his knowledge, answered, 'Somewhere 近づく Botany Bay.'" Ibid., p. 47.

58 New British 州 of South Australia, 1835, 2nd Ed., p. 136. See Wakefield's 証拠 before the 1841 Select 委員会 on South Australia, Questions 2574-5. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

61 See his （人命などを）奪う，主張する in his letter to the South Australian Commissioners, June 2nd, 1835. 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. "Nearly seven years ago, I was induced to 問い合わせ into the 原因（となる）s of the 災害s which, without a 選び出す／独身 exception, have befallen new 植民地s that were 工場／植物d in an 広範囲にわたる country by emigrants from a civilized 明言する／公表する. This 調査示唆するd to me a 計画（する） of 植民地化, which was first made public in 1829. In the course of six years, that 計画（する） was 可決する・採択するd by three different 協会s; first by the 植民地化 Society of 1830, next by the South Australian Land Company of 1831-2, and lastly by the South Australian 協会, who でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れるd the 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 which you have undertaken to carry into 影響. In the course, too, of those six years, the 計画（する） has been defended and explained in so large a number of 小冊子s and 調書をとる／予約するs, that a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of them would surprise you. Now all of those 調書をとる／予約するs were written by me, and the whole of those 小冊子s either by me or by friends of 地雷; while I also composed nearly the whole of the 宣伝s, 決意／決議s, prospectuses and 提案s, and of the 使用／適用s, 記念のs, letters and replies to the 政府, and other 文書s of any importance which were 可決する・採択するd by those three 協会s. The 草案 of a 借り切る／憲章 submitted to the 政府 by the South Australian 協会, and the 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 which was 代用品，人d for that 提案するd 借り切る／憲章, were drawn by a 近づく親族 of 地雷, under my 即座の superintendence. As I was 関心d in the 形式 of those three societies, so with each of them I held constant communication, partly by means of たびたび（訪れる） interviews with some 主要な members of their 委員会s, partly by almost daily conversation or correspondence with some person or other who 代表するd my opinions, 知らせるd me of whatever was done or 提案するd, 伝えるd suggestions which I wished to make, and resisted, with arguments agreed upon beforehand, all sorts of endeavours to alter the 計画（する） of 植民地化 which I had formed. By entering more into 詳細（に述べる）, I could readily 満足させる you that in the steps which led to the passing of the South Australian 行為／法令／行動する, I have had even a more constant and active 参加 than appears by this general 声明."

63 Memorandum on a despatch of 知事 Stirling to Lord Glenelg, July 12th, 1836. C.O. 18/16.

64 Stephen to Lefevre, July 4th, 1834. C.O. 13/2. Gouger wrote to G. F. Angas, Feb. 14th, 1835: "You will be surprised to learn that 陸軍大佐 Torrens has conciliated Mr. Hay, who, during the entire 進歩 of the 商売／仕事 up to the 現在の moment, has been its warmest 対抗者. Hay says that the 手段 now comes before him in a different dress. While it was a mere 事業／計画（する） he …に反対するd it because he thought we had 植民地s enough—now that the 議会 has 決定するd on 設立するing another 植民地, it is his 商売／仕事 to do all he can to make it 後継する." C.O. 386/11. Stephen never 疑問d from the beginning that the 計画／陰謀 would fail, and, when the 植民地 became 破産者／倒産した in 1840, he considered his 予測s 立証するd. "I never had the slightest 疑問 from the 開始／学位授与式," he wrote in 1840, "that such would be the 問題／発行する of this very 天然のまま事業／計画（する）." Memorandum of July 8th, 1840, on the letter of the South Australian Commissioners to Russell, July 7th, 1840. C.O. 13/17.

66 The unfortunate 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "州" appears first in the 草案 of the 借り切る／憲章 sent to the 植民地の Office on July 9th, 1832, and was repeated in the 行為／法令／行動する.

78 Gouger to G. P. Scrope, Nov. 27th, 1834. C.O. 386/11. 設立するing of South Australia, p. 138.

80 Gouger to W. Hutt, Jan. 24th, 1835; Gouger to G. P. Scrope, Nov. 27th, 1834, CO, 386/11. See also Grote to Gouger, Jan. 26th, 1835, 設立するing of South Australia, p. 142.

82 設立するing of South Australia, p. 156, 引用するing Gouger's diary. See also Gouger to W. Hutt, Jan. 24th, 1835: "I consider we are in a 明言する／公表する even better than when Mr. Rice told Mr. Whitmore he might form the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限. Whitmore would have Grote—Grote would have Clay—Clay would have another, and so on, each having his own peculiar 保留（地）／予約. Now we are more 解放する／自由な, and the 指名／任命残り／休憩（する）s with Torrens and me." C.O. 386/11.

83 The （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 consisted of 陸軍大佐 Torrens (chairman), Messrs. G. F. Angas, E. Barnard, W. Hutt, W. A. Mackinnon, Samuel Mills, Jacob Montefiore, George Palmer, John Wright and J. Shaw Lefevre. The famous Rowland Hill was 長官 to the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限. 設立するing of South Australia, p. 157. See also Paper No. 3 of 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv. James Stephen wrote, in 1839, that the 推論する／理由 for 任命するing so many Commissioners was ーするために have a 団体／死体 formidable enough to 打ち勝つ the supposed 敵意 of the 植民地の Office. See his Memorandum on the letter of Torrens to Stephen, Dec. 9th, 1839. C.O. 13/15.

86 See his 私的な letter to Glenelg, Dec. 12th, 1835: "When Mr. W. Whitmore, Mr. Grote, Mr. Clay and Mr. G. Norman, were associated with me in the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, we were all agreed upon first 原則s and our only 商売／仕事 was to decide upon 詳細（に述べる）s. This is not the 事例／患者 in the 現在の（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限. I am left all alone to 競う for the 維持／整備 of the first 原則s of 植民地化, when the only question should be how they can be carried into practical 操作／手術." C.O. 13/3.

87 See Correspondence Nos. 32-40 of Paper No. i. 虫垂 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

88 See James Stephen's Memorandum, Nov. 15th, 1839. C.O. 13/15, and Wakefield's 証拠 before 1841 Select 委員会 on South Australia, Question 3002. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

89 See, e.g., Nos. 26, 29 and 30 of Correspondence as to South Australia since 1831. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 1.

90 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, to Question 746. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

91 See 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

98 Gouger to Wakefield, May 30th, 1835, 引用するd in 設立するing of South Australia, pp. 167-8.

100 Wakefield to Gouger, May 31st, 1835, 引用するd in 設立するing of South Australia, pp. 168-70.

101 Letter of June 2nd, 1835, 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841.

102 Letter of June 2nd, 1835, 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841.

103 See, e.g., G. Poulett Scrope's Speech at Exeter Hall at the 会合 of June 30th, 1834; and the South Australian 行為／法令／行動する, ｧ 24.

104 陸軍大佐 Torrens in the House of ありふれたs, July 25th, 1831. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. v, p. 301; Feb. 17th, 1832. Ibid., Vol. x, p. 505; Self-Supporting 植民地化, 1847; 植民地化 of South Australia, 1835. See also the 証拠 of Rowland Hill, Questions 2289-95, and that of T. F. Elliot, Questions 967-70, before the 1841 Select 委員会 on South Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

105 See his letter of May 20th, 1835, and the Commissioners' reply, No. 24 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

106 See his 証拠 before the Select 委員会 on South Australia, Question 2584: "I never called it the self-supporting system; I look upon the calling of it a self-supporting system as a sort of puff . . . . The only part of the South Australian 計画（する） which has been self-supporting, has been the 移住; but to say that this ever was a self-supporting 植民地, in the way in which that 表現 has been 一般的に used, is to say what I believe to be やめる contrary to the fact, and what I have never been a party to 表明するing." Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv. See also 植民地の Gazette, March 17th, 1841.

107 See their first 報告（する）／憶測. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xxxvi, p. 445.

108 虫垂 1 to the First 報告（する）／憶測 of the South Australian Commissioners, Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xxxvi, p. 445. One important 準備／条項 was that land should only be sold in eighty-acre 封鎖するs, except town land which was sold in one-acre 封鎖するs.

109 ｧｧ I and 5 of the 修正するd 規則s. 虫垂 i, Ibid. Mr. Samuel Sidney says "The Commissioners 工夫するd and Mr. Wakefield 認可するd the special 調査する system." The Three 植民地s of Australia, 1853, 2nd Ed., p. 216. There is, however, no 証拠 that this was ever any part of Wakefield's 計画（する）. It was only 可決する・採択するd after the 不成功の試みる／企てる to sell land at ｣1 per acre. Indeed Wakefield very much 反対するd to the system. See his 証拠 before the 1841 Select 委員会 on South Australia, Question 2891. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

110 For an account of the part which the South Australian Company played in the 植民地化 of South Australia see G. Sutherland, The South Australian Company, a 熟考する／考慮する in 植民地化, 1898.

112 Mr. Samuel Sidney says "From first to last the personal friends and pupils of Mr. Wakefield had the 単独の支配（する）／統制する of every 協定 and the 選択 of every officer, and every step was taken under the advice of Mr. Gibbon Wakefield." The Three 植民地s of Australia, 1853, 2nd Ed., p. 211. While this is true of the earlier steps in the 設立するing of South Australia, the choice of 公式の／役人s 残り／休憩（する）d with the Commissioners 任命するd by Gouger and Torrens without 干渉，妨害 by Wakefield. Also by this time Wakefield had quarrelled with Gouger and had dissociated himself from the 請け負うing.

114 See Torrens to Glenelg, Dec. 14th, 1835, enclosing a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of 提案するd 任命s. No. 25 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i. See also letters of Commissioners to Glenelg, June 27th, 1835, July 15th, 1835, and August 19th, 1835. C.O. 13/3.

115 See Fourth 報告（する）／憶測 of Commissioners. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxviii, p. i.

117 See Hindmarsh's letters to Glenelg, Feb. 11th, 1837, C.O. 13/6; Jan. 11th, 1838; Feb. 2nd, 1838, C.O. 13/10.

119 Glenelg to Hindmarsh, Feb. 21st, 1838, No. 26 of Correspondence as to South Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

120 See Nos. 27, 28, 29, and 30. Ibid., for 任命 of Gawler and the union of the two offices.

121 Gawler to Glenelg, January 23rd, 1839, No. 85 of Correspondence as to South Australia. Ibid.

122 Gawler to Glenelg, October 26th, 1838, No. 7 of Paper No. 15, 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Gawler to Rowland Hill, October 26th and October 27th, 1838. C.O., 386/1.

123 Torrens to Stephen, June 19th, 1839, C.O. 13/15. Commissioners to Gawler, December 2nd, 1838. C.O. 386/15.

124 "Communities thus formed, suddenly 工場／植物d in uncultivated wildernesses at 巨大な distances from the Parent 明言する／公表する, cannot take root in the 国／地域, cannot 持つ／拘留する together until the 利益（をあげる）s of 貿易（する）, 農業の and pastoral 追跡s be realized, cannot 雇う労働 to any extent, unless 補助装置d by a 自由主義の政府支出." Gawler to Stanley, March 21st, 1842. C.O. 13/28.

126 I and 2. Vic. c. 60. Wakefield, at the time when the 行為／法令／行動する was first 提案するd, 反対するd to the 原則 of borrowing from the land 基金 as 存在 likely to lead to extravagance, but it was passed when he was out of the country. See his 証拠 before the 1841 Select 委員会 on South Australia, Questions 2973-6. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

127 植民地の Gazette, February 26th, 1840, June 3rd, 1840. Lord Eliot in the House of ありふれたs, July 7th, 1840. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. Iv, p. 524. Fourth 報告（する）／憶測 of South Australian Commissioners, January 8th, 1840. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxviii, p. i.

128 See his 非常に／多数の letters on the 支配する in C.O. 13/4 and 13/8.

129 Torrens to Stephen, December 9th, 1839, No. 65 of Correspondence as to South Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i. Some of the Commissioners strenuously 否定するd that they had asked for or 手配中の，お尋ね者 salaries. Mr. W. Mackinnon in the House of ありふれたs. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. lvii, p. 265. See also the 証拠 of Mr. Samuel Mills, and Mr. G. Palmer, before the 1841 Select 委員会 on South Australia. The letter to Russell was written by Torrens who （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that it was 権限を与えるd by the Commissioners. This was 否定するd in 証拠 by Mills and Palmer, but the 入ること／参加（者） in the Minute 調書をとる／予約する of the Commissioners is in favour of Torrens' 論争. See 証拠 of Mr. John Gliddon, and Col. Torrens, before 1841 委員会, 特に Questions 1889-91. Contrast Hodder, 設立するing of South Australia, 虫垂, p. 239.

130 Russell to the 植民地化 Commissioners, December 23rd, 1839, No. 66 Correspondence as to South Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii.

133 Torrens, Elliot and Villiers to Russell, July 7th, 1840. No, 67 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

134 South Australian Commissioners to Lord John Russell, January 6th, 1841, No. 96 Ibid.

135 Commissioners to Gawler, September 14th, 1840, No. 38 of Paper No. 15, 虫垂 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

136 Russell to Gawler, December 26th, 1840. No. 88, Acc. and Pap. 1841, Vol. xvii, p. i.

139 提案 to His Majesty's 政府 for 設立するing a 植民地 on the Southern coast of Australia, 1831, p. 7.

141 Fourth 報告（する）／憶測. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxviii, p. i: "陸軍大佐 Gawler was equal to the occasion."

142 Captain Grey's Minute to Lord J. Russell, November 18th, 1840, No. 78 of Paper No. i, 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

143 指示／教授／教育s to the 居住（者） Commissioner: "During the 早期に幼少／幼藍期 of the 植民地, the most important part of your 義務 will be to take care that no 労働ing emigrant 落ちるs into a 明言する／公表する of destitution. For this 目的, you are 権限を与えるd to 供給する a 維持／整備 for all such persons, and their families, until they shall have 得るd, or whenever they shall be without, 雇用, at 給料適する to their support; 要求するing, in return for such 維持／整備, that they shall 労働 upon the public 作品, as may be agreed upon between the 知事 and yourself." 2nd 報告（する）／憶測, 1837, 虫垂 4. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxix, p. 447. 類似の指示／教授／教育s were given to Gawler. 3rd 報告（する）／憶測, 1839, 虫垂 11. Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xvii, p. 691. That the Commissioners were 誓約（する）d to the emigrants to support them may be seen from ｧ 53 of the general （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）尊敬（する）・点ing the 植民地 published by the Commissioners. "On the arrival of the emigrants in the 植民地 they will be received by an officer, who will 供給（する） their 即座の wants, 補助装置 them in reaching the place of their 目的地, be ready to advise with them in 事例／患者 of difficulty, and at all times give them 雇用, at 減ずるd 給料, on the 政府作品, if from any 原因（となる） they should be unable to 得る it どこかよそで . . ." 虫垂 No. 4 to First 報告（する）／憶測 of Commissioners. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xxxvi, p. 445.

144 Commissioners to Gawler, Nov. 15th, 1839. No. 18 of Paper No. 15, 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia.

145 Grey to Russell, June 7th, 1841. No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

146 See 報告（する）／憶測 of 移住 Board, January 11th, 1842. One man 否定するd having cattle, but 調査 showed that he owned four cows—one of them 存在 the 所有物／資産／財産 of his 幼児 child five months old. Another made the same 否定 and was shown to be 所有するd of fourteen cows and one bull. Some were managing to 支払う／賃金 for land and cottages while receiving 政府 support. Two men left 私的な雇用 because "higher 給料 could be 得るd from 政府, and 政府 work was not so hard." Enclosure i in No. 29, ibid.

147 Grey to Russell, November 10th, 1841. No. 23 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i. See also Grey to Stanley, February 20th, 1843. At the new Port "the 請負業者s, instead of 運動ing piles to the proper depth, had 部分s many feet in length 削減（する） off from the piles and buried beside them." No. 85, Ibid.

148 See 一般に his letters to Stanley, March 21st, 1842 (written after his return to England), C.O. 13/28; to Russell, December 28th, 1840. Paper No. 31, 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia; and April 26th, 1841, C.O. 13/20.

149 For his 指示／教授／教育s and 緊急力／強力にする see 3rd 報告（する）／憶測 of South Australian Commissioners, 虫垂 No. 9, and No. 14; and No. 2 of Paper No. 15 of 虫垂 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia.

152 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

154 James Stephen wrote of Gawler's defence: "In my judgment he has made a 勝利を得た defence of himself against his 雇用者s." Memorandum in C.O. 13/22.

155 Gawler to Lord John Russell, December 28th, 1840, Paper No. 31 of 虫垂 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia.

158 Grey to Russell, November 10th, 1841, and June 7th, 1841. Nos. 23 and 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

159 See e.g. Gliddon to Gawler, November 15th, 1839. No. 18 of Paper No. 15 of 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia, and Gawler to Commissioners, April 8th, 1839. No. 17, Ibid.

160 See 証拠 of Rowland Hill before the Select 委員会 on South Australia, Questions 2313-19. 植民地の Gazette, February 10th, 1841.

161 For an account of Grey in South Australia see G. C. Henderson, Sir George Grey, 1907, Chap. v.

162 Grey to Russell, November 10th, 1841. No. 23 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

163 Grey to Russell, July 4th, 1841. No. 10, Ibid. Dr. Garnett wrote that Grey's retrenchments 含むd "a nobly self-sacrificing 削減 of his own salary." Edward Gibbon Wakefield, p. 121. There is no trace of this anywhere. Grey drew the same salary as Gawler, though neither was able to live upon it, and each sacrificed a かなりの量 of his 私的な means during his 行政 of the 植民地.

164 Russell to Grey, December 29th, 1840. No. 84 of Paper No. i. 虫垂 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia.

165 Grey to Russell, November 10th, 1841. James Stephen commented on this: "To 減ずる the public 支出 of any country in the 割合 of 15 to 4, and to do this without remonstrances, and with an 増加する of the general 繁栄 in something いっそう少なく than a year, may, perhaps 証明する the extravagance of the former system, but certainly shows 広大な／多数の／重要な sagacity and moral courage on the part of the 改革者." Memorandum on the above letter. C.O. 13/21.

166 Grey to Russell, June 7th, 1841. No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i: "I will 認める no 選び出す／独身 indulgence to them, but I will not 苦しむ them to 餓死する."

168 Stanley to Grey, December 31st, 1841, and March 1st, 1842. Nos. 7 and 15, Ibid.

175 The way in which he did it was to draw 法案s on the Commissioners and 追加する a 言及／関連 to the 財務省調印するd by himself as 知事. Gawler to Russell, February 22nd, 1841. C.O. 13/20.

176 Grey to Russell, November 14th, 1841. No. 26, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. I.

179 Grey to Stanley, October 18th, 1842. No. 66, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

181 See the Memorandum by G. W. Hope on Grey's letter to Stanley of October 24th, 1843; "I have no 疑問 that Captain Grey did nothing but what he was 軍隊d to do in 製図／抽選 these 法案s, and 悔いる much the annoyance occasioned to him by their 存在辞退するd . . . . the necessity however, for undeceiving the South Australians as to their 知事's 力／強力にするs over home 基金s was evidently 緊急の." C.O. 13/27.

182 Stanley to Grey, June 21st, 1842, No. 27, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

184 5 and 6 Vic. c. 61. It is 価値（がある） noticing that the 行為／法令／行動する gave 力／強力にする to 設立する in the 代案／選択肢 a 指名するd 会議 and an elective 議会 or a mixed 会議 of 指名された人s and 代表者／国会議員s. See ｧ 6.

185 C. Trevelyan to J. Stephen, 26th April, 1842. Enclosure 5 in No. 13. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxii, p. i. See also Stanley to Grey, September 6th, 1842, and enclosures. No. 56, Ibid.

187 Grey to Stanley, October 22nd, 1842. No. 63 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

188 See G. C. Henderson, Life of Sir George Grey, 1907, p. 60. The 歳入 was not markedly 影響する／感情d by these 発見s until 1845.

189 It is perhaps 価値（がある） noticing that Mr. W. H. James, then スパイ／執行官 General for Western Australia, said before the Departmental 委員会 on 農業の解決／入植地s in British 植民地s: "South Australia was supposed to be 設立するd on the Wakefield system. There are no traces of that since; it has left no 指示，表示する物s behind it." Question 6669. Cd. 2979, 1906, p. 260. Acc. and Pap., 1906, Vol. lxxvi.

190 See the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841.

191 植民地の Gazette, May 6th, 1843. See also 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on South Australia.

192 G. C. Henderson, Life of Sir George Grey, 1907, p. 67. It was 必然的な that some of the emigrants amongst such large numbers sent out were of indifferent character. See the 報告（する）／憶測 of the 移住スパイ／執行官, December 31st, 1839. C.O. 13/18.

193 Each of the three first 知事s commented on the fertility of the 国／地域. Hindmarsh to Glenelg, November 1st, 1837, C.O. 13/7; Gawler to Glenelg, October 26th, 1838, C.O. 13/11; Grey to Stanley, December 31st, 1842. No. 75 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, xxxii, p. i.

195 Grey to Stanley, April 22nd, 1842. No. 51 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxii, p. i.

一時期／支部 IX

WAKEFIELD AND THE DURHAM REPORT

By 1837 the racial and political 争い, which had been going on in the two Canadas for some years, broke out into open 反乱. A 簡潔な／要約する sketch of the previous history and 条件s of these 植民地s is necessary in order to understand the 状況／情勢 with which the British 政府 suddenly 設立する that they had to 取引，協定. [1] The 皇室の行為／法令／行動する of 1791 [2] had separated Upper from Lower Canada, and had given to each 植民地 an elective 法律を制定する議会 and a 指名するd 法律を制定する会議. Lower Canada was おもに French, and Upper Canada おもに British, while in both there was 摩擦 between the two races. The 議会s had no direct 支配（する）／統制する over the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, and this led to constant struggles in which the 法律を制定する会議s, for the most part, took the 味方する of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある. 自然に the quarrel turned 大部分は upon the question of 財政／金融. The 議会s 試みる／企てるd to 伸び（る） their 反対する of controlling the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある through their 命令（する） over 供給（する）s; and 行き詰まるs between the two Houses, and 拒絶 of 供給（する） by the 議会s, were ありふれた, 特に in Lower Canada. In 1831, 無条件の支配（する）／統制する over the 栄冠を与える歳入s, with the exception of the 領土の歳入, was given to the 議会s by the Home 政府, in the hope that a Civil 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） would be 認めるd, and 政府公式の／役人s その為に be 安全な・保証するd from the consequences of a 拒絶 of 供給（する）s; but, while Upper Canada 認めるd a Civil 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）, Lower Canada did not, and sought yet その上の支配（する）／統制する of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある. Year by year after 1831, the ill-feeling between the two races and the 摩擦 between the 議会s and the (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs grew greater. On the whole, in Lower Canada the French 大多数 supported the 議会, and the English 少数，小数派 the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある. In Upper Canada the 争い was not so 激烈な／緊急の; and the struggles centred around the position and 憲法 of the 法律を制定する会議, which was 支配するd by a group of men, 部隊d by 関係 of friendship and 利益／興味, to whom was given the 指名する of the Family Compact, and who, in the absence of popular 支配（する）／統制する, really 治める／統治するd the 植民地. Although the struggle was in 条件 for 財政上の支配（する）／統制する and for an alteration in the 憲法 of the 法律を制定する会議, yet in reality it was one for responsible 政府. "They had not hitherto in so many words," 令状s Sir Charles Lucas of the 大多数 in Lower Canada in 1835, "需要・要求するd that the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある会議 should be responsible to the 立法機関, but the essence of their 需要・要求するs was to 得る十分な支配（する）／統制する of all the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある offices by 安全な・保証するing entire 命令（する） of all the means of 支払う／賃金ing them." [3] A （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 of 調査任命するd by the Home 政府 in 1835, consisting of Lord Gosford, Sir Charles Grey and Sir George Gipps, failed to relieve a 状況／情勢 which was 速く becoming impossible, and in 1837 the Home 政府介入するd. Lord John Russell introduced and carried in the House of ありふれたs a 一連の決意／決議s, 拒絶するing the 需要・要求する for responsible 政府, and 許すing 支払い（額）s of the arrears 借りがあるing to (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officers to be made out of the 植民地の歳入, of which 支配（する）／統制する had been given up in 1831. [4] The 決意／決議s were 自然に人気がない in Canada, and a 反乱 broke out, which was 限定するd おもに to the French Canadians, and was easily put 負かす／撃墜する.

But to 鎮圧する反乱 was by itself no 解答 of the problem of 植民地の政府. The Melbourne 省, therefore, 設立する themselves 軍隊d to 問い合わせ into the Canadian grievances, to 診察する the 原因（となる）s of discontent, and to put 事柄s, if possible, on a 地盤満足な to the colonists and to the mother-country. In this 緊急, they induced 議会 to pass a 法案一時停止するing the 憲法 of Lower Canada, and 任命するd Lord Durham as 知事-General of the North American 植民地s and High Commissioner to 問い合わせ into their 政府.

Durham at once showed both 知恵 and courage in choosing as his 長，指導者 assistants Charles Buller and Edward Gibbon Wakefield, the two men in all Britain who had given most serious attention to the 支配する of 植民地化 and 植民地の政府. No 反対 could be taken to the 任命 of Buller; but Wakefield's past history made his 事例／患者 different. Durham had 任命するd as his 合法的な助言者 an old friend, Mr. Thomas Turton, to whose 指名する an 早期にスキャンダル大（公）使館員d, and when （民事の）告訴 was made in 議会 on this 得点する／非難する／２０, Glenelg wrote 教えるing Durham not to 雇う Wakefield in any public capacity. [5] Durham was unwillingly 軍隊d to acquiesce; but Wakefield, although he was able to 得る no public position and was 軍隊d to keep himself in the background, did にもかかわらず proceed to Canada, and throughout Durham's 使節団 gave him counsel and advice. That he played an important part in Canada will be seen from the 推薦s in the Durham 報告（する）／憶測 on 政府 and land 政策. Durham is 報告（する）／憶測d to have written that he never erred except when he 出発／死d from Wakefield's advice. [6] Durham had only made Buller's 知識 in the summer of 1837, [7] and it is やめる possible, as Dr. Garnett 示唆するs, that Durham and Wakefield had been already known to one another for some years. [8] However this may be, Durham became and remained a の近くに friend to both Buller and Wakefield. [9] Wakefield sailed in a different ship from the others; but Buller had every 適切な時期 during the voyage to Canada, in constant communication with Durham, of discussing and developing his 見解（をとる）s on the 支配する of 植民地の政府.

Durham, Buller, and Wakefield, when they went out, all had the same preconceived ideas as to what was at the 底（に届く） of the Canadian difficulties. Each thought that the 単独の事柄 in 論争 was self-政府; and, overlooking the racial question, they sympathized with the Canadians in their struggle for self-政府. All three, however, changed their opinions after first-手渡す知識 with the Canadas; [10] and Durham, whose 見解（をとる）にもかかわらず seems to have been clearer than theirs in this 事例／患者, 認める that his 期待 was disappointed. In his 報告（する）／憶測 he wrote, in often-引用するd words, "I 推定する／予想するd to find a contest between a 政府 and a people: I 設立する two nations warring in the bosom of a 選び出す／独身明言する／公表する: I 設立する a struggle, not of 原則s, but of races." [11]

It is not necessary here to enter upon any of the 詳細（に述べる）s of Durham's 使節団 to Canada, nor indeed to consider his 報告（する）／憶測 in any other light than as laying 負かす／撃墜する a 政策 of 植民地の政府, not for Canada alone, but applicable to all white 植民地s at a 確かな行う／開催する／段階 of their 存在. [12] A 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of the 報告（する）／憶測 is 関心d with the actual 明言する／公表する of the British North American 植民地s, 特に Lower Canada, and it 含む／封じ込めるs 提案s meant for their 改良. Here, however, it need not be discussed how far Durham's 詳細（に述べる）d 提案s were carried into 影響, nor how far they were suitable to the 条件s of the Canadas.

Two points alone will be dealt with, first, those 準備／条項s of the 報告（する）／憶測 which recommend responsible 政府 together with the 維持／整備 of the 関係 between mother-country and 植民地; and, next, the 推薦s as to the 管理／経営 and 支配（する）／統制する of the waste lands and of 移住.

A word may be said as to the question of the authorship of the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, which has occasioned some 穏やかな論争. The 現在の epigram, "Wakefield thought it, Buller wrote it, Durham 調印するd it," is やめる誤って導くing, except in so far as it calls attention to the fact that Buller and Wakefield played an important part in deciding on its underlying 政策. Durham was not the 肉親，親類d of man to have his 報告（する）／憶測 dictated to him, or written for him by his subordinates. At the same time he was the 肉親，親類d of man to choose his subordinates carefully, to listen to their advice, and to give them all 予定 credit for their 援助（する）. Indeed, whatever may have been their faults, all three excelled in generosity, and as Buller and Wakefield would have been the last to （人命などを）奪う，主張する credit for Durham's work, so Durham was the first to 収容する／認める the help he had received from them. [13] Whatever may be thought as to the authorship of the 報告（する）／憶測, there is no 疑問 about the most important fact that it 表明するd the 全員一致の and considered opinion of the three men おもに関心d in its 生産／産物. [14]

In its 政策 of responsible 政府 the Durham 報告（する）／憶測 was 完全に in keeping with the earlier doctrine of 植民地の self-政府支持するd by Wakefield and Buller. In Canada the leaders of the systematic colonizers, who …を伴ってd Durham, had an 適切な時期 of developing the political 味方する of the Wakefield theory; and indeed the doctrine of 植民地の self-政府 has 証明するd to be the most 耐えるing part of their work. Up to that time their energies had been 充てるd おもに to the Australasian 植民地s, where, for a variety of 推論する／理由s, the 経済的な and social 味方する of the Wakefield system had been more 目だつ. Self-政府 could not then be much more than a pious aspiration for communities like New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, saddled with the 重荷（を負わせる） of transportation; and it was far distant from new 植民地s like Western Australia, South Australia, or the 提案するd new 解決／入植地 of New Zealand. In those 植民地s the 必須のs of the problem had been how to colonize a large empty continent, and how to 供給する a 供給（する） of 労働 which would enable the penal 植民地s to do without 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. Problems of 政府, important as they were, やむを得ず remained in the background. Wakefield, for example, 延期するd his 計画（する） of self-政府 for South Australia in order to realize the 経済的な part of his system. Now, however, when their attention was focussed for the while on Canada, the problem which they 設立する there was of a different 肉親，親類d. The 経済的な question of how to settle a 抱擁する sparsely-住むd country still 現在のd itself; but here it was 影を投げかけるd by the fact that problems of 政府 had arisen which had 設立する no other 解答 than civil war. The systematic colonizers now had to を取り引きする a people 解放する／自由な from the taint of transportation, with a 公正に／かなり long history of 代表者／国会議員会・原則s, and a tradition of bad 政府, or at least, of 政府 unsatisfactory to the colonists. In these circumstances, it was 必然的な that Wakefield and Buller should recur to their earlier doctrines of 植民地の self-政府, and should try to see how far they could be 適用するd as a 解答 of the political difficulties in Canada. In their first 試みる／企てるs at 植民地の改革（する）, they had been alive to the fact that good 植民地の政府 was an 不可欠の adjunct to 植民地の繁栄. Good 植民地の政府 meant for them self-政府 in a wide, and not very 井戸／弁護士席 defined sense, 含むing freedom from the 独断的な支配する of the 植民地の Office. Probably the 認める of a 代表者／国会議員議会 would, at least for the time, have 満足させるd their aspirations for the Australian 植民地s. But, in 取引，協定ing with Canada, it was obvious that the mere 認める of 代表者／国会議員会・原則s was not 十分な. There had long been elected 議会s in both the Canadas, but political struggles had gone on, and even civil war had not been 回避するd. The one fact which seemed to 現れる from the welter of Canadian politics was that 代表者／国会議員政府 as 可決する・採択するd there had failed. 前提ing the necessity for 植民地の self-政府, they were 軍隊d, then, to 問い合わせ into the 推論する／理由 for this 失敗. They 設立する their answer in the fact that for want of the necessary direct 支配（する）／統制する over the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, the colonists through their 議会s were unable to 支配（する）／統制する their own 政策, and therefore, in reality did not 所有する self-政府. So 現れるd the doctrine of responsible 政府, the subjection of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある to the 支配（する）／統制する of the popular 議会, not as anything new or startling, but as the necessary complement of 代表者／国会議員会・原則s. They （機の）カム to the important 結論 that the only 条件 under which 代表者／国会議員会・原則s in a 植民地 could かもしれない work 井戸／弁護士席 was that the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある should be subordinate to the popularly elected 議会. Too much 強調する／ストレス need not be laid on the passage in the Letter from Sydney, "They might でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる their own 法律s, in a 植民地の議会, under the 注目する，もくろむ of a viceroy, incapable of wrong, and 所有するing a 拒否権 like the king of England, but whose 長官s, like the 大臣s of England, should be responsible to the people"; but, to a man who had written those words in 1829, it was no long step, in 1838, to 支持する the 十分な doctrine of responsible 政府.

This 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, it is usually agreed, appeared first in a speech which Stanley made in the House of ありふれたs, in 1829, when introducing a 嘆願（書） from Upper Canada. [15] Durham, in his 報告（する）／憶測, understood it to mean the subjection of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある to the 支配（する）／統制する of the elected 議会. [16]

Having laid it 負かす／撃墜する that the 事件／事情／状勢s of the 植民地 were to be managed in this way by the colonists, Durham proceeded to draw a （疑いを）晴らす distinction between 地元の and 皇室の事柄s, between those 事柄s which were to be committed 完全に to the colonists, and those which were to be controlled 完全に by the 皇室の議会. Probably this 分割 was in no small 手段予定 to the 疑惑 with which Buller and Wakefield had long regarded the 植民地の Office. If the 力／強力にするs of the 植民地の立法機関, and those of the 皇室の議会, were definitely 限られた／立憲的な in this way, there would be no room for the 植民地の Office to dictate any 政策 to the colonists; for, when the 支配する was a 地元の事柄. 負かす／撃墜するing Street could not 干渉する, and, when the 支配する was an 皇室の one, the colonists were 奪うd of all 支配（する）／統制する. As far as possible 内部の法律制定 and 政府 was left to the 植民地の立法機関, while 事柄s which 関心d the relation between mother-country and 植民地 were to be 孤立した from their 支配（する）／統制する. Thus there would be no "vexatious 干渉，妨害 on the part of the Home 政府, with the （法の）制定 of 法律s for 規制するing the 内部の関心s of the 植民地, or in the 選択 of the persons ゆだねるd with their 死刑執行." [17] 皇室の事柄s, によれば Durham, 含むd "the 憲法 of the form of 政府—the 規則 of foreign relations, and of 貿易（する） with the mother-country, the other British 植民地s, and foreign nations—and the 処分 of the public lands," [18] while all other 事柄s were 適切に to be 扱う／治療するd as 地元の.

One most important feature of the doctrine of responsible 政府, as laid 負かす／撃墜する by Lord Durham, was that it was ーするつもりであるd, not as a 手段 of 分離, but as a means of 保存するing and perpetuating the 関係 between the 植民地s and the mother-country. This was characteristic of the 態度に向かって植民地s 持続するd 終始一貫して by the systematic colonizers from the beginning.

In the Letter from Sydney, in 1829, Wakefield gave, as a good 推論する／理由 for 可決する・採択するing his system of 植民地化, the fact that it "would tend more than anything to 保存する an intimate 関係 between the 植民地 and the mother-country." [19] All through their 成果／努力s in 設立するing new 植民地s, and in 支持するing 改良s in the political and 経済的な条件s of old 植民地s, the systematic colonizers had been warm 支持者s of the 皇室の関係. 自然に, then, they あられ／賞賛するd with delight the uncompromising トン of Durham's 報告（する）／憶測 on this point, and 賞賛するd him as the "first British 政治家 to use the word 'perpetual' in speaking of the 関係 between the 植民地s and their mother-country." [20] This 態度 was all the more remarkable because the group of 過激なs, to which Durham, Buller, and Molesworth belonged, were by no means eager to 保持する the 植民地s. [21] To 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる the strangeness of the union between the doctrine of responsible 政府 and the doctrine of 持続するing the 植民地の関係, it is only necessary to consider how the 植民地の需要・要求する for responsible 政府 had been looked upon by British statesmen before the Durham 使節団. Buller complained, in 1840, of the constant 仮定／引き受けること made that "every one who was favourable to the 原則 of 責任／義務 in 政府, must be an enemy to the British 関係," [22] and he had very good grounds for his （民事の）告訴. The たびたび（訪れる）審議s in 議会 on Canadian questions both before and after the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, show conclusively that most of the 主要な statesmen of the day, 含むing Lord Melbourne, Lord Howick, and Sir George Grey, and rising men like Stanley and W. E. Gladstone, were of opinion that responsible 政府 meant 分離; that the （人命などを）奪う，主張する for responsible 政府 was a （人命などを）奪う，主張する for independence, and that, once it was 認めるd, no sort of 植民地の relation short of independence could remain.

Lord Durham, in his 報告（する）／憶測, also recommended that the Wakefield system of 植民地化 on its 経済的な味方する, adapted to 控訴 the particular needs of the 植民地s, should be 可決する・採択するd in British North America. Durham was so impressed with the 長所s of this system that he had brought out Wakefield with the 表明する反対する of introducing it into Canada. [23] Indeed, as Sir Charles Lucas 正確に，正当に発言／述べるs, Durham and Buller were both Wakefield's disciples in this 事柄. [24]

An 広範囲にわたる examination of the land system and 移住 in the British North American 植民地s was undertaken by Wakefield and his disciple, R. D. Hanson, and an (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する報告（する）／憶測 was drawn up by them with which Buller, although 指名するd as Commissioner of 栄冠を与える Lands and 移住, had nothing more to do than the 調印 of his 指名する. [25]

によれば his 報告（する）／憶測, [26] Wakefield 設立する that a large 量 of land had already been 疎遠にするd by the 栄冠を与える, of which the greater 部分 remained uncultivated. Also, he 設立する that, though an 広範囲にわたる移住 had been carried on, there had been a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of 苦しめる and 病気 amongst the emigrants, while not a few of them had re-emigrated to the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs.

The 広大な／多数の／重要な extent of land appropriated, compared with what yet remained at the 処分 of the 政府, 妨げるd him from 単に適用するing without alteration his ordinary 治療（薬） of sale at a 十分な price. To を取り引きする this 明言する／公表する of things he recommended a land 税金 of 2d. per acre on all lands, with the proviso that the 税金 might be paid by the proprietor in land—すなわち, by 降伏するing to the 政府 appropriated land to the value of the 税金. [27] By this means he hoped to 強要する owners of uncultivated land either to cultivate it, or to made it accessible to others who would cultivate it.

For land which was not yet appropriated, and for such land as was 降伏するd by the owners, he recommended that there should be sale, at a uniform price, without 制限 as to 量, or any other 条件s, so that, while every 施設 of 選択 and 取得／買収 would be given to those who ーするつもりであるd to cultivate, its 取得／買収 by those who did not ーするつもりである to cultivate would be 妨げるd. Since the 反対する was not to raise the largest possible 歳入 from land sales, land was to be sold at a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd price and not by auction. But, while he 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がるd the advantage of a 十分な price, Wakefield saw 明確に that the circumstances of the 事例／患者 did not 許す of its introduction into the British North American 植民地s. The 長，指導者 of these circumstances was the fact that land in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was sold at 6s. 3d. per acre, so that, if a 十分な price much higher than this were put on lands in the 植民地s, the attraction to 植民／開拓者s of cheaper land over the 国境 would be irresistible. It was, therefore, in his opinion, impossible to 設立する a price which would 妨げる labourers from becoming landowners too soon. It was idle, when the price of land in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was so low, "to 捜し出す, by means of a price for new land, the more important end of 安全な・保証するing an ample and constant 供給（する） of 労働 for 雇う." [28] In these circumstances he 示唆するd 10s. an acre as the highest price possible if 植民／開拓者s were not to be induced to prefer the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. He 率直に認める that such a sum did not 代表する a "十分な price," but 修正するd his doctrines to 控訴地元の条件s. "In 提案するing this price, however," he wrote, "I wish to be regarded as doing so 単に as a 妥協; not because I think it best in itself, but because I think it the best which can be 得るd in the circumstances." [29]

The proceeds from the land sales and the land 税金 were to be 適用するd partly in public 作品, such as 改善するing the means of communication, and partly in the 移住 of people of both sexes.

Since it was necessary to 設立する a 永久の and uniform system of 取引，協定ing with the land, and since, in his opinion, 移住 to the British North American 植民地s needed 規則, he recommended that the 皇室の政府 should have 支配（する）／統制する of both these 事柄s. He advised that a Central （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 should be 任命するd in the 部隊d Kingdom, with assistant Commissioners in the 植民地s, to 支配（する）／統制する both lands and 移住. In doing this he was only 繰り返し言うing his former opinions. [30]. In giving 証拠 before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, he had said, "If I made out any 事例／患者 at all it was an 皇室の事例／患者." Now he wrote that, "the waste lands of the 植民地s are the 所有物／資産／財産, not 単に of the 植民地s, but of the Empire, and せねばならない be 治めるd for 皇室の, not 単に for 植民地の目的s." But here again he was mindful of the peculiar circumstances of the 植民地s with which he was 取引，協定ing, and intimated that, if the 皇室の議会 did not choose to 演習 their undoubted 権利 of 支配（する）／統制する, the 管理／経営 of waste lands should be 手渡すd over to the colonists. "While, therefore, it appears to be the 義務, no いっそう少なく than the 権利, of the 議会 of the 部隊d Kingdom to 立法者 upon the 支配する, it is 平等に their 義務, if they consider such an 演習 of their 力／強力にする inexpedient, to 放棄する正式に their 支配（する）／統制する over this 事柄 to the 植民地の立法機関."

In 見解（をとる） of the fact that sales of land might be 推定する／予想するd for long to be inconsiderable, 借りがあるing to the 広大な／多数の／重要な量 of land which had already been appropriated, he recommended that a 貸付金 should be raised for the 目的s of public 作品 and 移住, upon the 安全 of the 未来 proceeds of the land 税金 and land sales.

It will be noticed that in these 推薦s Wakefield 出発／死d somewhat from the strict letter of his theory. In the first place, he recommended a price which was admittedly not a 十分な price, and, in the next place, he was willing to 許す part of the proceeds of land sales to be 充てるd to other 目的s than that of 移住. This may be taken to show that he was not above looking upon his theory rather as a 一連の practical 支配するs for the better 行為／行う of 植民地化, than as a self-十分な and 完全にする system 有能な of 使用／適用 in all places and at all times.

Wakefield's 計画（する） was 可決する・採択するd by Durham, and the space which he gives in his 報告（する）／憶測 to the questions of land and 移住示すs his opinion of their importance. Durham made a very strong 宣言 as to the 利益／興味 which the mother-country had in the 植民地化 of the 植民地の waste lands. The lands and 資源s of the 植民地s were, he wrote, "the ample appanage which God and Nature have 始める，決める aside in the New World for those whose lot has 割り当てるd them but insufficient 部分s in the old." [31] He also avowed his 完全にする約束 in Wakefield's 計画（する） when he wrote that it was "more calculated than any other 改革（する） whatever to attach the people of British North America to Your Majesty's 王位, and to 固く結び付ける and perpetuate an intimate 関係 between the 植民地s and the mother-country." [32]

Durham's 報告（する）／憶測, with its doctrine of responsible 政府, was not 井戸／弁護士席 received in England. Few 株d his 広大な／多数の／重要な conception of the 植民地s as self-治める／統治するing in a true sense, and yet bound by that very fact closer to the mother-country. To most of those who thought of the 植民地s, and 特に of the Canadas, at that time, responsible 政府 meant 分離. They could not see that there was any 中途の for a 植民地 between dependence, as they understood it without responsible 政府, and 完全にする independence. Lord John Russell had said, in 1837, of the 需要・要求する for responsible 政府: "It is 提案するd . . . that the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある会議 should be made to 似ている the 省 in this country. I 持つ／拘留する this proposition to be 完全に相いれない with the relations between the mother-country and the 植民地 . . . . That part of the 憲法 which 要求するs that the 大臣s of the 栄冠を与える shall be responsible to 議会, and shall be removable if they do not 得る the 信用／信任 of 議会, is a 条件 which 存在するs in an 皇室の立法機関, and in an 皇室の立法機関 only. It is a 条件 which cannot be carried into 影響 in a 植民地—it is a 条件 which can only 存在する in one place, すなわち, the seat of empire." [33] This he repeated, in 1838, in the 審議s on the 中断 of the 憲法 of Lower Canada, [34] and again, in 1839, after the 贈呈 of the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, when discussing 計画（する）s for the 永久の解決／入植地 of the 事件／事情／状勢s of Canada. [35] Indeed, it may be taken as 代表するing the 態度 of the 大多数 of English statesmen of the day on the question of responsible 政府. [36] This opinion was not 限定するd to members of 議会. The 年４回の Review, in 取引，協定ing with "this new, and to us, 理解できない system of 植民地の関係: the 報告（する）／憶測 calls it 関係—to our understanding it is 絶対の分離," wrote, that the authors of the 報告（する）／憶測 made the 根底となる error "that they forget, or choose to forget, that Canada is a 州—a 植民地." [37]

One difficulty, which then seemed to English statesmen insuperable under a system of responsible 政府, was that the 知事 of a 植民地 would have to 行為／法令／行動する under a 二塁打責任／義務, to the Home 政府, and to the 代表者／国会議員団体／死体 of the 植民地, which would give many 適切な時期s for 衝突. [38]

On the other 手渡す, the new doctrine was welcomed by a few thoughtful men, and, since the former method of 治める／統治するing Canada had been a 失敗, opinion began to veer 一連の会議、交渉／完成する to the 見解（をとる） that the new 提案 should be given a 裁判，公判. [39] Charles Buller, on his return from Canada, spoke convincingly with first-手渡す knowledge of the evils of 植民地の政府 and their 治療（薬）s. On Durham's death, in 1840, he became the 広報担当者 in 議会 for the 報告（する）／憶測, and the 長，指導者支持する of the doctrine of responsible 政府 which he 認めるd as its most important feature, and for which he gave credit to Lord Durham as the originator. [40] The 過激な副／悪徳行為 of 植民地の政府 which needed 是正, the 根底となる error which had to be 修正するd, was, によれば his 見解（をとる）, that the colonists 欠如（する）d 支配（する）／統制する over their 内部の事件／事情／状勢s. [41] He 可決する・採択するd and 持続するd 終始一貫して the 見解（をとる） that the only method of making 代表者／国会議員会・原則s work harmoniously was to have an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある所有するing the 信用／信任 of the 代表者／国会議員団体／死体. [42] To him it seemed "the plain ありふれた-sense truth, that if they wished to 治める／統治する any 植民地 peaceably, they must 治める／統治する it on 原則s and by men 認可するd of by the people of the 植民地, and that さもなければ the 植民地 would be a scene of interminable 混乱 and anarchy, such as had followed every 試みる／企てる to work 代表 without a responsible (n)役員／(a)執行力のある." [43] Admitting that the 認めるing of responsible 政府 would be a 完全にする change in British 植民地の政策, he could not understand how anyone, in the light of 最近の植民地の history, could 提案する to 保留する it. At the same time he was at 広大な／多数の／重要な苦痛s to 主張する on the value of the 関係 with the 植民地s, and to 証明する that it would be 強化するd and not 弱めるd by the 認める of responsible 政府. [44] Even in the 直面する of 対立 he was bold enough to 予報する the ultimate 勝利 of the new doctrine. The Durham 報告（する）／憶測, he told the House of ありふれたs, in 1839, in a vein of prophecy, "would be the text-調書をとる／予約する of the 植民地の改革者, until it became the 手動式の of the 植民地の政府 of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain." [45] In spite of Buller's eloquence the 省 was 堅固に決定するd not to 収容する／認める the 知恵 of 認めるing responsible 政府 to the Canadas. In moving for leave to introduce a 法案 for the 政府 of Canada in 1840, Lord John Russell pronounced against responsible 政府, and 示唆するd, in its stead, that 対策 might be taken to make the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある more in （許可，名誉などを）与える with popular feeling by 含むing in it the leaders of the 大多数 of the 議会. [46] This may account for the inconsistency which occurs in Russell's despatch of October 14th, 1839, to Poulett Thomson, the newly-任命するd 知事-General of Canada. There, while 反対するing to the 原則 of responsible 政府, he could see little or no 反対 "to the practical 見解（をとる）s of 植民地の政府 recommended by Lord Durham, as I understand them." [47] By this he probably meant, although Durham's 見解（をとる）s could hardly be misunderstood, that he was willing that the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある should be, as far as possible, in （許可，名誉などを）与える with the 大多数 of the 議会, but would not go to the length of giving the 議会十分な支配（する）／統制する over the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある. His later despatch, however, of October 16th, 1839, [48] to the 影響 that 確かな (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officers were to be liable to be changed by the 知事 from 動機s of public 政策, was a step in the direction of responsible 政府; and the final step, though 延期するd for some time, was taken in 1848, under the wise 指導／手引 of Lord Elgin, Durham's son-in-法律 and pupil.

In the next few years after the 出版（物） of the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Buller and Wakefield helped to 影響（力） public opinion by expounding their 見解（をとる）s on responsible 政府—Buller in a 一連の articles in the 植民地の Gazette, 1839-1840, afterwards reprinted in 1840 under the 肩書を与える of Responsible 政府 for 植民地s, Wakefield in an article in Fisher's 植民地の Magazine for 1844, する権利を与えるd, "Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada." Buller's 調書をとる／予約する, written in a 有望な and popular manner, and 含む／封じ込めるing the famous attacks on Mr. Mothercountry of the 植民地の Office, was designed partly to explain and defend Durham's 原則 of responsible 政府, and partly to lay it 負かす／撃墜する as a 幅の広い原則 of 植民地の政府. He developed the 論題／論文 that the 認める of 代表者／国会議員会・原則s carried with it as a necessary corollary the 認める of responsible 政府. The 反対する of 認めるing 代表, he 勧めるd, was to give the colonists 支配（する）／統制する over their own 事件／事情／状勢s, to enable them to have a 政府 "絶えず agreeable" to their wishes. This 反対する could only be 達成するd when the 議会 controlled the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある. He 持続するd, too, that the 認める of responsible 政府 would 強化する, not 弱める, the 植民地の関係, and would 除去する原因（となる）s of たびたび（訪れる）衝突／不一致 which arose under the 存在するing system.

Wakefield's article, longer but not so 井戸／弁護士席 known, is an essay of 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の insight. It develops a powerful argument for responsible 政府 based on an 分析 of the British 憲法 and an examination of the history of the Canadas. Like Buller, he was careful to show that the 需要・要求する for responsible 政府 was not a 需要・要求する for 分離; but that it was at once the only way of placing 植民地の行政 of 地元の事件／事情／状勢s on a 満足な地盤, and of 保持するing the relation between the mother-country and the 植民地. Wakefield, who, as 非公式の助言者 to Sir Charles Metcalfe, had been in the 厚い of the difficulties with which that 知事 had to 取引，協定 in Canada, laid 強調する／ストレス, too, on the practical questions of responsible 政府, such as the position of the 知事, which counted for so much in the working of the system.

Thus, from the systematic colonizers （機の）カム three 解説，博覧会s of this doctrine of 植民地の政府, Durham's 公式の／役人推薦 in regard to Canada, Buller's advocacy of it as a general 植民地の政策, and Wakefield's re-声明 of the 事例／患者 from the point of 見解（をとる） of actual 条件s in the 植民地 and its practical working there. In each the same three 公式文書，認めるs are struck, 植民地の支配（する）／統制する of 地元の事柄s, 維持／整備 of the 植民地の関係, and 分離 between 皇室の and 地元の事柄s.

But when responsible 政府 was 認めるd, this latter distinction was not 可決する・採択するd. The 植民地の改革者s in 1850, in discussing the 提案するd 認める of responsible 政府 to the Australian 植民地s, once more 試みる／企てるd to 除外する the 植民地の Office in this way, but they, too, were 不成功の. [49] The extent of the 力／強力にするs of the 植民地の立法機関s was not 明確に示すd out; but it was wisely, as the event 証明するd, left to the good sense of the colonists, to the tact of the 知事, and to the discretion of the 植民地の Office, to 確実にする that the 植民地の立法機関 did not overstep its proper bounds. Probably any （疑いを）晴らす-削減（する） distinction between 皇室の and 地元の事柄s would have been 生産力のある of more 論争s than the system 可決する・採択するd, whose very elasticity was its strength.

There was never any serious 試みる／企てる to introduce into Canada Wakefield's 提案s as to land and 移住. The 影響（力） of the past history of the British North American 植民地s was too strong to 許す of the introduction of a uniform system for 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of land. Moreover, it was 設立する事実上 impossible to 保留する from these 植民地s the 支配（する）／統制する of their lands when responsible 政府 was 認めるd. [50] In regard to 移住, too, it was felt that there was no necessity to use the land 基金 for this 目的, or, indeed, to do more than to 規制する the stream of emigrants to Canada, because its proximity to 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain was of itself 十分な attraction. This, it will be remembered, was the 見解（をとる） taken by the 移住 Commissioners of 1831, [51] and it 勝利d against Wakefield's 提案 of a 明言する／公表する-補佐官d as 井戸／弁護士席 as a 明言する／公表する-controlled 移住.

It was not only as a 政策 applicable at the moment to one 始める，決める of 植民地s that responsible 政府 was 支持するd by Buller and his associates. 同様に as 存在 a 治療（薬） for the 明言する／公表する of Canada, it was a 政策 which might be 延長するd to other 植民地s, 供給するd that they were homogeneous in character, and had arrived at a 確かな行う／開催する／段階 of growth. [52] They 提案するd that it should not only be a 手段 to 会合，会う the particular exigencies of the Canadian 事例／患者, but that it should be "a 支配する of 政府, that the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある of the 植民地 should be kept in entire harmony with the 立法機関." [53] The Durham 報告（する）／憶測 is, indeed, as Sir Charles Lucas has pointed out, very much more than a "借り切る／憲章 of self-政府." But popular opinion has rightly 掴むd upon this as its most important 面. While the 報告（する）／憶測 is 利益／興味ing as showing Durham's 試みる／企てる to settle a long standing 論争 of races, his prescience as to the 影響 of the 開発 of means of communication, [54] and his combination of 帝国主義 with 僕主主義, its がまんするing importance is that it laid 負かす／撃墜する a doctrine which soon became a general 植民地の政策. After a comparatively short space of time, there （機の）カム to be an 協定 amongst English statesmen that 植民地s of a homogeneous character should, at a 確かな行う／開催する／段階 of their 存在, be 認めるd responsible 政府, and the only question about which 論争s 範囲d was whether a 植民地 had or had not reached this 行う／開催する／段階. How 完全に this doctrine had won the day may be seen from the fact that, in 1847, the Edinburgh Review was perplexed to know why it was ever thought necessary to send Lord Durham to Canada to discover the obvious truth that 植民地s could be 井戸／弁護士席治める／統治するd in no other way. [55]

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 IX.

1 See 一般に Sir Charles Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, 1912, Vol. i. Chap. iii.

5 Garnett, pp. 167-9. Stuart Reid, Life and Letters of Lord Durham, 1906, Vol. ii, pp. 159-62.

7 C. Buller, Sketch of Lord Durham's 使節団, 1840. Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. iii, p. 337.

9 John Stuart Mill wrote to Sir W. Molesworth, October 19th, 1838, "[Buller] and Wakefield appear to be 事実上の／代理完全に as one man, speaking to Lord Durham with the 最大の plainness, giving him the most 勇敢な and judicious advice, which he receives both generously and wisely." 引用するd in Mrs. Fawcett's Life of Sir William Molesworth, p. 203.

10 For Buller see his Sketch of Lord Durham's 使節団, Lucas, Vol. iii, p. 340. For Wakefield see his letter of November 22nd, 1838, in the 観客, November 24th, 1838.

12 For an account of Durham and his 報告（する）／憶測 see, in 新規加入 to Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Stuart Reid, Life and Letters of Lord Durham, 2 vols., 1906, and F. Bradshaw, Self-政府 in Canada, 1903.

13 See Durham in the House of Lords, July 26th, 1839. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlix, p. 878.

14 See Buller in the House of ありふれたs, July 11th, 1839. Ibid., p. 186.

15 Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. i, p. 137. Egerton, British 植民地の政策, 3rd Ed., p. 304, footnote.

16 In one passage, it is true, he used words which seem to show that his conception of responsible 政府 was not always （疑いを）晴らす. He wrote that the 国民s of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 所有するd "a perfectly 解放する／自由な and eminently responsible 政府," Lucas, Vol. ii, p. 261, but by this he probably meant a 政府 responsible to the people. Wakefield, too, in his 小冊子 of 1844, A 見解（をとる） of Sir Charles Metcalfe's 政府 in Canada, seems to have leaned to the 見解（をとる） that the relations of a 植民地の知事 to his 大臣s 似ているd those of a 首相 to his 同僚s in a 閣僚. See also 植民地の Gazette, June 29th, and October 5th, 1844. In the same year, however, in his article in Fisher's 植民地の Magazine for July, 1844, する権利を与えるd Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada, he took the true line that a 植民地の知事 had a 二重の機能（する）／行事 to 成し遂げる, as the officer responsible to the 皇室の政府, and as the 憲法の支配者 of a 植民地, 治める／統治するing by the advice of his (n)役員／(a)執行力のある会議 chosen and controlled by the 植民地の立法機関. Of the three Charles Buller, perhaps, had the clearest conception of what was meant by responsible 政府, viz., 植民地の政府 modelled as far as possible on the British system, with the 知事 filling, as far as circumstances would 許す, the position of a 憲法の君主. See his Responsible 政府 for 植民地s, 1840.

21 Mrs. Fawcett, Life of Sir William Molesworth, 1901, pp. 206 et seq. See also Leader's speech in the House of ありふれたs, December 22nd, 1837. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xxxix, p. 1442.

23 Buller wrote in 1840: "の中で the practical grievances of the 州非，不，無 was more palpable, and certainly 非，不，無 more injurious, than the 甚だしい／１２ダース mismanagement of the 栄冠を与える Lands. One of Lord Durham's first 反対するs in his 使節団 was to lay the 創立／基礎s of such a 改革（する） in the 行政 of them as might （判決などを）下す them instrumental in 促進するing that influx of colonists which was requisite for the 業績／成就 of his 広大な／多数の／重要な計画／陰謀s for the 改良 of the 植民地s. With this end in 見解（をとる） he had engaged Mr. Wakefield to come from England about the time of our own 出発, having for some time been 熟知させるd with him, and having 完全に entered into all his 見解（をとる）s of 植民地s and 移住." Sketch of Lord Durham's 使節団, Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. iii, pp. 350-1.

25 Buller in the House of ありふれたs on July 18th, 1839, said that he "wished . . . to say a few words upon the 支配する of the 報告（する）／憶測 on 栄冠を与える Lands, to 除去する from himself some undeserved eulogium which he had received, on the supposition that he was 関心d in 製図／抽選 it up. He had nothing to do with it, except 調印 his 指名する. The 長所 of this very 価値のある報告（する）／憶測 was 予定 to Mr. Hanson and Mr. Wakefield." Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlix, p. 503. See also Sketch of Lord Durham's 使節団, Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. iii, p. 351.

26 虫垂 B to the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Lucas, Vol. iii, pp. 34-130.

27 For the 目的s of 降伏する land was to be valued at 4s. per acre. Ibid., p. 88.

28 虫垂 B to the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Lucas, Vol. iii, p. 109.

33 Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xxxvi, pp. 1294-5. See also his speeches in Vol. xxxvii, p. 1277, and Vol. xxxix, p. 1499.

36 Lord Melbourne said in 1838: "The 責任／義務 of the 知事 to the 議会量d to independence at once." Ibid., Vol. xl, p. 687. Gladstone said in 1840: "Responsible 政府 meant nothing more than an 独立した・無所属立法機関." Ibid., Vol. liv, p. 728. See also, e.g., Lord Howick, Vol. xl, p. 577; Sir George Grey, Vol. xxxvi, p. 1356; Stanley, Vol. xxxvii, p. 118, and Labouchere, Vol. xxxvii, p. 109.

38 Normanby in the House of Lords, Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlix, p. 845. Russell in the House of ありふれたs. Vol. xxxvii, p. 1249. Howick, Vol. xl, p. 577.

46 Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlii, pp. 1333-4. Lord Howick had a 類似の vague 計画（する）. See Ibid., Vol. liv, p. 746.

47 This despatch is reprinted in Lucas, Durham 報告（する）／憶測, Vol. ill, pp. 332-5.

49 See Selected Speeches of Sir William Molesworth, edited by Professor Egerton, 1903, pp. 365-401. Speech on the Australian 政府法案, May 6th. 1850.

50 Lucas, Vol. i, p. 182, It must be remembered that this was やめる in （許可，名誉などを）与える with Wakefield's 推薦s. If the 皇室の議会 was not willing to 主張する its 権利s over the waste land, he thought that the whole 支配（する）／統制する of the lands should be left to the colonists. See also 植民地の Gazette, August 26th, 1840.

52 Buller in 1839 was in favour of 奪うing Jamaica of 代表者／国会議員会・原則s and of making its 政府やめる irresponsible to the 治める／統治するd, because it was not a homogeneous society, and the character of its 全住民妨げるd its 代表者／国会議員会・原則s from meaning more than the 支配する of a white oligarchy. See his speech on the 法案 for 一時停止するing the Jamaican 憲法. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlvii, pp. 825 et seq.

55 Edinburgh Review, April, 1847, pp. 365-6: "We need not now discuss the question of Responsible 政府. Every man who has 反映するd on the 支配する sees, that the 責任／義務 of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある is a necessary part of 代表者／国会議員政府;—that if we 信用 the 代表者／国会議員s of the people with the 力／強力にする of making 法律s, and the 絶対の支配（する）／統制する of the public purse, it is absurd to 推定する／予想する that the 法律s made by them can be 治めるd, and the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある商売／仕事 of the country carried on, by any persons except those who 所有する their 信用／信任. This is a point which Lord Durham's 報告（する）／憶測 settled at once and for ever; and the only point connected with the 支配する which at all perplexes any one is, how it should have been necessary to send so 著名な a man across the 大西洋 to discover that the 植民地s could not be 井戸／弁護士席治める／統治するd under any other system."

一時期／支部 X

LATER EXPERIMENTS IN SYSTEMATIC COLONIZATION, 1837-1842

One of the first 支配するs which attracted the attention of the systematic colonizers in 1837, was the 廃止 of transportation to the Australian 植民地s.

From the time when 解放する／自由な emigrants were 許すd to settle in the penal 植民地s of New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, it was 必然的な that this question would one day become 激烈な／緊急の. 対立 was bound to develop between the different points of 見解（をとる） of the mother-country and the colonists. Two 動機s seem to have actuated the mother-country in the 激励 of the system; one, a wish to 除去する永久的に to as 広大な／多数の／重要な a distance as possible a class of people not 手配中の，お尋ね者 at home; the other, a real 願望（する） to give the 罪人／有罪を宣告する an 適切な時期 to become under new 条件s a respectable and useful colonist. From the point of 見解（をとる） of the 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s in a penal 植民地 which received these 犯罪のs and had to take the 危険 of the doubtful 実験 of reformation, transportation was an evil, counterbalanced only by the fact that it 供給するd a 供給（する） of 労働 not さもなければ to be 得るd, and occasioned a large and welcome 政府支出. For this 推論する／理由, while the practice 存在するd of 割り当てるing 罪人／有罪を宣告するs as labourers to the 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s, there was not a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of （民事の）告訴 from the penal 植民地s. Indeed, the 初めの impulse to the movement for the 廃止 of transportation （機の）カム, not from the 植民地s, but from the mother-country. The 人道的な feeling which had 原因（となる）d the 廃止 of slavery in 1833 was still strong, and a group of men, 長，指導者 amongst whom was 大司教 Whately, had for some time been agitating the question. In the 最前部 of this agitation were to be 設立する the systematic colonizers. There was never any 疑問 as to their 態度 on this point. They had ever been the 対抗者s of the system of transportation, and had 非難するd it on three main grounds. In the first place, it had a bad 影響 on the penal 植民地s in that it was 責任がある the disproportion between the sexes, for the 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の量 of 罪，犯罪, and for the demoralization which やむを得ず …に出席するd the constant outpouring of a stream of 犯罪のs into a small community. In the next place, admitting its value as a means of 供給するing 労働, it 妨げるd the 繁栄 of these 植民地s by 原因（となる）ing a natural repugnance amongst 解放する／自由な emigrants to settle there. In the third place, transportation made it impossible for the mother-country to 認める any 十分な手段 of 解放する／自由な会・原則s to a 植民地 whose 全住民 was 大部分は made up of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs and 前科者s. Only when transportation had 中止するd could these 植民地s be made fit for self-政府. [1]

One special advantage which they （人命などを）奪う，主張するd for the system of land sales and 移住 in Australia, was that it would help to 押し寄せる／沼地 the 罪人／有罪を宣告する element, and at the same time would 供給する the necessary 労働 when the assignment of 罪人／有罪を宣告するs 中止するd.

Led in this instance by Sir William Molesworth, the systematic colonizers were successful in 得るing an exceptionally strong Select 委員会 of the House of ありふれたs in 1837, [2] "to 問い合わせ into the system of transportation; its efficacy as a 罰, its 影響（力） on the moral 明言する／公表する of society in the penal 植民地s, and how far it is susceptible of 改良." The 委員会含むd Molesworth (Chairman), Lord John Russell, Sir George Grey, J. T. Leader, H. G. 区, Lord Howick, Fowell Buxton, Francis 明らかにするing, Sir Robert Peel, and Charles Buller. They heard 証拠 in 1837 and 1838 from a number of 証言，証人／目撃するs, 含むing Sir Francis Forbes, 長，指導者司法（官） of New South むちの跡s; 陸軍大佐 Arthur, 中尉／大尉／警部補-知事 of 先頭 Diemen's Land; 外科医s who had had 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of 罪人／有罪を宣告する ships; 罪人／有罪を宣告する chaplains; and many respectable 植民／開拓者s in the penal 植民地s. Their 報告（する）／憶測, 現在のd in August, 1838, [3] was a 広範囲にわたる激しい非難 of transportation as a means either of 罰 or of 改革（する）. They pronounced it to be inefficient as a 罰 because of its 不確定, and to be a method of demoralizing, not of 改革（する）ing the 罪人／有罪を宣告するs. Transportation, as carried on in New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land, corrupted 罪人／有罪を宣告する and colonist alike, and discredited 移住 "by associating it with the idea of degradation and 罰." They recommended that assignment should 中止する altogether; that transportation to New South むちの跡s and to the settled parts of 先頭 Diemen's Land should be discontinued; and that in its stead a system of 刑務所s should be 設立するd where, as at Norfolk Island, there were no 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s. To 会合，会う the 増加するd 需要・要求する for 労働 which would result from these 対策, they recommended that the price of land in these 植民地s should be raised to ｣1 per acre, in order to 妨げる labourers from becoming landowners too soon, and that the proceeds should be used in 移住.

Wakefield did not appear before the 委員会, but there is no 疑問 that he played his part in 得るing the 委員会, and in collecting （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） and 証拠 to 倒す the system. [4] When he received his copy of the 報告（する）／憶測 he wrote to Molesworth that the "unclean thing" had got its death-令状. [5] Mr. Samuel Sidney, a strong 対抗者 of Wakefield, （刑事）被告 him of having 製造（する）d a 事例／患者 for the 委員会. [6] Indeed, the colonists of New South むちの跡s 抗議するd vigorously against some of the 証拠 given as to the 明言する／公表する of the 植民地. [7] Whether the 証拠 was 高度に coloured or not, it brought to light such a 集まり of unsavoury （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） that the death-knell of transportation was sounded.

During the course of the 調査, 知事 Bourke, in 一致 with Glenelg's 指示／教授／教育s, had 警告するd the colonists of New South むちの跡s that the system of assignment was about to be discontinued, and that, for the 未来, they would have to look to 解放する／自由な移住 to 供給する them with 労働. [8] After the 報告（する）／憶測 assignment was 徐々に廃止するd, [9] and 中止するd altogether in 1841. [10] By an Order in 会議 of August 22nd, 1840, New South むちの跡s was 除外するd from the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of places to which 罪人／有罪を宣告するs might be sent. Thus, the system of transportation to that 植民地 ended without 悔いる on the part of the colonists, who すぐに received a 早い増加する of 解放する／自由な移住. [11]

Transportation to 先頭 Diemen's Land and to Norfolk Island did not 中止する for some years, and there was a keen fight to be 行うd with the Home 政府 before it ended finally; but after 1838 the impulse （機の）カム from the colonists themselves. While the system of transportation was in vogue, and the colonists had the use of 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働, they could not with 司法（官） complain of the evil which …を伴ってd the good. When, however, assignment was 廃止するd, all the advantage of transportation had gone; [12] and the colonists turned 堅固に against the system. They took up the position that the country which produced the 犯罪のs should take 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of them herself; and, in the end, they won the day.

During this period the systematic colonizers made one more 試みる／企てる to realize their theory in a new 植民地 which might 利益（をあげる） by the experience of South Australia, and where the 実験 might be 行為／行うd 解放する／自由な from the dominance of the 植民地の Office and the errors of former land 規則s. They now chose as the scene of their 操作／手術s New Zealand, the story of whose 設立するing as a British 植民地 has been so often told that it is hardly necessary here to enter into any 詳細（に述べる） except as to the part played by the systematic colonizers. [13] One 不成功の試みる／企てる at an 組織するd 解決／入植地 there had been made in 1826 by a colonizing company supported by Lord Durham; but for the most part 移住 to New Zealand had been haphazard, and consisted おもに of 仲買人s, whalers, runaway 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, and others whose presence was a source of 汚染 to the natives. English missionaries had arrived there in 1814, and by 1837, when the 事業／計画（する） for the systematic 植民地化 of New Zealand was taken up by Wakefield and his 信奉者s, they had 首尾よく設立するd themselves, and 所有するd 広大な／多数の／重要な影響（力） with the natives. The 目的（とする） of the 主要な／長／主犯 missionary 団体／死体, the Church Missionary Society, was to 保存する New Zealand as a field for their 労働s, and to 妨げる the evils which had everywhere arisen when 植民／開拓者s had come in 接触する with the natives. With this end in 見解（をとる） they became the 長，指導者対抗者s of the systematic 植民地化 of New Zealand, and 辞退するd to co-operate with Wakefield in his 計画／陰謀s. But, as Wakefield had truly told the Waste Lands 委員会 of 1836, the 植民地化 of New Zealand was 訴訟／進行, and would continue to proceed, though "in a most slovenly, and 緊急発進するing, and disgraceful manner," にもかかわらず all the 成果／努力s of the missionaries. [14] In 1837 the question was whether its 植民地化 should be systematic and 整然とした, with 予定 consideration of the 利益／興味s of the natives, or unsystematic and disorderly, under the 支配（する）／統制する neither of the missionaries nor of any 組織するd 政府.

In England and America (1833) Wakefield had 表明するd his opinion that New Zealand was "admirably fit for 植民地化"; [15] and, when the Waste Lands 委員会 had 報告（する）／憶測d, and he had dissociated himself from the South Australian 計画／陰謀, he 始める，決める to work to 設立する a new 協会 to carry out his 計画（する）s in regard to New Zealand. In contrast to his earliest 事業／計画（する） for 設立するing South Australia he now 提案するd a public 協会 to 設立する and 治める／統治する the new 植民地, whose members were to have no pecuniary 利益／興味 in the 請け負うing. In 1837 the New Zealand 協会 was formed, consisting of two classes of members, ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s, and those who were willing to 設立する and 治める／統治する the 植民地. One of his 長，指導者 assistants in this 仕事 was Mr. Francis 明らかにするing, who had fallen under the （一定の）期間 of Wakefield while serving on the Waste Lands 委員会 of 1836. Lord Durham, too, on his return from Russia, once more 利益／興味d himself in New Zealand and joined the 協会, becoming its 長，指導者広報担当者 in the 遭遇（する）s with the 植民地の Office. The 協会提案するd that an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 should be passed, 認めるing them 力／強力にするs of 主権，独立 for a 限られた／立憲的な period over a 部分 of New Zealand, and 許すing them to 購入（する） land from the natives and re-sell it to 植民／開拓者s. The proceeds of the land-sales were to be used, partly in その上の購入（する）s from the natives, and partly in 移住. The 政府 of the 植民地 was, for a 限定された period, to 残り／休憩（する） in the 協会. [16]

On their approach to the 植民地の Office asking for 許可／制裁 to this 計画／陰謀, they met at once with the strong 対立 of the missionary 団体／死体s. In 1836-7, while the 委員会 on Waste Lands was recommending the 拡張 of the Wakefield system, a Select 委員会 on aborigines sat, and, under the 影響（力） of the missionary 団体／死体s, 報告（する）／憶測d 逆に on the 政策 of 認めるing the lands of natives to white 植民／開拓者s without the owners' 同意, and 堅固に in favour of 保護するing and 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限ing the 権利s of aboriginal races who （機の）カム in 接触する with British colonists. In regard to New Zealand the 委員会示唆するd that its independence might be 尊敬（する）・点d, and 計画／陰謀s for its 植民地化 might be discouraged. [17] At that time, too, the 長，指導者s of the 植民地の Office—Lord Glenelg, Sir George Grey, and James Stephen—were all 公式の／役人s of the Church Missionary Society, so that Wakefield's 計画／陰謀 was at once 非難するd as inimical to the 利益／興味s of the natives. [18] Mr. Dandeson Coates, too, the 長官 of the Church Missionary Society, vigorously 公然と非難するd the 事業／計画（する） in two 小冊子s, [19] one of which drew a reply from Wakefield. [20] The 法案 was somewhat 修正するd, and again submitted to the 植民地の Office in November, 1837. Then the 予選反対 was taken that Britain had no 権利, 合法的な or moral, to 設立する a 植民地 in New Zealand without the 解放する／自由な同意 of the inhabitants. A その上の反対 was that the actual method of 植民地化, if its expediency were decided on, should be by the 当局 of a 王室の借り切る／憲章 and not by an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会. [21] Very soon afterwards, however, in 見解（をとる） of その上の（警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） from New Zealand, the 植民地の Office 産する／生じるd on the question of the expediency of colonizing that country, and agreed that it was necessary, while 保護するing the 利益／興味s of the aborigines, to 設立する there some settled form of 政府. "The only question, therefore," wrote Glenelg to Durham, "is between a 植民地化 desultory, without 法律, and 致命的な to the natives, and a 植民地化組織するd and salutary. Her Majesty's 政府 are therefore 性質の／したい気がして to entertain the 提案 of 設立するing such a 植民地." [22] He 提案するd that the 協会 should receive by 王室の借り切る／憲章完全にする力／強力にする of 政府, and that the 原則s of land sales at auction and 補助装置d 移住 should by the same 当局 be 設立するd in the 植民地. 明らかに the Home 政府 was about to work 手渡す in 手渡す with the systematic colonizers, but Glenelg's last 条件証明するd a つまずくing 封鎖する. Before the 協会 could 演習 any 当局 under the 借り切る／憲章, Glenelg 需要・要求するd that it should become a 共同の-在庫／株団体／死体 with a 確かな量 of paid-up 資本／首都. [23] The Church Missionary Society at once 抗議するd against the 申し込む／申し出 of a 借り切る／憲章 even on these 条件, [24] and an impression which got abroad that Wakefield was 目的（とする）ing at the position of 知事 of New Zealand did not make the missionary 団体／死体s 見解（をとる） the 計画／陰謀 in a more favourable light. [25]

The New Zealand 協会 had been 設立するd as a voluntary 団体／死体 with no pecuniary 利益／興味 in 植民地化; and they stoutly 抗議するd against the 条件 that they should become a 共同の-在庫／株 company. [26] The 政府平等に堅固に主張するd on the 条件; and, after その上の correspondence and 交渉, the 協会, in 1838, decided to introduce into 議会 a 法案 to give 影響 to their 計画／陰謀. The 政府, while 辞退するing support, 示すd that they would not …に反対する the 法案. [27] In the House of ありふれたs, however, Lord Howick and Sir George Grey, both members of the 政府, 発言する／表明するd the 公式の／役人反対s, and the 法案 was 拒絶するd on its second reading by 92 投票（する）s to 32. [28] その上の交渉s 続いて起こるd, and the 協会解散させるd, to 再現する as a 共同の-在庫／株 company, called the New Zealand 植民地化 Company. Now they 設立する the 政府 unwilling to proceed on the ground that the 約束 of a 借り切る／憲章 had been made to a 異なって composed 団体／死体. [29] Finally, in 1839, the New Zealand Land Company, an amalgamation of the company of 1825, the New Zealand 協会, and the 植民地化 Company, decided to 開始する the 植民地化 of New Zealand without waiting for the 許可／制裁 of the 政府. The ship Tory was sent with a 予選 expeditionary party to 購入（する） land from the natives, and a その上の団体／死体 of emigrants was 用意が出来ている to 始める，決める sail soon afterwards. This unauthorized 行為／法令／行動する軍隊d the 政府 to take 対策 to 支配（する）／統制する the 植民地化 of New Zealand, and in the same year this 植民地 was 含むd within the 裁判権 of New South むちの跡s. Captain Hobson was sent out as 中尉／大尉／警部補-知事, with 指示／教授／教育s to 扱う／治療する with the natives for the 承認 of the British 主権，独立 over New Zealand. The land system of New South むちの跡s, sale by auction and 補助装置d 移住, was to be 設立するd there when lands had been bought from the natives. [30] Hobson 後継するd in arranging the famous 条約 of Waitangi with the natives, and in consequence 布告するd, in 1840, British 主権，独立 just in time to 妨げる any （人命などを）奪う，主張する of フラン to the Middle Island.

By 1840, then. New Zealand had become a 植民地 of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain, and by the Waste Lands 行為／法令／行動する of 1842, [31] the system of land-sales and 補助装置d 移住 became 設立するd there as in all other parts of the Australasian 植民地s. The vicissitudes of the New Zealand Company, which received its 借り切る／憲章 in 1841, quarrelled with the Home 政府, the 植民地の政府 and the natives as to the extent and 有効性，効力 of its land-購入（する）s, did much to 促進する効果的な解決／入植地, and ended its chequered career in 1851, cannot be followed here. Its 初めの反対する as a colonizing company, with philanthropic and 人道的な目的（とする）s, was lost sight of when it became a 共同の-在庫／株 company, and its 変化させるing fortunes, however 利益／興味ing in themselves, had not much direct 耐えるing on the 使用／適用 of the Wakefield system in New Zealand. The 設立するing of this new 植民地, however, illustrates how far the day had been won by the practical part of that system which meant the 植民地化 of waste lands by their sale and the use of the proceeds in 補助装置d 移住.

Sir George Gipps arrived in New South むちの跡s in February, 1838, to take the place of 知事 Bourke. [32] He had been a Commissioner to Canada with Lord Gosford and Sir Charles Grey in 1835; he was a man of strong personality, who for several years was to 支配する the land 政策 of New South むちの跡s, and to 行う a successful war against the 試みる／企てるs of the 植民地の Office to move along the path of the Wakefield theory.

When the Ripon 規則s were introduced into New South むちの跡s in 1831, the 知事 was 知らせるd that there was nothing to 妨げる him from 課すing a higher 最小限 price if he chose. [33] The South Australian Commissioners, in their first 報告（する）／憶測 of 1836, had complained of the low price of land at Port Phillip compared with the uniform price of 12s. in South Australia. They had also 適用するd to the Home 政府 to raise the price at Port Phillip; but the reply was that they had knowingly run the 危険 of 工場／植物ing a new 植民地近づく a 解決／入植地 where the price of land had, as 早期に as 1831, been 直す／買収する，八百長をするd at a 最小限 of 5s. an acre. [34] In 1837, however. Lord Glenelg 示唆するd to Bourke that it might be wise to raise the 最小限 price; but Bourke had thought that it was 十分に high already, [35] so that when Gipps arrived land was 存在 sold by auction at a 最小限 price of 5s. per acre, both in the old settled 地区s of New South むちの跡s and at the new 解決／入植地 of Port Phillip. The 明らかな success of South Australia in selling land at 12s. per acre, and the 推薦s of the two 委員会s on Waste Lands in 1836, and on Transportation in 1838, 納得させるd the Home 政府 that they should 増加する the 最小限 price in some of the other Australian 植民地s. Accordingly Lord Glenelg, in 1838, 教えるd Gipps to raise the price from 5s. to 12s. per acre. It is 利益／興味ing to notice the 推論する／理由s which he 前進するd for the change. The 広大な／多数の／重要な extent of land sold in New South むちの跡s since 1831, when taken together with the 増加するing 需要・要求する there for 労働, showed, he considered, an undue dispersion of the colonists, which it was the 目的 of the 1831 規則s to 妨げる. The rise in price then was 単に an 試みる／企てる to give 十分な影響 to the 原則 laid 負かす／撃墜する by Lord Ripon. [36]

It will be seen from this and from other examples during this period that Wakefield's theory had so permeated even the 公式の／役人 their 態度 was friendly or 敵意を持った.

In the same year the price of land was raised to 12s. in 先頭 Diemen's Land, but, for the time, it remained at 5s. in Western Australia.

すぐに on 領収書 of these 指示／教授／教育s in 1839, Gipps 通知するd the colonists of New South むちの跡s that the alteration would 施行される at once at all 未来 sales, but, finding that the 知事 of 先頭 Diemen's Land considered that the 指示／教授／教育s did not 言及する to land already advertised at a lower price, he assimilated the practice in New South むちの跡s to that of 先頭 Diemen's Land. [37] This reading of the 指示／教授／教育s was important, because it meant that in New South むちの跡s no いっそう少なく than 300,000 acres had to be sold at the lower price before the change could 施行される. The 増加する in price was not popular in New South むちの跡s; [38] for the colonists considered that 12s. per acre was too high as a 最小限, and that it 妨げるd the sale of land. [39]

In the same year, another important step was taken by Gipps, on his own 率先, to make the position of the 無断占拠者s more 正規の／正選手. These colonists, and their shepherds and stockmen, had come violently into 衝突 with the aborigines; [40] and Gipps 設立する it necessary to 設立する a police 軍隊 outside the 限界s of 場所, and to make the 無断占拠者s 支払う／賃金 for their own 保護. Accordingly, with the 是認 of the squatting 利益／興味, an 行為／法令／行動する was passed in 1839, [41] which continued Bourke's system of pastoral licences, and, at the same time, 課すd a 税金 on the 在庫／株 grazed on the runs held under licence. The country outside the 境界s of 場所 was, by a 布告／宣言 of May 21st, 1839, [42] divided into nine squatting 地区s; [43] and for each one a commissioner and a 団体／死体 of police (called the 国境 Police) was 供給するd, whose expenses were met out of the proceeds of the licences and the 在庫／株税金.

The next change in the land 規則s of New South むちの跡s was a その上の instalment of the Wakefield system. Lord John Russell, in 任命するing the 植民地の Land and 移住 Board in January, 1840, 示すd a preference for the sale of lands at a uniform price instead of by auction; but, 認めるing that the change would be difficult, he 教えるd the commissioners to 調査／捜査する and 報告（する）／憶測 on the comparative advantages of the two systems. [44] They very soon 報告（する）／憶測d in favour of the uniform price, on the grounds that under auction the 買い手 had to wait until the land was advertised and put up for sale; and that even then he might be disappointed by 存在 outbid. Under a uniform price this 延期する and 不確定 would, they considered, disappear, because a 植民／開拓者 would only have to select his land and 支払う／賃金負かす／撃墜する his money. Moreover, by the latter system only the best 国／地域s would be first selected, and it would be easier to sell land in England. [45] They therefore recommended that, for the 未来, land should be sold in the new 解決／入植地s of New South むちの跡s at a uniform price; but that the 井戸／弁護士席-設立するd system of auction in the settled 地区s should not be suddenly changed. [46] In spite of Gipps' opinion, written soon after his arrival in the 植民地, that nothing was so 必須の to its 繁栄 as the sale of lands by auction, [47] the commissioners recommended that a uniform price of ｣1 per acre, which they considered had answered 井戸／弁護士席 in South Australia, should be 課すd on all lands sold in New South むちの跡s outside the nineteen settled 郡s, with the exception of land in already 設立するd towns which it was still 望ましい to sell by auction. [48] Lord John Russell 可決する・採択するd their 推論する／理由ing, and, in a despatch of May 31st, 1840, he 示唆するd that the 植民地 of New South むちの跡s should be divided into a middle 地区, 構成するing the nineteen old 郡s, a southern 地区, 含むing the Port Phillip 解決／入植地, and a northern 地区, 含むing the 領土近づく Moreton Bay. He 教えるd Gipps to sell lands in the southern 地区 at a uniform 直す／買収する，八百長をするd price of ｣1 per acre, except lands in new towns where the price was to be ｣100 per acre. The system of auction was 許すd to remain for town allotments in the 設立するd towns of Port Phillip, and for the whole of the middle 地区; but he 示すd that, when the northern 地区 was opened for 解決／入植地, the 規則s as to Port Phillip would 適用する there. [49] A few months later, the commissioners, with the 是認 of the 植民地の Office, drew up 規則s for the sale of lands in New South むちの跡s 具体的に表現するing these changes, and, at the same time, introducing a system of special 調査するs. Anyone who should 支払う／賃金 at once, either in England or in the 植民地, for eight square miles of land in New South むちの跡s at the uniform price of ｣1 per acre, was する権利を与えるd to 需要・要求する a 調査する of that 量 in one 封鎖する in any part of the 植民地 which he might choose. Their 推論する／理由 for the introduction of this system was that it would both encourage 企業 and 高める the land 歳入. [50]

These changes, however, 設立する a very strong 対抗者 in Sir George Gipps, who, 性質の／したい気がして by nature to 支持する his own 見解（をとる）s 堅固に even against his 公式の／役人 superiors, had by this time become 井戸／弁護士席熟知させるd with 地元の条件s in New South むちの跡s. Assuming that one of the 反対するs of a uniform price was to 安全な・保証する to a new 植民／開拓者 land without 競争 and without 延期する, he was very 堅固に of the opinion that it would 単に lead to a "緊急発進する for land" on the part of 豊富な相場師s, who would buy up the good land to re-sell it at 競争の激しい prices. [51] He quarrelled 完全に with the doctrine of 妨げるing dispersion by means of a high price, which he took to be the 長，指導者 feature of the South Australian system. He 主張するd that, since Australia was まず第一に／本来 a pastoral country, dispersion could not be 妨げるd, and was indeed to be encouraged. "同様に might it be 試みる／企てるd to 限定する the Arabs of the 砂漠 within a circle traced upon their sands," he wrote in 1840, "as to 限定する the graziers or wool-growers of New South むちの跡s within any bounds that can かもしれない be 割り当てるd to them." [52] Wakefield's doctrine of a 十分な price did not in any way 控訴，上告 to him. "The only 十分な price of any 商品／必需品, 以前は used to be considered that which it would sell for, when judiciously brought to market." [53] This is, indeed, the 基本方針 of his 政策. While Wakefield and those who were now 試みる／企てるing to 減ずる his theory to practice were 課すing a price for the 目的 of 制限するing 占領／職業, Gipps was vigorously 競うing that the land should be sold in such a way as to realize its 十分な market value. Gipps could never see the 軍隊 of selling land at any other than the highest price which it would bring. He 裁判官d the system of land-sales by its success in producing 歳入, not by its success in keeping labourers from becoming landowners too soon. To illustrate his 反対s to a uniform price, he contrasted the 量 of 歳入 produced by auction at Portland Bay in 1840, compared with what would have been produced if the land had been sold at a uniform price; [54] and he pointed out that to 可決する・採択する the new 原則 for Port Phillip would mean a loss to the 歳入 of about one million 続けざまに猛撃するs. [55]

Another 反対 which he took to the uniform price, 特に when coupled with a system of special 調査するs, was that it would enable others to buy the land under the feet of the 無断占拠者s, without giving them the notice to which, at least, they were する権利を与えるd. [56]

So 満足させるd, indeed, was Gipps as to the advantage of auction over uniform price, that, when he received the 指示／教授／教育s of May, 1840, he 問題／発行するd land 規則s which in practice （判決などを）下すd almost nugatory the introduction of a uniform price into Port Phillip. The 植民地 of New South むちの跡s was divided into three 地区s. [57] Country lands were to be sold at Port Phillip at the uniform price of ｣1 per acre; lands in new 郡区s at the uniform price of ｣100 per acre; and lands in 設立するd towns by auction. But, at the same time, on his own 責任／義務, though with the concurrence of the 法律を制定する会議, Gipps reserved from sale all lands 以前 advertised at a higher upset price than ｣1 per acre, and also all lands within five miles of the towns of Melbourne, Williamstown, Geelong, and Portland. [58]

Gipps was 平等に堅固に …に反対するd to the new system of special 調査するs because of its unfairness to 無断占拠者s, and because it would 原因（となる） loss to the 歳入. [59] The first special 調査する was sold in England by the commissioners to Mr. Henry Dendy, who paid ｣5,120, and in return received an order する権利を与えるing him to select eight square miles at Port Phillip. [60] On his arrival in 1841, he （人命などを）奪う，主張するd that this land order する権利を与えるd him to select his land as 近づく as possible to the 設立するd towns. [61] This, however, Gipps was 決定するd not to 譲歩する; and he 問題／発行するd 規則s to the 影響 that neither land 調査するd and open to 選択 by ordinary purchasers, nor land within five miles of the 設立するd towns, could be 含むd in a special 調査する, その為に materially 限界ing Dendy's area of 選択. [62] The actual value of such a special 調査する, if freedom of 選択 had been 許すd, may be seen from the fact that Dendy, on the day of his arrival, was 申し込む／申し出d ｣15,000 for his land order, but 辞退するd to take いっそう少なく than ｣50,000. [63]

Gipps 通知するd the Home 政府 of the steps which he had taken in carrying out the 指示／教授／教育s as to sale at a uniform price and special 調査するs, and asked for その上の指示／教授／教育s. In the 合間 he continued to send to the 植民地の Office 堅固に-worded 抗議するs against both systems.

In this 対立 Gipps had the support of the colonists. The 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s in 1840, and again in 1841, gave their decided opinion in favour of auction as the best method of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of land. [64] Mr. La Trobe, too, the superintendent at Port Phillip, while admitting that some 反対 could be taken to sale by auction on the ground that it 原因（となる）d 延期するs and 失望 to 植民／開拓者s, thought that on the whole it had worked very 首尾よく. [65]

The most important of Gipps' 抗議するs was an able memorandum, in 1840, on the 処分 of land in New South むちの跡s, based on his experience in the 植民地, and 堅固に非難するing the 最近の革新s. [66] Coming, as it did, at the time when the 失敗 of South Australia was throwing discredit on the system 設立するd there, 含むing the 原則 of a uniform price, this memorandum led the Home 政府, in 1841, to 逆転する its 政策, and to abandon the uniform price. [67] Lord John Russell first 認可するd of Gipps' 活動／戦闘 in reserving land 近づく the towns from sale at a uniform price; [68] and then, in deference to Gipps' experience and judgment and to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the South Australian 委員会 of 1841, which had recommended auction, he retraced his steps and 回復するd the former system of auction with this 新規加入, that country land, which had been put up to auction and remained unsold, should then be 性質の／したい気がして of at the upset price. [69] A few months 以前, in 見解（をとる） of Gipps' 代表s and of 報告（する）／憶測s from South Australia as to the working of special 調査するs there, Russell had ordered that no more should be 認めるd either in New South むちの跡s or by the commissioners in England. [70] Not much use had been made of the system before it was abandoned; for Dendy's was the only special 調査する sold by the commissioners, while no more than seven had been sold in the 植民地. [71]

During this period the 需要・要求する for 労働 in New South むちの跡s was always 緊急の. The 開始 up of Port Phillip, and the 増加する in land sales there and in other parts of New South むちの跡s, had at once 増加するd the 需要・要求する for 労働, and 供給するd the means of 供給（する）ing it. But, even though the number of 補助装置d emigrants grew 大いに from 1837, it could not keep pace with the wants of the colonists, 特に after the system of assignment had been 廃止するd. In the absence of 十分な emigrants from Europe, the introduction of coolie 労働 from India had been 示唆するd in 1837 by the 移民／移住委員会 of the New South むちの跡s 法律を制定する会議. [72] Lord Glenelg had at once …に反対するd the 事業／計画（する）, [73] and the Transportation 委員会 of 1838 堅固に反対するd that such indentured 労働, if 永久の, would mean the introduction of a slave caste which would 悪口を言う／悪態 Australia with an evil 類似の to that 存在するing in the Southern 明言する／公表するs of America. [74] When Gipps arrived in New South むちの跡s, he 設立する the 提案 still supported by some who looked "rather to their own 即座の wants, than to the ultimate good of the country;" and he 完全に disapproved of any 試みる／企てる to put it into practice. [75] One colonist, indeed, had, in December, 1836, introduced into New South むちの跡s at his own expense forty-one Indian 苦力s; and, in 1838, he was bold enough to ask in return 支払い（額） of a bounty of ｣6 per 長，率いる. Gipps, however, fully agreeing with Glenelg's 態度 to this question, 辞退するd to recommend this （人命などを）奪う，主張する. [76] The 事業／計画（する） of Indian 移民／移住 was 生き返らせるd again in 1841, but the 法律を制定する会議 then 辞退するd to support it. [77]

When Mr. T. F. Elliot was 任命するd スパイ／執行官-General for 移住 in 1837, he 設立する in 存在 two methods of 行為／行うing 補助装置d 移住 to New South むちの跡s, 政府移住, and bounty 移住. The former was controlled partly by the Home 政府, partly by the 植民地の政府; while the latter was controlled 完全に by the 植民地の政府. Under the former system 外科医s were sent home by the 植民地の政府 to choose parties of emigrants, and to take them out to the 植民地. [78] It was 設立する, however, that this 計画（する） was expensive and resulted in bringing a greater number of young children than was 望ましい; while the mortality on board these ships was very 広大な／多数の／重要な. [79] Elliot, therefore, in the beginning of 1838, 任命するd selecting officers in England and Ireland, and assumed the whole 責任／義務 for managing 政府移住. [80]

After his 任命 as スパイ／執行官-General for 移住 no more ships 排他的に with 女性（の） emigrants were despatched by the 政府; but young married couples with their families, and unmarried 女性（の） relations or friends travelling under their 保護, were sent. [81]

After 1837, too. 政府移住 ships were only very occasionally sent to 先頭 Diemen's Land; and, since the bounty system was not 可決する・採択するd until 1840, there was 事実上 no 補助装置d 移住 to that 植民地 between 1837 and 1840. [82] Even after 1840 the 復活 did not last long; and, from 1842 to 1848, there were no 基金s 利用できる for 補助装置ing 移住 there. [83]

The bounty system, as 可決する・採択するd by 知事 Bourke in 1837, [84] had 初めは been ーするつもりであるd for the 利益 of 植民／開拓者s who wished to introduce labourers for their own service. But, even before Bourke had left, the system had changed, and had become a 商業の憶測, in which shipowners had 得るd bounty orders, i.e., 許可s from the 植民地の政府 to 輸入する移民，移住（する）s, without any pretence that they 手配中の，お尋ね者 the labourers for their own service. The importers 信用d to the general fitness of the emigrants to 得る the bounties payable on their introduction. [85]

Up to 1840, the two systems of bounty and 政府移住 remained in 競争 with one another; and the question of their 親族長所s was very much canvassed in New South むちの跡s. There was little to choose between them in regard to the health of the emigrants. Both bounty and 政府 ships 苦しむd a good 取引，協定 from sickness on board, and several had to be 検疫d on arrival. [86] The mortality on 政府 ships during the voyage was いっそう少なく than on bounty ships, the 普通の／平均（する）存在 six per cent. of deaths as compared with eight per cent. [87] But 政府移住証明するd much more expensive than bounty 移住. Under the latter system the cost of 移住 was いっそう少なく by ｣4. per 長，率いる, or 21 per cent., than under the former system; while, if the 質 of the emigrants and the number of children sent were taken into account, the advantage was still greater. [88] For this 推論する／理由 the colonists 自然に preferred the bounty system, and Gipps was 納得させるd by experience that they were 権利. [89] He wished that, if possible, both systems should be continued, because he thought that each was necessary to 供給（する） the 需要・要求する for 労働 in the 植民地; but, in 見解（をとる） of the expense of 政府移住, he recommended, at the end of 1839, that it should be discontinued unless its cost could be 減ずるd. [90] Without waiting for an answer to this request, however, he took a step which, in the end, 事実上 led to the 停止 of 政府移住. When the practice of assignment was abandoned, and transportation was about to be 廃止するd, the 需要・要求する for 労働 became greater than ever in the 植民地. To 会合，会う this difficulty the 移民／移住委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議, in 1839, recommended that the 量 of the bounties should be raised, and, in 見解（をとる） of the 絶対の necessity of 安全な・保証するing a 供給（する） of emigrants, Gipps, though reluctantly, 同意d. [91]

Accordingly, he 問題／発行するd a 政府 notice, on the 3rd March, 1840, 改訂するing the 規則s for bounty 移住. The bounty for a married man and his wife was 増加するd from ｣30 to ｣38, and those for children and unmarried men and women were raised in the same 割合. As before, unmarried women were 適格の only if travelling under the 保護 of a married couple, and unmarried men only if an equal number of unmarried women were brought out in this way at the same time. The class of emigrants 要求するd consisted of 農業の labourers, shepherds, carpenters, bricklayers, masons, and 女性（の）国内の and farm servants. No bounty was to be paid on any emigrant until 認可するd by a board 任命するd by the 植民地の政府. Those who wished to engage in the 商売／仕事 of bounty 移住 were to 適用する to the 植民地の政府 for 許可; and the bounty orders thus 認めるd were only 利用できる within two years from their date. [92]

In January, 1840, a most important step, to which some 言及／関連 has already been made, [93] was taken by the Home 政府 in 任命するing a Board of Land and 移住 Commissioners to take the place of the South Australian Commissioners and of the スパイ／執行官-General for 移住. The credit of the 即座の change is 予定 to James Stephen, who, when the South Australian Commissioners requested remuneration for their services, took the 適切な時期 to consider the whole question of the 管理／経営 of land-sales and 移住. He 提案するd to 強固にする／合併する／制圧する Elliot's 設立 with that of the South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, which were "the 正確な相当するものs of one another;" to 任命する three commissioners; and to 大きくするかなり their sphere of 活動／戦闘. He 設立する that the two offices and their スパイ／執行官s had indulged in an "unseemly and injurious 競争" for emigrants; and 示唆するd that the 手段 would mean a かなりの saving of money and a 広大な／多数の／重要な増加する of efficiency. Also it "would go far to 満足させる the 需要・要求するs of Mr. 区 and his associates on this 支配する," besides 存在 an effectual answer to the 需要・要求する for salaries on the part of the eight 未払いの South Australian Commissioners. [94]

Lord John Russell 可決する・採択するd the 提案, and accordingly on the 14th January, 1840, he 任命するd as 植民地の Land and 移住 Commissioners Mr. T. F. Elliot, 陸軍大佐 Torrens, and Mr. Edward Villiers. At the same time he gave them 指示／教授／教育s which, Charles Buller said in 1843, 含む／封じ込めるd "an admirable 見解（をとる） of the general 義務s of a 政府 in 尊敬（する）・点 to 植民地化." [95] The commissioners were to 行為／法令／行動する as South Australian Commissioners, but, in 新規加入, they were to be a general board to manage the sale of land, and to 促進する移住 in other 植民地s. In this latter capacity their 義務s were fourfold. First, the collection and diffusion of 正確な統計に基づく（警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） as to the さまざまな植民地s. Secondly, the sale in 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain of waste lands in the 植民地s. Thirdly, the 使用／適用 of the proceeds of such sales in 移住. Fourthly, the （判決などを）下すing of accounts of their 行政 of the land 基金. Russell laid it 負かす／撃墜する that 植民地の waste lands were "held in 信用, not 単に for the 存在するing colonists, but for the people of the British Empire collectively." In the British North American 植民地s the commissioners were to have no 力／強力にする of selling lands, and their 義務s in those 植民地s were その結果制限するd. But the Australian 植民地s formed the 主要な／長／主犯 field for their 操作／手術s. They were given 力／強力にする to 契約 for the sale of lands there, and to use the proceeds in 移住, except in so far as they might be 要求するd for 圧力（をかける）ing 地元の needs. In the 植民地s where there was no 歳入 for 移住 the commissioners were to 演習 a general superintendence over 移住. [96]

The Board was not finally 廃止するd until 1878, and in the 合間 it carried on a work of very 広大な／多数の／重要な importance. [97]

Without detracting from the 長所 of Stephen's 提案, it is （疑いを）晴らす that to Wakefield is 予定 the 長，指導者長所 for this 手段, which even more definitely than the 任命 of Elliot, made 移住 a department of 政府. He had shown the way by his 就任（式）／開始 of a land and 移住（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 for South Australia. In 1836 he had 勧めるd the 任命 of a general Board to を取り引きする these 事柄s, and had 説得するd the Waste Lands 委員会 of that year to recommend his 提案. It was the first instalment of his system in Australia which created the 補助装置d 移住 to those 植民地s, and made it necessary for the 政府 to assume its 支配（する）／統制する and direction. Finally, he had repeated his 推薦, in 1839, in his 報告（する）／憶測 on 栄冠を与える Lands and 移住 in Canada, and his conclusive 推論する／理由ing had 納得させるd Lord Durham.

After the raising of the bounties, Gipps 問題／発行するd bounty orders throughout 1840 in a lavish manner, so that, on October 31st of that year, the 植民地の政府 was 誓約（する）d to 支払う／賃金 bounties to the 量 of ｣979,562 on the arrival, within two years, of 71,315 emigrants. He apprehended no inconvenience from this large 問題／発行する, as he considered it impossible that such a number of people could arrive within the given time. [98] The 即座の影響 of these orders was a 広大な／多数の／重要な増加する in bounty 移住, and the Land and 移住 Commissioners, finding that more emigrants were going to New South むちの跡s than the whole 概算の量 of 利用できる歳入 would 支払う／賃金 for, were 軍隊d to 中止する sending 政府移住 ships. [99] In 見解（をとる） of this. Lord John Russell decided to give bounty 移住 a その上の裁判，公判 under the superintendence of the Commissioners. They were to arrange for the 査察 of ships and emigrants, and, if all proper 条件s were 従うd with, were to 問題／発行する to the master of the ship a 証明書 to that 影響, without which no bounty was to be paid. [100]

Gipps' zeal for 移住, however, outran the means at his 処分. に向かって the end of 1840 he 挿入するd 条件s in the bounty orders to the 影響 that their 支払い（額） was 条件付きの on the 植民地の政府 having 基金s to 会合，会う them; [101] but he にもかかわらず continued to 問題／発行する orders during the 早期に part of 1841, so that in March of that year the 植民地の政府 was liable to 支払う／賃金｣1,175,471 for the 輸入 of 84,925 emigrants, a fact which the 知事 noticed without comment. At this time, too, New South むちの跡s was 苦しむing from a 厳しい商業の危機 and the 領収書s from land sales which, in 1840, had 量d to over ｣300,000 were 速く減少（する）ing. [102] At length Gipps took alarm, and, in 見解（をとる） of the diminution or the land 基金 and the 広大な／多数の／重要な influx of emigrants, he 控訴，上告d to Russell in November, 1841, to check 移住 to New South むちの跡s. [103] Russell, before the arrival of this request, had 厳しく非難d Gipps for his unauthorized 訴訟／進行s in 問題／発行するing so many bounty orders, and had forbidden him to 問題／発行する any more. [104] At the same time the Commissioners had taken steps to put a stop to bounty 移住, by a notice to the 影響 that no bounty would be payable for any emigrant leaving after November 1st, 1841. [105] Throughout 1842 bounty 移住 was therefore 一時停止するd, [106] although emigrants who had sailed before November, 1841, arrived in New South むちの跡s during the 早期に part of the year.

As a system of 供給するing a 正規の／正選手供給（する） of efficient 労働 to New South むちの跡s bounty 移住 had some serious faults. Bounty スパイ／執行官s were under no 約束／交戦 to bring out the emigrants for whom they had 得るd orders. The 植民地の政府, on the other 手渡す, was bound to 支払う／賃金 for all those who might be introduced under the orders. There was no certainty, therefore, that a 正規の／正選手供給（する） of 労働 would be introduced; while the 植民地の政府, having in this way undertaken 激しい義務／負債s, was 妨げるd from 供給するing 移住 in any other way. Bounty 移住 was 不安定な and uncertain, operating to embarrass the 政府 while 重さを計るing lightly on the 相場師s who 貿易（する）d in orders. [107] Nor did the system 確実にする that the emigrants would be of the class 要求するd in the 植民地. Only those who followed 確かな占領／職業s, men and women in equal numbers, married couples and 選び出す／独身 women travelling under their 保護, and all of good character, were 手配中の，お尋ね者 by the colonists. 一般に speaking, they 得るd the class of emigrants which they 要求するd, although there were a 広大な／多数の／重要な number of exceptions; while some of the evils which had been 流布している in the earlier years of 補助装置d 移住 again occurred. This latter 声明, however, is true only of the years 1841 and 1842; for there was little （民事の）告訴 of the emigrants who arrived before the raising of the bounties 原因（となる）d a sudden 急ぐ to 推測する in bounty orders, and a consequent flood of emigrants into the 植民地. The 証明書s given by the commissioners that all proper 条件s had been 従うd with in the 選択 of emigrants and in the shipping 手はず／準備, was not a very useful check. [108] 詐欺s and 偽造s were not uncommonly committed by emigrants and bounty スパイ／執行官s in their 成果／努力s to 避ける the 規則s. [109] This 回避適用するd 特に to the 規則 which 供給するd that 選び出す／独身 women should travel only as members of a family party. [110] No very 広大な／多数の／重要な care was 演習d in the 選択 of the women, and in one or two 事例／患者s 売春婦s were sent, though in nothing like the numbers which arrived on the 女性（の） emigrant ships of 1832 and 1833. [111] The 手はず／準備 on board ship were not always good. There were a few 事例／患者s where 準備／条項s and water were bad in 質 and scanty in 量. [112] Many （民事の）告訴s were 正確に，正当に made of the 行為／行う of masters and 外科医s に向かって the emigrants. [113] The 外科医s on the whole were men of indifferent ability, [114] and there was a かなりの量 of sickness on board the emigrant ships. [115] The troubles of the emigrants were not at an end when they reached the 植民地. Although the 大多数 were quickly 吸収するd, some of the women who had come out 名目上 under the 保護 of married couples were left for a while without 避難所 or 雇用. In this 緊急 a 私的な philanthropist 補足（する）d the work of the 植民地の政府. Mrs. Caroline Chisholm, wife of Captain Chisholm of the マドラス Army, who arrived in Sydney in 1839, disinterestedly 労働d to 設立する倉庫・駅s throughout the country for the newly-arrived emigrants, and to give them 避難所 and 保護 until suitable 状況／情勢s could be 設立する for them. [116]

Although it was not possible for the 植民地の政府, under the 存在するing system, to 妨げる the 移住 of those who did not 控訴 the needs of the 植民地, nor indeed to 監督する the 手はず／準備 for their 選択 and during the voyage, yet they could, and did, 辞退する to 支払う／賃金 bounties. [117] A strict 調査 was made into the circumstances of each emigrant ship which arrived in the 植民地 by 移住 Boards 任命するd by the 植民地の政府. Where 証拠 was 設立する that there had been ill-治療, sickness, 欠如（する） of proper 準備／条項s, 詐欺, or misrepresentations as to the character of the emigrants, bounties were withheld in whole or in part. [118] How strict were the 調査s may be seen from the fact that bounties were 辞退するd on 1,112 persons out of 24,350 bounty emigrants arriving in New South むちの跡s during 1841 and 1842. [119]

In 関係 with the 支配する of land sales and 移住, the 連合した questions once more arose in New South むちの跡s as to what money should be spent in 移住, and who should 支配（する）／統制する the land 歳入.

In 1838, the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s had 示唆するd the advisability of raising a 貸付金 for 移住, but Gipps had …に反対するd it on the 得点する／非難する／２０ of the difficulty of 持続するing economy in the 中央 of the fictitious wealth which would be thus produced. [120] They 新たにするd the 推薦 in 1839, and then 設立する Gipps ready to agree, though "with the greatest possible 不本意." [121] But the Home 政府 were 堅固に …に反対するd to the 政策 of a 貸付金, [122] and, although the suggestion was repeated by the 会議 in each year from 1838 to 1842, it was not 可決する・採択するd. [123]

Another method, however, of 供給するing money was more successful. In 1841 Gipps recommended the 問題／発行する of debentures, in 見解（をとる） of the 広大な／多数の／重要な需要・要求するs made on the 植民地の財務省 for the 支払い（額） of bounty orders. Accordingly, with the concurrence of the 法律を制定する会議, he 問題／発行するd in 1842 debentures to the 量 of ｣49,000, and subsequently 得るd the 是認 of the Home 政府 for his 活動／戦闘. [124]

But the greater part of the money used in 移住 during this period （機の）カム, as before, from the proceeds of the sale of lands. This income, during the five years ending with 1840, had 普通の／平均（する）d over ｣160,000 a year—reaching as much as ｣300,000 in 1840; [125] and the greater part was spent in 移住. All the colonists of New South むちの跡s were now agreed that to this 反対する should be 充てるd as much of the 基金 as possible. [126] All 対立 to this part of the Wakefield system had long ago gone. The 移民／移住委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議 in 1840, wrote of "those two 広大な／多数の／重要な中心存在s of 植民地の繁栄, the sale of land, and the just 使用／適用 of the proceeds to the 昇進／宣伝 of 移住." [127] For some years previous to 1840 the land 基金 had been drawn on for the ordinary expenses of 政府 when it was 設立する impossible to keep the ordinary 支出 within the 歳入. [128] This was, in 1840 and in 1841, made a 事柄 of 抗議する by Molesworth and Grote in the House of ありふれたs. [129] But during 1841 and 1842, when the land sales suddenly dropped, first to ｣90,000, and then to ｣15,000, a かなりの量 of the ordinary 歳入 was spent in 移住. [130] The result was that, by the end of 1842, out of a land 基金 of ｣1,090,000, 得るd in the years 1832 to 1842, a sum of ｣950,000 had been spent in 移住. Since, however, the land 基金 had been 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d with the expenses of its sale and 調査する, and the 保護 of aborigines, 量ing in all to ｣260,000, no いっそう少なく than ｣120,000 of the ordinary 歳入 had been 充てるd to 移住. [131]

In 1838, when this large 支出 on 移住 had not yet taken place, the 法律を制定する会議 had 示唆するd that the land 基金 should be 排他的に適用するd to this 目的. [132] But, as Gipps pointed out, their 反対する probably was to 軍隊 the Home 政府 to 再開する the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s for police and gaols which had been laid on the 植民地の歳入 in 1834. [133] Indeed, the agitation for the 除去 of these 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s was, throughout the whole period, unsuccessfully carried on by the 法律を制定する会議. The 財務省, in 1838, took their stand on the "general 原則 that 支出 incurred in and for the 利益 of the 植民地 ought, whenever practicable, to be defrayed out of the 植民地の歳入;" and deliberately 辞退するd to relieve the 植民地. [134] To the later 抗議するs that these 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s were more than the 植民地 could 耐える, and that the land 基金 was 苦しむing, they replied that the 植民地の政府, with economy, might easily 会合，会う its expenses out of ordinary 歳入, and leave the land 基金解放する／自由な for 移住. [135] Whatever may be thought of the 司法（官） of their 政策, the 財務省's 論争 was 井戸／弁護士席設立するd. The 量 of these 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s had 増加するd from ｣26,000 in 1835, to ｣60,000 in 1838, and to over ｣100,000 in 1839. [136] In 1841, Gipps 試みる／企てるd to make each 地区 of the 植民地支払う／賃金 its own police and gaol expenses; and introduced into the 法律を制定する会議 a 法案 for that 目的 which was 拒絶するd then, and again in 1842. [137] But the 植民地 had so 栄えるd, and the ordinary 歳入 had so 増加するd, that, as the 人物／姿／数字s of 移住支出 above 引用するd show, the 植民地の政府 was able to 会合，会う these 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s, and yet to 充てる almost the whole of the land 歳入 to 移住.

The other question as to who should 支配（する）／統制する the land 歳入 did not give much trouble. にもかかわらず the very strong 宣言 as to the 権利s of the 栄冠を与える含む／封じ込めるd in Lord Glenelg's despatch of July 10th, 1835, [138] the colonists, during Gipps' first year of office, 主張するd that the 権利 to appropriate this 歳入 had been 譲歩するd to the 知事 and 会議 in 1834, and that it had been 認めるd by Bourke. Gipps, however, stoutly 持続するd that the 栄冠を与える alone 所有するd this 権利, and his position was not again 本気で challenged. [139]

The success of the system of land sales and 移住 in New South むちの跡s, and in the 設立するing of South Australia, gave rise to several 事業／計画（する）s of 植民地化 on 類似の lines. In 1839 a 委員会 of men of the North of England wished to colonize part of Port Phillip by 購入（する）ing land there from the Home 政府, and sending out 植民／開拓者s. The Home 政府, however, replied to their request, that the land in question formed part of the 植民地 of New South むちの跡s, to whose 地元の政府 belonged the 決定／判定勝ち（する） as to the expediency of selling land there. [140]

Another 投機・賭ける was the 形式 of the Australind Company, one of whose directors was Wakefield, to buy land 近づく Bunbury in Western Australia, and to form a 解決／入植地 there on the South Australian 原則. The first ship was despatched in August, 1840, land was bought, and a 解決／入植地 begun. But the cheapness of land in that 植民地借りがあるing to the earlier system of large 認めるs operated inimically; and the company was a 財政上の失敗, although a number of excellent colonists were by its means settled in Western Australia. [141]

Yet another 計画／陰謀 was that of Major Sullivan, a retired army officer 居住（者） in New South むちの跡s. In 1842 he 提案するd to 設立する a 解決／入植地 at New Caledonia, to be called Victoria in honour of the Queen. A company was to be formed, under 王室の借り切る／憲章, with a 資本／首都 of ｣3,000,000, to buy land from the 栄冠を与える at 5s. per acre, and to use the proceeds in Asiatic or 罪人／有罪を宣告する移住 until 解放する／自由な Europeans became acclimatized. The 植民地の Office rightly 解任するd the 計画（する） as "visionary and impracticable"; and it is worthy of notice 単独で as illustrating how Wakefield's 原則 of land sales and 補助装置d 移住 had by this time become part of the 在庫／株-in-貿易（する） of every new 植民地 promoter. [142]

Throughout this period the systematic colonizers did not relax their 成果／努力s to get the Wakefield system more 堅固に設立するd in Australia. The 長，指導者 point on which they now concentrated their attention was the necessity for permanency, both of the system of land sales, and the devotion of the proceeds to 移住. One of their earliest 反対s to the Ripon 規則s had been that they were 持続するd 簡単に by the 当局 of the 国務長官, and might be as easily 孤立した. Another 反対 had been that there was no 保証（人） that the whole or a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 割合 of the proceeds would be used in 移住. [143] They therefore recommended that the whole system should be 規制するd by an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会, which should lay 負かす／撃墜する the 原則 of sale at a uniform price as the 単独の method of alienation of land, and, at the same time, 定める／命ずる that the whole of the proceeds were to be used in 移住. In 新規加入, they 勧めるd the 任命 of a central board, which should 支配（する）／統制する both land sales and 移住. In 1839, H. G. 区, supported by Molesworth and Buller, moved 決意／決議s in the House of ありふれたs 断言するing the 原則s of the Wakefield system, and making these 推薦s. Lord Howick gave his support to these 原則s, though he was careful to 示す his preference for auction, and the 政府広報担当者, Labouchere, was not unfavourable. [144]

That part of their 推薦s relating to the 任命 of a central board was, as has already been noticed, carried out, in 1840, by the 形式 of the Board of 植民地の Land and 移住 Commissioners; but it was not until 1842 that the 政府 introduced a 法案 which, in the main, gave 影響 to the 残り／休憩（する） of their 提案s. This 法案, which became the Australian Waste Lands 行為／法令／行動する of 1842, passed through both Houses with surprisingly little discussion, the only important speech 存在 that of Lord Stanley in introducing it and explaining its 反対する. [145]

The 政府's 推論する／理由s for the 手段, as given by Stanley in the House of ありふれたs and in the circular despatch …を伴ってing the 行為／法令／行動する to the 知事s of the Australasian 植民地s, were first, to put an end to the 力／強力にする of the 国務長官 to change the system of land sales, next, to introduce uniformity amongst the Australasian 植民地s, lastly, to 設立する永久的に the 原則 on which the land 歳入 was to be expended. [146]

The 行為／法令／行動する [147] laid 負かす／撃墜する the 原則 that 植民地の waste lands, with 確かな exceptions, were to be sold by auction at a 最小限 price of ｣1 per acre, [148] which the 知事 was given the 力／強力にする to raise. [149] Lands were to be divided into three classes—town, 郊外の, and country lots [150] The first two classes might not be sold さもなければ than by auction. The third class, however, if put up for auction and remaining unsold, might be 性質の／したい気がして of by 私的な契約 at a price not いっそう少なく than the upset price or the highest price which had been 申し込む／申し出d at auction. [151] 封鎖するs of 20,000 acres or more of unsurveyed lands might also be sold by 私的な契約, if the 知事 thought fit, but again at not いっそう少なく than the upset price. [152] The expenses of 調査する, 管理／経営 and sales of land were to be a 最初の／主要な告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 on the land 歳入; and, 支配する to this 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金, the land 歳入 was to be divided into two equal parts of which one was to be 充てるd to 移住. [153] It was 特に供給するd that the 行為／法令／行動する was not to 影響する／感情 pastoral licences, nor was land held in this way to be sold until after the 満期 of the licence. [154] Finally, the 行為／法令／行動する適用するd to all the 植民地s of Australia and to New Zealand. [155] Lord Stanley 教えるd the 知事s that, of the moiety of the land 歳入 left at the discretion of the 政府, about 15 per cent., should be spent on the aborigines, a その上の部分 on public 作品, and the 残り／休憩（する） should go to the general 歳入. [156]

In its 準備／条項s as to land sales the 行為／法令／行動する was advisedly carrying out the 推薦s of the South Australian 委員会 of 1841; and, indeed, was 単に regularizing and giving 議会の当局 to the practice which, 設立するd in 1831, had been lately 直す／買収する，八百長をするd by Lord John Russell in 1841, after his short-lived 試みる／企てる to 施行する a uniform price. The 悩ますd question as to what 割合 of the land 歳入 should be spent in 移住 was now definitely settled; but the even more important question of squatting was left untouched. The 平易な system of pastoral licences 可決する・採択するd by Bourke, and continued by Gipps, still remained in 存在; [157] but 調印するs were not wanting that some changes would soon have to be made. From the point of 見解（をとる） of the 植民地の政府, while it was necessary to 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限 the 権利s of the 栄冠を与える and the 利益／興味s of the 植民地 in 取引，協定ing with the 無断占拠者s, there was the difficulty that a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of 利用できる land in the settled 地区s had been sold, and the 政府 was anxious to 得る the 歳入 from selling the land held by the 無断占拠者s. [158] Again, up to 1844, there was no 規則限界ing the area or the number of runs which a 無断占拠者 might 持つ／拘留する under one licence. For this 推論する／理由 the licence 料金s were bringing in very little 歳入, and Lord John Russell had, in 1841, asked Gipps to consider whether it were not possible to raise their 量. [159] From the point of 見解（をとる） of the 無断占拠者s their 任期 was too 不安定な, and they had already begun to agitate for 補償（金） for 改良s if dispossessed, and for that 権利 of pre-emption in buying the land they held, [160] which, when 譲歩するd in 1847, was to 原因（となる） those violent struggles which disfigure the later land history of Australia. They were （人命などを）奪う，主張するing, indeed, to 所有する a 権利 to their land greater than that of mere 占領／職業 at the 楽しみ of the 栄冠を与える. Gipps, however, had made it （疑いを）晴らす that he was unwilling to sacrifice the 利益／興味s of the 植民地 by giving the 無断占拠者s any more advantages than they enjoyed. [161]

In 1842 another important 行為／法令／行動する was passed which introduced into Australia a その上の instalment of the Wakefield system by giving to the colonists of New South むちの跡s some 手段 of self-政府. An 行為／法令／行動する of 1823 had 供給するd for the 設立 in New South むちの跡s or a 法律を制定する会議 to 補助装置 the 知事 in 法律制定. [162] This 会議 was 任命するd in 1825, and, by another 行為／法令／行動する of 1828, it was 増加するd in size and given more 力／強力にする. [163] The 会議 was a 純粋に指名された人団体／死体, 任命するd by the 栄冠を与える and consisting partly of 政府公式の／役人s, partly of 私的な植民／開拓者s. The New South むちの跡s 政府行為／法令／行動する of 1842, [164] which passed with even いっそう少なく discussion than the Waste Lands 行為／法令／行動する, for the first time introduced into that 植民地 political 代表. It 供給するd for a 法律を制定する会議 consisting of twelve members 任命するd by the 栄冠を与える, and twenty-four members elected by the colonists. [165]

By this 行為／法令／行動する an 試みる／企てる was made also to settle the long-standing 論争 in the 植民地 over the expenses of police and gaols. A system of 地元の政府 was to be introduced and 地区会議s 設立するd, which were to have 力／強力にする to 供給する, の間の alia, the means of defraying one-half of these expenses. [166] This 計画／陰謀, however, 証明するd an entire 失敗. [167]

How far then had the Wakefield system been introduced into the Australasian 植民地s by 1842?

The first 広大な／多数の／重要な blow had been given to transportation, and, by its 廃止 in New South むちの跡s, 解放する／自由な範囲 had been 許すd for the working of the Wakefield system there. New South むちの跡s was becoming what the systematic colonizers had long 願望（する）d, a 植民地救助（する）d from the evil of convictism and 徐々に becoming more attractive to 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s, at once creating by land sales a 需要・要求する for 労働, and 供給するing the means of 会合 that 需要・要求する.

In the next place, the system of land sales and 補助装置d 移住, introduced unobtrusively in 1831 as an 実験, and 試験的に continued since then with such alterations as theory and experience had dictated, was, by 1842, 可決する・採択するd as the most suitable for the needs of the Australasian 植民地s, and given a more 耐えるing basis in an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会. The time of 実験 was over, and the Wakefield system as 修正するd by 地元の experience was definitely 設立するd by 法律.

Then, too, a central board had at length been 任命するd to 支配（する）／統制する both the sale of lands and the 管理／経営 of 移住.

Lastly, the very important step had been taken of introducing political 代表 into two of the Australian 植民地s, and from that time the 移行 to responsible 政府, even if long deferred, was 必然的な.

On the whole there can be no 疑問 that some of the 原則s of the Wakefield system, though 大部分は修正するd, had, by 1842, received a remarkably 十分な現実化 in practice in the Australasian 植民地s. While its general 原則s were thus in part 譲歩するd, its practical value as a system of 植民地化 was 認めるd. The land 規則s certainly did not 具体的に表現する the doctrine of a 十分な price which was the keystone of the Wakefield theory on its 経済的な味方する. ｣1 per acre was never at any time 認める by Wakefield to be 十分な to check dispersion and to 妨げる labourers from becoming landowners too soon. Again, the method of auction was 保持するd for most 目的s, and, although Wakefield was 軍隊d to 収容する／認める its value in special 事例／患者s, he by no means abandoned his 対立 to any but a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd and uniform price. In practice, however, the 準備／条項 that lands remaining unsold at auction might be 性質の／したい気がして of at the 最小限 upset price, 譲歩するd the 原則 of a uniform price. Although the systematic colonizers preferred, too, that the whole of the proceeds of land-sales should be 充てるd to 移住, Wakefield, at least, was 性質の／したい気がして to 収容する／認める that his system might work if a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 割合 was 配分するd to this 目的. His 論争 that colonists should be 井戸／弁護士席 selected had been borne in mind. かなりの care was 演習d in the 選択 of emigrants to Australia, and a 予定割合 between the sexes was 観察するd.

無断占拠者s were left in the same favourable position, and all that had been done up to 1842 to give them 平易な接近 to the waste lands of the 栄冠を与える, would have had Wakefield's entire 是認.

Considering, however, that the theory arose in the brain of one unconnected with the 植民地s and without experience of their 地元の条件s, the system of 植民地化 which he 支持するd was 可決する・採択するd with surprisingly little modification. No 疑問 those who put it into practice did so for 推論する／理由s which would not have commended themselves to Wakefield. The 目的（とする） of those who 治めるd the system of land-sales, 特に of Gipps, seems to have been to raise as much money as possible for 移住, and to this Wakefield would never have 同意d. But, if the Wakefield system is taken on its 経済的な味方する to be 単に a practical means of colonizing by selling waste land, and using a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 割合 of the proceeds in 補助装置d 移住, it had been 井戸／弁護士席設立するd in all the Australasian 植民地s by 1842.

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 X.

1 Molesworth, in the House of ありふれたs, 1839. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xlviii, p. 884. Buller, ibid., 1840, Vol. liii, p. 1302.

2 Molesworth 得るd his 委員会 through Lord John Russell. He says that he would not approach Lord Glenelg, then 長，率いる of the 植民地の Office, because of "the proverbial 不決断 and supineness of that 大臣." Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xli, pp. 490-1.

3 First 報告（する）／憶測 and Minutes of 証拠. Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xix; Final 報告（する）／憶測 and Minutes of 証拠. Ibid., 1837-8, Vol. xxii. This latter 報告（する）／憶測 is reprinted as an 虫垂 to the Selected Speeches of Sir William Molesworth, edited by Professor Egerton, 1903.

7 See the 嘆願（書） enclosed in Gipps to Glenelg, July 18th, 1838, in Paper No. 76, Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xxxiv, p. 551. See also the 決意／決議s of the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s on 移民／移住, Oct. 23rd, 1840. Enclosed in Gipps to Russell, Oct. 25th, 1840, Paper No. 308, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 287.

8 Glenelg to Bourke, May 26th, 1837. No. 42 of 虫垂 D to the Transportation 報告（する）／憶測. Bourke to Glenelg, Nov. 22nd, 1837, ibid.

11 Russell to Gipps, July 6th, 1840. No. 8 of Paper No. 412, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 341; see also 報告（する）／憶測 of the 移民／移住委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s, enclosed in Gipps to Russell, Aug. 26th, 1841. No. 22 of Paper No. 301, Acc. and Pap., 1842, Vol. xxxi, p. 49; and Gipps to Normanby, Nov. 23rd, 1839. C.O. 201/288.

12 See Charles Buller in the House of ありふれたs, 1840. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. liii, p. 1301. 植民地の Gazette, Oct. 16th, 1839.

13 Good 簡潔な／要約する accounts will be 設立する in Jenks, History of the Australasian 植民地s, 1912, 3rd Ed., Chap. viii; Garnett, E. G. Wakefield, 1898, Chap. V. Much （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） as to the 明言する／公表する of New Zealand and the doings of the New Zealand Company is 含む／封じ込めるd in the 報告（する）／憶測s of the 委員会 of the House of Lords on New Zealand, 1838, Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxi, p. 327; Select 委員会s on New Zealand, 1840, Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. vii, p. 447; 1844, Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xiii.

16 See the 長，率いるs of 法案 sent to Lord Melbourne by H. G. 区. Enclosed in Melbourne to Glenelg, June 14th, 1837. C.O. 209/2.

18 When the 長，率いるs of the 提案するd 法案 were sent to Lord Melbourne by H. G. 区, Melbourne sent them on to Lord Glenelg, who submitted them to Stephen. The latter, a 支持者 of the Missionaries and an 対抗者 of the "self-supporting 原則," raised two 反対s which seemed to him conclusive. "First, it 提案するs the 取得／買収 of a 主権，独立 in New Zealand which would infallibly 問題／発行する in the conquest and the extermination of the 現在の inhabitants. Secondly, these suggestions are so vague and so obscure as to 反抗する all 解釈／通訳. The writers are plainly the 犠牲者s of Mr. 区's monomania, and beyond his self-supporting 原則 have not, as far as I can perceive, any 際立った perception of their own meaning." Memorandum, June 16th, 1837. C.O. 209/2.

19 The 原則s, 反対するs, and 計画（する） of the New Zealand 協会診察するd, 1837; a 私的な小冊子 of 公式文書，認めるs for the deputation from the C.M.S. to the 植民地の Office, 1837.

22 Glenelg to Durham, Dec. 29th, 1837. 虫垂 No. 8 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on New Zealand. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. vii, p. 447.

23 Glenelg to Durham, Dec. 29th, 1837. 虫垂 No. 8 to 報告（する）／憶測 of Select 委員会 on New Zealand. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. vii, p. 447.

25 W. White to E. G. Wakefield, Jan. 4th, 1838. C.O. 209/3; Glenelg to Durham, Jan. 12th, 1838. C.O. 406/1.

26 Durham to Glenelg, Dec. 30th, 1837. 虫垂 No. 8 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on New Zealand, 1840. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. vii, p. 447.

28 審議 on 動議 for leave to introduce the 法案. Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. xliii, p. 542. 審議 on second reading, ibid., pp. 871-82.

29 Labouchere to Standish Motte, March 11th, 1839. No. 5 of Correspondence 親族 to New Zealand. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 507. James Stephen showed where the trouble lay when he wrote: "The real difficulty of 遂行する／発効させるing this 事業／計画（する） consisted and I think still consists in 得るing a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of 指名するs of directors, etc., which would 武装解除する the 対立 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な missionary societies—an 対立 which would 証明する致命的な to any 事業／計画（する） of colonizing New Zealand." Memorandum of March 15th, 1839. C.O. 209/4.

30 Normanby to Hobson, Aug. 14th, 1839. No. 16 of Correspondence 親族 to New Zealand. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 507.

32 The distance of Australia from 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain at this time may be realized from the fact that Gipps' voyage to Sydney lasted 131 days. Gipps to Glenelg, Feb. 26th, 1838. C.O. 201/272.

33 Goderich to Bourke, July 10th, 1831. No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1831, Vol. xix, p. 113.

34 Torrens to Glenelg, Oct. 12th, 1836; Stephen to the 植民地化 Commissioners, Oct. 27th, 1836. 虫垂 G to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Transportation 委員会. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxii.

36 "The 反対する of the change of system introduced by Lord Ripon was to 治療（薬） the 広大な／多数の／重要な want of 労働 which was at that time complained of in the 植民地, by 供給するing the pecuniary means of 補助装置ing 移住, and at the same time 妨げるing the undue dispersion of the emigrants. The result has been to 反駁する the arguments with which the change of system was 初めは …に反対するd, and 完全に to 正当化する the 原則 on which Lord Ripon's 規則s were based. In order, however, to give 十分な影響 to that 原則, it is 不可欠の that the price of land should now be かなり raised." Glenelg to Gipps, Aug. 9th, 1838, No. 6 of Paper No. 536-I, Acc. and Pap., 1839, VoL xxxix, p. 371.

39 報告（する）／憶測 of the 委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議 of New South むちの跡s, Dec. 14th, 1841, enclosed in No. 23 of Paper No. 323, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

40 Gipps to Glenelg, Feb. 20th, 1839. No. i of Paper No. 627. Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxiv, p. 315.

41 2 Vict. No. 27 (N.S.W.). Printed in No. 37 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

42 New South むちの跡s 政府 Gazette, May 22nd, 1839, enclosure 2 in No. 3 of Paper No. 627. Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxiv, p. 315.

43 The 地区s were Port Macquarie, New England, Liverpool Plains, Bligh, Wellington, Lachlan, Murrumbidgee, Monaroo, and Port Phillip. Ibid.

44 指示／教授／教育s to the Commissioners, Jan. 14th, 1840. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 7.

45 Commissioners to Russell, Jan. 28th, 1840. No. i of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69. See also their letter of July 17th, 1841, enclosed in No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

47 Gipps to Glenelg, June 2nd, 1838, enclosed in No. 2 of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69.

49 Russell to Gipps, May 31st, 1840. No. i of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 393.

50 Commissioners to Stephen, Aug, 3rd, 1840, and enclosure. No. 8 of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69.

51 Gipps to Russell, June 30th, 1840. No. i of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 185. Gipps to Normanby, Dec. 10th, 1839, No. 5 of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69.

52 Memorandum in No. 5 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367. In this he 労働d under the ありふれた mistake that Wakefield's 十分な price was ーするつもりであるd to 適用する to any but 農業の lands, or to 影響する／感情 any but agriculturists, Wakefield never ーするつもりであるd to 妨げる any dispersion of pastoralists, but rather encouraged it.

55 Gipps to Russell, Dec. 19th, 1840. No. 2, ibid. See also Gipps to Russell, Jan. 10th, 1841. C.O. 201/306.

56 Memorandum of 1840. See also La Trobe to Gipps, Feb. 1st, 1841. Enclosure to No. i of Paper No. 180, Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxv, p. 1.

57 This 分割 was important because it foreshadowed the later 分離 of the Port Phillip 地区 as Victoria, and the Moreton Bay 地区 as Queensland.

58 Gipps to Russell, Dec. 19th, 1840, and enclosed Notice of Dec. 5th, 1840. No. 2 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

59 Gipps to Russell, Feb. 1st, 1841. No. 15, ibid. Memorandum of 1840. See also La Trobe to Gipps, Feb. 1st, 1841. Enclosure 1 to No. 1. Paper No. 180, Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxv, p. 1.

61 See his letter to La Trobe, Feb. 8th, 1841. Enclosed in Gipps' despatch of Feb. 23rd, 1841. Ibid.

62 政府 Notice, March 4th, 1841. Enclosed in Gipps to Russell, No. 64. C.O. 201/308.

63 Gipps to Russell, Feb. 23rd, 1841. C.O. 201/307. When he received this 知能 and notice of the 規則s 可決する・採択するd, Lord John Russell 認可するd of Gipps' 活動／戦闘. Russell to Gipps, Aug. 28th, 1841. C.O. 202/43.

64 報告（する）／憶測 of 移民／移住委員会, 1840. Enclosed in Paper No. 241, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 255. 決意／決議s of the 会議, enclosed in Gipps to Russell, Oct. 25th, 1840. Paper No. 308, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 287, 報告（する）／憶測 of 委員会 of 会議, 1841, enclosure i in No. 23 of Paper No. 323, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

65 La Trobe to the 植民地の長官, Feb. 1st, 1841. Enclosure to No. 10 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

67 James Stephen commented on the memorandum, May 7th, 1841: "This is a very remarkable paper—a 肉親，親類d of 勝利 of 地元の観察, strong sense and practised ability over mere plausible 憶測s. I think it would be difficult to 持続する any longer the uniform price system, even had it not さもなければ been shaken." C.O. 201/300.

68 Russell to Gipps, May 18th, 1841. No. 6 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

69 Russell to Gipps, Aug. 21st, 1841, and 付加指示／教授／教育s of same date. No. 11 and enclosure. Ibid. This latter 準備／条項 did not 適用する to pastoral lands held by licence.

70 Russell to Gipps, Feb. 18th, 1841. No. 14, ibid. These special 調査するs in New South むちの跡s were different from those in South Australia, where, on 支払い（額） of the price of 4,000 acres, anyone might 需要・要求する the 調査する of 15,000 acres out of which he might select his land. See Chap. viii.

72 Bourke to Glenelg, June 17th, 1837. No. 32 of 虫垂 B to 報告（する）／憶測 of Transportation 委員会. Acc. and Pap., 1837-8, Vol. xxii; Sept. 8th, 1837. No. 34, ibid.

76 Gipps to Glenelg, Aug. 22nd, 1838, and 記念の of Mr. J. Mackay, April 4th, 1838. C.O. 201/275.

77 報告（する）／憶測 of 移民／移住委員会, 1841. Enclosed in No. 22 of Paper No. 301, Acc. and Pap., 1842, Vol. xxxi, p. 49. See also Gipps to Russell, Sept. 13th, 1841, No. 12, ibid. Wakefield's 態度 on the question of introducing coloured 労働 into Australia is 価値（がある）公式文書，認めるing. In a postscript to the Letter from Sydney, p. 202, he recommended the Chinese as most useful 移民，移住（する）s for Australia. When, too, the gold 発見s of 1850-1 were agitating Victoria, and 製図／抽選 away 労働 from 農業の and pastoral 産業s, he 示唆するd that the land 基金 should be used in 輸入するing Chinese under 契約 to work as pastoral labourers. See his letters to the 観客, Oct. 4th, 1851, May 15th and 22nd, 1852. This was a curious suggestion in 見解（をとる） of the fact that those Chinese who did arrive in Victoria at the time were attracted to the diggings やめる as much as European emigrants. Also the Chinese as a 支配する, in Australia, have been 占領するd in 農業の rather than pastoral 産業s.

79 See the 事例／患者s of the John Barry and the Adam 宿泊する. Bourke to Glenelg, July 27th, 1837. C.O. 201/261, and Glenelg to Bourke, March 23rd, 1837. No. 5 of Acc. and Pap., 1837, Vol. xliii, p. 101. See also Gipps to Glenelg, Oct. 3rd, 1838. C.O. 201/276.

80 See his 報告（する）／憶測 Aug. 10th, 1839, enclosed in No. 10 of Paper No. 536-I, Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xxxix, p. 371.

81 Elliot's 報告（する）／憶測, 1839. See also Elliot to Stephen, July 10th, 1837. C.O. 384/42.

82 Elliot to Stephen, Oct. 28th, 1837. C.O. 384/42. Franklin to Russell, May 22nd, 1840. No. i (V.D.'s L.) of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 185. Commissioners to Stephen, May 6th, 1842. Enclosure No. I in No. 4 (V.D.'s L.), Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

83 See the Return of 移住 to 先頭 Diemen's Land, Acc. and Pap., 1851, Vol. xlvi, p. 13.

85 Elliot's 報告（する）／憶測, 1839. See also Gipps' memorandum on 移住, Enclosure No. 3 in No. 33 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 567.

86 See the Despatches: Col. Snodgrass to Glenelg, Feb. 22nd, 1838, C.O. 201/271; Gipps to Glenelg, Sept. 29th, 1838, C.O. 201/275; Jan. 20th, 1839, C.O. 201/284; March 16th, 1839, C.O. 201/285; and Gipps to Russell, Feb. 13th, 1840, C.O. 201/296.

87 Elliot's 報告（する）／憶測, Aug. 14th, 1839. Enclosed in Russell to Gipps, Oct. 7th, 1840. No. 2 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 185.

88 Gipps to Normanby, Dec. 4th, 1839. Paper No. 612, Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 507. See also Gipps to Glenelg, Oct. 3rd, 1838. C.O. 201/276.

89 Gipps to Glenelg, Oct. 31st, 1838. No. 9 of Paper No. 536-I. Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xxxix, p. 371; Feb. 27th, 1839, No. 11, ibid.

90 Gipps to Normanby, Dec. 4th, 1839. Paper No. 612, Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 507.

91 Gipps to Normanby, Dec. 4th, 1839, with 報告（する）／憶測 of 移民／移住委員会. Ibid.

92 政府 Notice, March 3rd, 1840. Enclosed in Gipps to Russell, March 21st, 1840. C.O. 201/296.

94 Memorandum of Dec. 10th, 1839. C.O. 13/15. An 抽出する will serve to show his 推論する／理由 for the change. "We 大いに要求する an office which should superintend the whole 商売／仕事 of the sale of 栄冠を与える lands in the 植民地s, and 特に in Australia—a 肉親，親類d of 植民地の Board of 支持を得ようと努めるd and Forests. Such a Board would 行為／法令／行動する as 審判（をする）s on all such questions. They would be the depositaries of all （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） on the 支配する; and would afford such （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） to all applicants, or to the public 捕まらないで. They would consider of the propriety of selling lands at New Zealand, Port Essington, and other 地区s in Australia yet to be opened. To them might be 委任する／代表d the initiation, and the 派遣（する） in the first instance of all 商売／仕事 connected with 移住, 特に to the Australian 植民地s. Each of these 植民地s would then receive the same advantage and equal 保護, and this office would be relieved from a class of 義務s for the 権利発射する／解雇する of which it is certainly unqualified."

95 Speech in the House of ありふれたs, April 6th, 1843. Reprinted in Art of 植民地化, at p. 485.

96 Copy of （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限. No. 1. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 7. 指示／教授／教育 No. 2, ibid. （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限任命するing them South Australian Commissioners. No. 3, ibid.

97 虫垂 xvii to 報告（する）／憶測 of the Departmental 委員会 on 農業の解決／入植地s in British 植民地s, Vol. ii, Cd. 2979, 1906, p. 327. Acc. and Pap., 1906, Vol. lxxvi.

98 Gipps to Russell, Jan. 31st, 1841. No. 1 of Paper No. 10, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Sess. 2, Vol. iii, p. 293.

99 報告（する）／憶測, Aug. 6th, 1840. Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 69. See also 報告（する）／憶測, Sept. 14th, 1840. Enclosure to Russell to Gipps, Oct. 7th, 1840. No. 2 of Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 185.

100 Russell to Gipps, Oct. 7th, 1840. Ibid., and March 19th, 1841 C.O. 202/43.

101 Gipps to Russell, Jan. 31st, 1841. No. i of Paper No. 10, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Sess. 2, Vol. iii, p. 293; Sept. 13th, 1841, No. 11 of Paper No. 301, Acc. and Pap., 1842, Vol. xxxi, p. 49. No Bounty Orders were 問題／発行するd after Feb., 1841. Gipps to Stanley, April 2nd, 1842, No. 30 of Paper No. 323, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

102 Gipps to Russell, June 9th, 1841, C.O. 201/309; July 17th, 1841. No. 2 of Paper No. 301. Acc. and Pap., 1842, Vol. xxxi, p. 49.

104 Russell to Gipps, July 16th, 1841. No. 2 of Paper No. 10, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Sess. 2, Vol. iii, p. 293. Lord Stanley repeated this 非難 and gave 類似の orders to Gipps a few months later. Stanley to Gipps, Oct. 14th, 1841. No. I of Paper No. 301, Acc. and Pap., 1842, Vol. xxxi, p. 49.

106 Stanley to Gipps, July 29th, 1842. No. 24 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

107 Gipps to Russell, Nov. 2nd, 1841. No. 13 of Paper No. 301, Acc. and Pap., 1842, Vol. xxxi, p. 49. Speech of Sir George Gipps, Sept. 9th, 1842, enclosed in No. 4 of Paper No. 109. Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 9.

108 報告（する）／憶測 of the 移民／移住委員会, 1842. Enclosed in No. 4 of Paper No. 109. Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 9.

109 Ibid. See also Gipps to Stanley, June 26th, 1842, C.O. 201/321; July 13th, 1842, ibid.; Sept. 21st and 22nd, 1842, C.O. 201/323.

110 Gipps to Stanley, Feb. 24th, 1842. No. 28 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367. 報告（する）／憶測 of F. Merewether, 移民／移住スパイ／執行官 for New South むちの跡s, 1841. Enclosure to No. 3 of Paper No. 109. Ibid., p. 9. Gipps' Memorandum on 移民／移住, May 14th, 1842. Enclosure 3 in No. 33 of Paper No. 323. Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

111 Gipps to Stanley, Feb. 24th, 1842. No, 28 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367; June 26th, 1842, C.O. 201/321; July 13th, 1842, ibid.

113 報告（する）／憶測 of 移民／移住 Board, March 9th, 1842, enclosed in Gipps to Stanley, March 27th, 1842, C.O. 201/319. On board this ship there was "a want of order, regularity and decency," and "the 行為／行う of the 外科医 and officers was disgraceful." On another ship there was promiscuous intercourse between the sexes, encouraged by the example of most of the officers. Gipps to Stanley, June 26th, 1842, C.O. 201/321. The captain and 外科医 of another ship were tried and 宣告，判決d to six months' 監禁，拘置 for their ill-治療 of a 女性（の） emigrant. Gipps to Stanley, May 13th, 1842, C.O. 201/320.

114 Gipps to Stanley, May 3rd, 1842, C.O. 201/320. 報告（する）／憶測 of 移民／移住委員会, 1842. Enclosed in No. 4 of Paper No. 109, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 9.

115 e.g., Gipps to Stanley, May 3rd, 1842, C.O. 201/320; Sept. 30th, 1842, C.O. 201/323.

116 See the 尊敬の印 paid to her by F. Merewether, 移民／移住スパイ／執行官 for New South むちの跡s, in his 報告（する）／憶測 for 1841, Enclosure to No. 3 of Paper No. 109, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 9. For an account of her work see Samuel Sidney, The Three 植民地s of Australia, 1853, 2nd Ed., Chap. xiii.

117 In October, 1842, the Home 政府認める that the final 決定／判定勝ち（する） as to the 支払い（額） of bounties 残り／休憩（する）d with the 植民地の政府. Stanley to Gipps, Oct. 11th, 1842, C.O. 202/45.

118 See, e.g., Gipps to Stanley, Feb. 24th, 1842, and enclosure. No. 28 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367. Gipps to Stanley, No. 53, C.O. 201/319; March 27th, 1842, ibid.; June 26th, 1842, C.O. 201/321.

119 See 人物／姿／数字s of 補助装置d 移住. Enclosure in No. 41 of Paper No. 323, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367; and 人物／姿／数字s of 拒絶 of bounties. Enclosure 3 to No. 33. Ibid.

120 Gipps to Glenelg, Oct. 31st, 1838, and Enclosure. No. 9 of Paper No. 536-I, Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xxxix, p. 371.

121 Gipps to Normanby, Nov. 22nd, 1839, enclosing 決意／決議 of the 会議, C.O. 201/288.

122 Stanley to Gipps, July 29th, 1842. No. 24 of Paper No. 323, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

123 決意／決議s of the 法律を制定する会議, Oct. 23rd, 1840. Enclosure i in Gipps to Russell, Oct. 25th, 1840. Paper No. 308, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 287; Dec. 21st, 1841, Enclosure 2 in No. 23 of Paper No. 323 of 1843; Sept. 9th, 1842, Enclosure No. 2 in No. 4 of Paper No. 109, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv.

124 Gipps to Russell, Nov. 2nd, 1841, No. 13 of Paper No. 301, Acc. and Pap., 1042, Vol. xxxi, p. 49; Dec. 23rd, 1841, No. 23 of Paper No. 323, Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367; Gipps to Stanley, July 8th, 1842, No. 34, ibid.; Stanley to Gipps, July 29th, 1842, No. 24, ibid.

125 The 人物／姿／数字s are given in the Enclosure to No. 41 of Paper No. 323 of 1843.

127 報告（する）／憶測 enclosed in Gipps to Russell, Sept. 9th, 1840. Paper No. 241, Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 255.

128 Gipps' 演説（する）／住所s to the 法律を制定する会議, May 10th, 1842, enclosed in Gipps to Stanley, May 10th, 1842, C.O. 201/320; 1839, enclosure in No. i of Paper No. 627, Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxiv, p. 315.

129 Molesworth's speech, on Transportation, Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. liii, pp. 1278-9. Grote on the misapplication of the land 基金 of New South むちの跡s, ibid., Vol. lvii, pp. 598 et seq.

131 Gipps to Stanley, Sept, 23rd, 1842. No. 41 of Paper No. 323. Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

132 Gipps to Glenelg, Oct. 31st, 1838. No. 9 of Paper No. 536-I. Acc. and Pap., 1839, Vol. xxxix, p. 371.

135 Trevelyan to Stephen, June 12th, 1840. No. 4 of Acc. and Pap., 1840, Vol. xxxiii, p. 401; and Russell to Gipps, June 28th, 1840, No. 7, ibid.

136 人物／姿／数字s in Enclosure No. 2 to Gipps to Russell, Aug. 3rd, 1840, C.O. 201/298; and Gipps to Normanby, Jan. 16th, 1840, C.O. 201/295.

137 Gipps to Russell, Aug. 1st, 1840. No. 4 of Paper No. 81. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 185. Gipps to Stanley, Aug. 5th, 1842. C.O. 201/322.

140 See the letter of W. H. Burnand to the 植民地の Gazette, Jan. 5th, 1839; and the articles in the 植民地の Gazette, Jan. 12th, Feb. 16th, arid March 23rd, 1839.

141 W. Epps, Land Systems of Australasia, 1894, p. 105. W. Knight, Western Australia, 1870, pp. 62 et seq. 植民地の Gazette, Sept. 2nd, 1840.

142 Gipps to Stanley, Sept. 15th, 1842, enclosing Sullivan's 計画（する） and the prospectus of a company. See Stephen's 簡潔な／要約する memorandum on the 提案. C.O. 201/323.

145 The 審議 on the 動議 for leave to introduce the 法案占領するs about eighteen columns of Hansard. On the second reading there were only two speeches, a short one by Stanley and one of four lines by G. W. 支持を得ようと努めるd. In the House of Lords there was, によれば Hansard, no discussion on any of its 行う／開催する／段階s. (ありふれたs.) Hansard, 3rd Series, Vol. lx, pp. 76-94; Vol. lxii, pp. 498-500; Vol. lxiii, p. 475; and p. 559. (Lords), pp. 598, 881, 1236, and 1312.

146 Stanley to Gipps, Sept. 15th, 1842. No. 39 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

148 ｧｧ 2, 6 and 5. In 新規加入 to those について言及するd in the text the exceptions were lands reserved for public 目的s, and lands 認めるd to 軍の and 海軍の植民／開拓者s. ｧ 3.

153 ｧｧ 18 and 19. The other half was to be 適用するd to the public service of the 植民地.

157 The 行為／法令／行動する 2 Vic. No. 27 (N.S.W.), of 1839, had been continued by an 行為／法令／行動する of 1841, 5 Vic. No. I (N.S.W.).

158 Stanley to Gipps, Sept. 7th, 1842, and Enclosure No. 38 of Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367. Gipps' speech to the 法律を制定する会議, Sept. 9th, 1842. Enclosure in No. 6 of Paper No. 180, Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. XXXV.

159 Russell to Gipps, June 20th, 1841. No. 3 of Paper No. 180. Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxv, p. i.

160 報告（する）／憶測 of the 移民／移住委員会 of the 法律を制定する会議. Paper No. 241. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. xvii, p. 255. 記念の of Port Phillip 無断占拠者s, Feb., 1841. Enclosure 2 to No. i of Paper No. 180. Acc. and Pap., 1844, Vol. xxxv, p. i.

164 5 & 6 Vict., c. 76. The 行為／法令／行動する also 適用するd to 先頭 Diemen's Land.

165 This mixed 議会 of 指名するd and elected members had the 是認 both of Gipps and of Buller. Gipps to Glenelg, Jan. 1st, 1839, C.O. 201/284; Buller's letter to Stanley. Nov., 1841, C.O. 206/62.

一時期／支部 XI

CONCLUSION

Fourteen years of strenuous work, from 1829 to 1842, on the part of the systematic colonizers had wrought a 革命 in the 植民地化 of Australasia.

New South むちの跡s had definitely abandoned its position as a mere 罪人／有罪を宣告する解決／入植地, and had begun a new career as a 繁栄する and attractive 解放する／自由な植民地. Its 最新の offshoot, the 解決／入植地 at Port Phillip, had been formed under the system of land-sales and 補助装置d 移住 from the beginning—"a 現実化, however 欠陥のある," [1] as Wakefield called it, of his 経済的な theory, and it had 進歩d in an unparalleled fashion. A few 人物／姿／数字s will serve to show the 広大な／多数の／重要な change which had taken place in New South むちの跡s in regard to the sale of land and 移住. Under the system of land 認めるs previous to 1831, 3,344,030 acres of land had been 性質の／したい気がして of by the 栄冠を与える, [2] for which the returns had been ごくわずかの. From 1832 to 1842 no いっそう少なく than ｣1,090,583 had been received in New South むちの跡s (含むing Port Phillip) for the sale of about two million acres. [3] Of this 量 somewhat more than ｣950,000 had been spent in 移民／移住, with the result that over 50,000 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s were brought to the 植民地 during those years—on an 普通の／平均（する） nearly 5,000 per year. [4] The importance of this 即位 of 解放する／自由な colonists may be 概算の from the fact that, at the 国勢（人口）調査 of 1828, the 全住民 of New South むちの跡s was only 36,598, of whom 15,668 were 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, and 20,930 解放する／自由な. [5] 補助装置d 移住行為／法令／行動するd as a 刺激 to voluntary 移住, so that the 全住民 of New South むちの跡s, at the 国勢（人口）調査 of 1841, 量d to 128,726, of whom 26,977 were 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, and 101,749 解放する／自由な. [6] It is impossible to 過大評価する the importance of this stream of 移住 in helping to 押し寄せる／沼地 the 罪人／有罪を宣告する element and to make New South むちの跡s a 植民地 where 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s predominated. Nor, under the 影響（力） of the Wakefield theory, was this 補助装置d 移住 one of paupers. Wakefield's attacks on Wilmot Horton, and his 主張 on the necessity for careful 選択 of emigrants, and the equalization of the sexes, 妨げるd the Home 政府, in its 管理／経営 of 補助装置d 移住, from 試みる／企てるing to "shovel out paupers."

In the next place. South Australia had been 設立するd 完全に by the 成果／努力s of the systematic colonizers. Its 創立／基礎, certainly, had disappointed their 期待; the Wakefield system had not been given a fair 裁判，公判 there; the 解決／入植地 had passed through a 厳しい危機 and had cost the mother-country a 広大な／多数の／重要な取引，協定 of money. Yet the 植民地 had 生き残るd, had surmounted its worst difficulties, and was on the road to an 無傷の繁栄.

Then, too, the new and important 植民地 of New Zealand had been saved to the British Empire by the energy and 独立した・無所属活動／戦闘 of the New Zealand Company, guided by Wakefield and the systematic colonizers. This 植民地, too, was to pass through evil times, but whatever may have been thought as to the 知恵陳列する，発揮するd by the Home 政府 or the leaders of the 植民／開拓者s in the actual work of 植民地化, the 知恵 of 設立するing a British 植民地 there was never questioned.

All these 勝利s of the Wakefield theory had been won by the energy and courage with which the systematic colonizers had 追求するd their ideal of 植民地化. But, on its political 味方する, an even greater victory than these, and 影響する／感情ing other 植民地s beside the Australasian, was the 転換 of British statesmen and the British public to the doctrine of responsible 政府 for the 植民地s. A general 植民地の政策 for all homogeneous white 植民地s in temperate 地域s was in this way laid 負かす／撃墜する by the systematic colonizers, which was even then 存在試験的に put into practice, in Canada. The political 原則s underlying the Wakefield theory were already part of the general 在庫／株 of ideas of all who thought on the questions of 植民地の政府, and the relation between 植民地 and mother-country.

Indeed, the general British 態度に向かって植民地s was changing. 植民地の waste lands, which had been looked upon as useless, or as a means of rewarding 公式の／役人s and 公式の／役人 favourites, had come to be 認めるd as the 長，指導者 element of 植民地の繁栄, to be 性質の／したい気がして of only with 予定 regard to the 福利事業 of the 植民地 and the mother-country. 移住, which had been haphazard and unregulated, and had been 扱う／治療するd 単に as a means of ridding the mother-country of 黒字／過剰全住民, or of 望ましくないs, was now regarded as a means of building up 繁栄する communities, and 利益ing both them and the mother-country. The 規則 of 移住 was now considered so important as to be worthy of the attention of a department of 政府. 植民地s, too, were 中止するing to be looked upon only as a sphere for the benevolent 専制政治 of the 国務長官 and his 助言者s. It was 徐々に存在認めるd that, in さまざまな parts of the empire, 明言する／公表するs were growing up whose 国民s （人命などを）奪う，主張するd to enjoy political 権利s not materially different from those enjoyed at home. The 時代 of 植民地の self-政府 in the form of responsible 政府 was 夜明けing, and this やむを得ず原因（となる）d people at home to look upon the colonists with different 注目する，もくろむs. No longer were they to be 扱う／治療するd as a 政治上 inferior race, but as a people to whom could, in time, be ゆだねるd all the 権利s and 力／強力にするs which they would have 所有するd had they never gone abroad. Even from a social point of 見解（をとる）植民地s began to take a いっそう少なく inferior position. Now that transportation to New South むちの跡s had 中止するd, and the class of emigrants, 特に to the newer 植民地s, had 改善するd, the colonists became, in English 注目する，もくろむs, not やむを得ず inferior in social standing. Charles Buller 表明するd this change in peculiarly English language when he said, in 1843, that "a 植民地の career is now looked upon as one of the careers open to a gentleman." [7]

The systematic colonizers had fought against 激しい半端物s. Wakefield had first to 納得させる a small 禁止（する）d of 信奉者s, then to lay 包囲 to the 植民地の Office. Even after his 初期の success it was only by his persistence, ingenuity, and 広大な／多数の／重要な力／強力にする of personal 説得／派閥, that he was enabled to carry on the （選挙などの）運動をする against the 無関心／冷淡 of the public and the 敵意, avowed or unavowed, of some of the 植民地の Office 大臣s and 公式の／役人s. Step by step his indefatigable energy and the cogency of his arguments had 敗北・負かすd 敵意を持った attacks, dispelled 無関心／冷淡, and 乱すd the sloth of the 植民地の Office, with the result that his system had been put more and more into practice in the older 設立するd 植民地s of Australia. In 設立するing the two new 植民地s of South Australia and New Zealand, he 達成するd a 部分的な／不平等な success in the 直面する of 広大な／多数の／重要な difficulties. Not only had he to 説得する the 政府 and the members of 議会, but he had to 勝利，勝つ the 信用／信任 of 資本主義者s and emigrants, and 説得する them to work together to その上の his 計画（する）s. The Waste Lands 行為／法令／行動する of 1842, 適用するing to all the Australasian 植民地s alike, 示すs the 高さ to which the 影響（力） of the systematic colonizers had risen in 納得させるing 議会 of the 公共事業（料金）／有用性 of the ideas underlying the Wakefield theory. What alone could have 刺激するd Wakefield in this long struggle was the fact that he was 努力する／競うing for the success of his own idea. "The 原則 is 地雷," he wrote to Gouger, in 1835. [8] Nothing but parental zeal for the offspring of his own brain could have enabled him to continue the struggle long after it was （疑いを）晴らす that his theory as a whole would never be put into practice by the Home 政府.

That the 繁栄 of the Australasian 植民地s at this time was 大部分は予定 to the 部分的な／不平等な現実化 of Wakefield's ideas is beyond a 疑問. Referring to the part played by the systematic colonizers, Herman Merivale, perhaps the fairest and best critic of the Wakefield theory, wrote, in 1861: "The 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の success which has on the whole …に出席するd the 早期に植民地化 of our Australian empire is 予定, in a far greater degree than is 一般的に imagined, to the closet 憶測s of a few students, and to the 条項s of a few 行為／法令／行動するs of 議会減ずるing these to practice." [9] Again, of the struggle and ultimate success of Wakefield's 原則s of land-sales and 補助装置d 移住, he wrote: "Never was there a more remarkable instance of the success of a 原則 against all manner of misapprehension—against the 恐れる of 革新—against corrupt 利益／興味s—against the inert 抵抗 which all novelty is sure to 遭遇（する）." [10]

The success 伸び（る）d by the systematic colonizers is all the more remarkable, since it must be 認める that the Wakefield theory on its 経済的な味方する was, considered as a 科学の and coherent whole, unsound. [11]

Wakefield's 声明 of the problem of 植民地化, and his 分析 of 存在するing 条件s, both in the mother-country and in the 植民地s, were, in the main, excellent. He was 権利 in 勧めるing that the 長，指導者障害 in the way of 繁栄 in Australia was the scarcity of 解放する／自由な労働; and his 批評 of 罪人／有罪を宣告する and indentured 労働 as 代用品，人s for 解放する／自由な労働 was just. Then, too, there was much truth in his paradox that the 広大な／多数の／重要な extent of 解放する／自由な waste land in the Australian 植民地s was not the 原因（となる） of their 繁栄, but the 推論する／理由 for their backwardness. His attack upon the 存在するing system of 解放する／自由な認めるs of land or sales at low prices was 正当化するd. The system 廃止するd in 1831 was inimical to the 繁栄 of the 植民地s, and gave 制限のない範囲 for jobbing and favouritism.

The Wakefield system may be considered in two ways, either as a 科学の theory, 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd and 完全にする, no one part of which is 価値のある without the other, and 有能な of working 井戸／弁護士席 only when each part is put into practice; or as a 一連の practical 支配するs for 植民地化 to be 適用するd with discretion によれば the exigencies of time and place. In the former way Wakefield was inclined to 見解（をとる） his system, [12] and in this way it must first be 診察するd.

It will be convenient to separate the doctrine of a 十分な price on waste lands from that of 補助装置d 移住財政／金融d by the proceeds of the sales. This is 令状d by Wakefield's 宣言 that he was 用意が出来ている to 残り／休憩（する） the 有効性，効力 of his theory 単独で upon the former doctrine. [13]

The 十分な price was ーするつもりであるd to 制限する the dispersion of 植民／開拓者s, and, by 妨げるing labourers from becoming landowners too soon, to 供給する a 供給（する） of "combinable 労働" [14] in the 植民地s. Wakefield used the 条件 "集中" to 述べる the presence of a 供給（する） of such 労働, and "dispersion" to 述べる its absence; and both these 条件 were 堅固に非難するd at the time. It was thought that the "集中" he 提案するd was 集中 of 解決／入植地 around one centre, and that the "dispersion" to which he 反対するd was any spreading of the colonists over the waste lands. He 目的（とする）d, however, not at the 集中 of 解決／入植地 on any given 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, but at the 集中 of 労働 wherever 解決／入植地延長するd; while he believed that under his system 植民／開拓者s, if 延長するd over a wide area, would be 延長するd, not as 孤立するd 部隊s, but in groups of combinable 労働.

Since the 単独の反対する of the price was 単に制限する, it is no 批評 to say that it did not 代表する the value of the land sold. It was not ーするつもりであるd to 耐える any relation to land values. Indeed waste land in a 植民地, before 資本／首都 and 全住民 arrive, cannot be said to have any easily ascertainable value.

The doctrine of a 十分な price is based upon two main 仮定／引き受けることs, first, that where in a 植民地 there is a system of 制限のない解放する／自由な認めるs, a 植民／開拓者 will prefer to become a landowner cultivating the 国／地域 by his own 労働, rather than to work as a landless labourer even at a high 率 of 給料. One critic, Mr. Poulett Scrope, before the 1836 委員会 on Waste Lands, 否定するd this 仮定／引き受けること, but in the light of 植民地の history, it seems just.

The second, and more important, 仮定／引き受けること is that the best method of developing 農業の land in a new 解決／入植地 is a system under which the work of cultivation is carried on by landed proprietors, who do not work the land themselves, but 供給（する） the 資本／首都 to 雇う landless men to cultivate for them. However natural such an 仮定／引き受けること might be to an Englishman, it would not やむを得ず seem valid to a British or American colonist. It overlooks the importance of another method of developing a new country by means of small 支えるもの／所有者s who 雇う either 単独で or おもに the 労働 of their own 手渡すs and that of their family. Indeed, although 権利 in attacking the system whereby, in Australia, where 労働 was 不十分な, 植民／開拓者s with small 資本／首都 had been 許すd to （問題を）取り上げる large 認めるs of land which they could not 適切に cultivate, Wakefield did not seem to see that a modification of the system in the direction of small holdings, even on 解放する／自由な認めるs, might be more suitable for 農業 than his 計画（する） of sale, and had 現実に been successful in 植民地化. [15] Sale at a 十分な price was suitable to a capitalistic system of 集中的な cultivation on a large 規模, but operated to discourage 植民／開拓者s of small 資本／首都, and to turn this stream of 移住 to countries where land could be acquired on easier 条件. [16] This was 特に true where an 初期の支出 of 資本／首都 was 要求するd to （疑いを）晴らす the land and （判決などを）下す it fit for cultivation, as in Canada and some parts of New Zealand. This explains why the Wakefield system was more applicable to Australia where, for the most part, the cost of （疑いを）晴らすing was comparatively small. [17]

A 十分な price, then, can only be 正当化するd on the ground that capitalistic 生産／産物 alone is best for the 植民地, and this 論争 was not 井戸／弁護士席 based. Wakefield made the error of 主張するing over-much on the necessity for a combination of 労働 and 資本／首都 in a new country. 植民地の experience has 証明するd that, at any 率 in the 早期に行う／開催する／段階s of 植民地化, the land may be developed 平等に井戸／弁護士席, and more 速く, by that system of small holdings and 孤立するd 労働 whose value Wakefield 否定するd. Under a 十分な price, too, if the system worked 不正に in practice, 資本主義者s might be enabled to 設立する a monopoly in land to the detriment of the labourer. Hence the 反対 to the Wakefield system that it meant the 創造 in a new country of two はっきりと distinguished classes—capitalistic landowners and landless serfs. [18] It must always be remembered, however, that an 必須の part of the Wakefield system was that the 明言する／公表する of a landless 雇うd labourer should only be 一時的な. When the system was in 十分な work he 熟視する／熟考するd that the best and most 慎重な of the labourers would, when their period of service was over, be continually passing into the 階級s of the landowning 資本主義者s.

Even if the 十分な price were sound in theory, yet in practice it was impossible to 直す／買収する，八百長をする. Wakefield always escaped from the 需要・要求する that he should 指名する a price by pleading ignorance of 地元の条件s; [19] but he knew 井戸／弁護士席 that it was easier to 非難する than to 指名する a price.

Even the factors which he 示唆するd for the 解答 of the problem are not very 満足な. The two factors to be considered were, he held, first, the length of service which a labourer should give, and, secondly, the general 条件s of the 植民地, 給料, cost of living, nature of the 国／地域 and 気候. From these it might be 決定するd how much a labourer might save within the given period, and then the price could be so 直す／買収する，八百長をするd that, until his time was up, he could not 得る enough land to cultivate. [20]

But, in the first place, the length of service was 単に arbitrarily 直す／買収する，八百長をするd, and there was no more 推論する／理由 in favour of the three or four years' service, which he 示唆するd, than of any other period.

Next, even considering the cost of living, 給料, and other 条件s of the 植民地, it would only be a mere guess to 直す／買収する，八百長をする a price because of the 広大な／多数の／重要な不平等 in the 量 or 貯金 which labourers would 蓄積する.

Then when land of 変化させるing 質 was sold at a uniform price it would be possible for one labourer to buy enough land of one 質 to keep him, while another might have to work much longer to buy enough of an inferior 質 at the same price.

Indeed, for the most part in Australia the price was in fact 決定するd by what the land would bring in the market, although this was no part of Wakefield's doctrine.

When 直す／買収する，八百長をするd, the price was to be uniform. In theory this was best for the 本物の植民／開拓者, because it would not take too much 資本／首都 from him. But a uniform price did not so work in practice. Wakefield seems to have thought that a 植民／開拓者 would buy land at the uniform price only because he wished to cultivate it. But land was often bought as a mere 憶測, and for 目的s of re-sale, not of cultivation. In South Australia, for example, the uniform price resulted in 思索的な buying of the best 場所／位置s of town and country land, and in a mania of 賭事ing in land values, so that 本物の植民／開拓者s had little chance of buying at the uniform price. The 広大な／多数の／重要な difficulty was that only at the first sale was the price uniform. Gipps was 権利 in his 論争 that to sell land in 制限のない量s, at a uniform price, would mean a "緊急発進する for land," in which 思索的な資本主義者s would 安全な・保証する a 事実上の monopoly to the disadvantage of 本物の解決／入植地. As Mr. Reeves 正確に，正当に発言／述べるs, the practical difficulty consisted in "直す／買収する，八百長をするing a uniform price for land low enough not to 妨げる bona fide 購入（する） in normal times, and at the same time high enough to check 憶測 in moments of excitement." [21]

The doctrine of a 十分な price, then, was based on a 誤った仮定／引き受けること; the price was as a 事柄 of practice impossible to 直す／買収する，八百長をする; and there was no certainty that, even if a price were arbitrarily 直す／買収する，八百長をするd, it would 達成する its 反対する.

But if the 面 of rigorous 科学の正確, which Wakefield strove to give to this part of his theory, be discarded, and the sale of land at a high price be taken as a practical 支配する for 植民地化, it must be 譲歩するd that this 計画（する）所有するd many advantages over the previous system in Australia. [22] Major Mitchell, the 井戸／弁護士席-known explorer and Surveyor-General of New South むちの跡s, wrote, in 1832, that under the former system the best lands of the 植民地 would soon have passed into few 手渡すs without any 利益 to the 明言する／公表する. [23] The experience of Western Australia, too, is conclusive proof that in Australia, at least, a system of 解放する／自由な認めるs and 制限のない freedom of （資金の）充当／歳出 was doomed to 失敗.

制限するd sale under effectual 解決／入植地条件s may be, as Mr. Reeves 示唆するs, a かもしれない better method of 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of 植民地の lands than that which Wakefield 提案するd; but experience in New South むちの跡s of the 失敗 of all 解決／入植地条件s, and even of the 試みる／企てる to 施行するやめる-rents, showed that, in the 明言する／公表する of society 存在するing when the Wakefield system Was introduced into Australia, such 条件s could not have been 適切に施行するd.

One practical advantage 所有するd by the sale of lands, at a price high enough to 妨げる labourers becoming landowners at once, was that その為に they would 伸び（る）, not only 資本／首都, but that experience which was 特に necessary to emigrants in a new 植民地, where 条件s were やめる different from those with which they were 熟知させるd at home. [24] Mr. Reeves, who calls attention to this advantage, 令状s, "Many thousands of the best 農業者s in 植民地s where the Wakefield system has been more or いっそう少なく in 軍隊 have started in life as farm-labourers, and have 伸び（る）d their knowledge and their 資本／首都 in that way." [25]

But the most important practical 面 of land-sales was that they 供給するd a 歳入 which could be expended for the 利益 of the 植民地s, either in public 作品 which opened up and made 利用できる the 資源s of the 植民地s, or in 移住. In Wakefield's 注目する，もくろむs, indeed, this was 単に a happy 事故, and had nothing at all to do with the argument for 課すing a 十分な price; but it was this very part of his theory which 証明するd most attractive in practice. The difference between Wakefield's 態度 and that of those who 設立するd his system in Australia may be compared to that between 支持するs of a "保護の" 関税 and 支持するs of a "歳入" 関税, on 輸入するd goods. The former, like Wakefield, wish for a 制限する, and even at times a prohibitive 税金, the latter for a 税金 which will produce 歳入 in a simple and 平易な manner.

As to the method of sale, while a uniform price stood 非難するd by experience, auction, too, in theory 妨げるd monopoly and produced more 歳入, but in practice took too much 資本／首都 from the 植民／開拓者 and led to 延期するs and 失望. Both methods encouraged jobbing and 憶測. Indeed, it is doubtful whether any system of sale with 十分な liberty of （資金の）充当／歳出 would not be liable to these evils. As Gipps 発言／述べるd in 1840, "It may probably be pretty 安全に assumed that however 慎重な, politic, wise, or ingenious may be the 規則s laid 負かす／撃墜する by the Commissioners in England, the 相場師s or land-sharks in New South むちの跡s will be ingenious enough to 敗北・負かす them." [26] Probably the best method in the circumstances was that 可決する・採択するd by Russell in 1840, and regularized by the Waste Lands 行為／法令／行動する of 1842. Lands were first put up at auction (even Wakefield 認めるd that in regard to town allotments some modification of a uniform price was necessary) and country lands remaining unsold were 利用できる at a uniform price. This gave bona fide 植民／開拓者s a chance to acquire land at a comparatively low price, and yet 妨げるd land 存在 altogether 独占するd by 相場師s.

One question which remains is the 影響 of land-sales at high prices on squatting.

The problem which would appear to 直面する a people in settling a waste continent, as in America or in Australia, is how to 供給する that the first 占領／職業, if on a large and 広範囲にわたる規模, shall not 逆に影響する／感情 the 未来集中的な解決／入植地, either by destroying the 公共事業（料金）／有用性 of the natural 資源s, or by 永久的に locking up the lands in the 手渡すs of large 持つ／拘留するing 植民／開拓者s, to the detriment of would-be smaller 支えるもの／所有者s.

In Australia 永久の農業の解決／入植地 followed pastoral 占領／職業 but slowly, and the problem was how to make pastoral lands 利用できる for 農業, without 負傷させるing the pastoral 産業 upon which the 繁栄 of the colonists so 大部分は depended.

Wakefield always considered that pastoral 利益／興味s should be subordinate to 農業. His 解答 was to 許す the 無断占拠者 mere freedom of 占領／職業 of unsold waste lands, and 徐々に to sell them, when necessary, as 農業の lands at a 十分な price. 明らかに he bestowed いっそう少なく thought on this than on any other part of his 計画／陰謀s; for he did not 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる the practical difficulties of the 状況／情勢 in Australia. Indeed, he told the Waste Lands 委員会 of 1836 that it was as 平易な to 妨げる squatting there as in むちの跡s. High prices on land did lead to squatting, and it was difficult in practice to 否定する the 無断占拠者 all 権利s but that of mere 占領／職業. But the system of grazing licences as 設立するd in New South むちの跡s worked 公正に／かなり井戸／弁護士席 until Lord Grey's 悪名高い Orders in 会議 of 1847 gave the 無断占拠者s what they asked in long 賃貸し（する）s, greater 安全 of 任期, and the 権利 of pre-emption. [27]

The 完全にする Wakefield theory, however, was that after land had been sold at a 十分な price the proceeds should be 充てるd to 移住. By this means the system was 推定する／予想するd by its author to 規制する itself. The 量 of land sold was then to 示す正確に／まさに the 需要・要求する for 労働, and the proceeds were to 供給（する） this 需要・要求する automatically. Moreover, this 過程 was to continue 無期限に／不明確に, 移住 of 労働主要な to land-sales, and land-sales 供給するing その上の移住.

The first 仮定／引き受けること on which this theory 残り／休憩（する）s is that there is some 限定された and ascertainable relation between a given 量 of land and the 労働 necessary to cultivate it. When this is discovered, it is 平易な to 直す／買収する，八百長をする a 十分な price, which is now to be enough per acre to bring out the number of labourers 要求するd to cultivate the land. This 肉親，親類d of 計算／見積り was made by 陸軍大佐 Torrens and others in 直す／買収する，八百長をするing a price for South Australia, but Wakefield always deprecated such 試みる／企てるs. Indeed, two factors would always vitiate such 計算／見積りs, first, 私的な re-sale of land; secondly, voluntary 移住.

Supposing, for example, that a price has been 直す／買収する，八百長をするd on the 仮定／引き受けること that two labourers are 要求するd for the cultivation of 100 acres. If, then, land is re-sold by its 初めの purchaser, in small 封鎖するs to labourers, they become landowners, and so 使い果たす the 階級s of 雇うd 労働, without 供給するing (as the 初めの sale 供給するd) a 基金 for the 移民／移住 of others to take their place.

Again, the presence of voluntary 移住 in any large numbers, which occurred wherever 補助装置d 移住 took place, would destroy the relation between land and 労働 calculated only on the basis of 補助装置d 労働.

But, indeed, there is no such 割合 between land and 労働. It cannot be 決定するd how much 労働 is necessary to cultivate waste land in a 植民地 in the best way. It will depend on the 量 of 資本／首都 and 労働 at the 処分 of the landowner, on the 質 of the 国／地域, and upon other considerations which 変化させる with every particular 事例／患者. The best that can be said for the theory is that the 量 of land sold in a 植民地 would, by 示すing the 量 of 資本／首都投資するd, give a very rough guide to the 量 of 労働要求するd. Even here the 持つ／拘留するing of land for 思索的な目的s would upset any 計算／見積りs on this basis.

The second 仮定／引き受けること is that a price, 十分な to 妨げる labourers from becoming landowners too soon, would also be やむを得ず十分な to 供給する基金s to bring the requisite number of labourers to the 植民地. On this 残り／休憩（する）d the 事例／患者 for 充てるing the whole of the proceeds to 移住; and this is perhaps the most 攻撃を受けやすい part of the Wakefield theory. While a 十分な price 目的（とする）d only at 制限, the doctrine was simple, if not やむを得ず valid. When, however, the 十分な price 目的（とする）d at the two 反対するs, it was easily seen that the two might never be 達成するd together. From the point or 見解（をとる） of 制限 one ideal price, and one only, could, if discovered, be 設立するd. From the point of 見解（をとる） of 供給するing 移住 the price should 変化させる with the cost of an emigrant's passage. If, therefore, a price were 十分な for either 目的, it did not follow at all that it would be 十分な for the other.

At this point the theory, consisting of the two doctrines of a 十分な price and the 使用／適用 of the whole of the proceeds to 移住, 完全に breaks 負かす／撃墜する. Its pretended character of mathematical precision, of 科学の正確, must be 否定するd, and its （人命などを）奪う，主張する to be self-規制するing 解任するd. What is left then of the Wakefield theory is a 一連の important practical 支配するs for 植民地化, 有能な of 修正するd 使用／適用によれば circumstances, and useful even if 可決する・採択するd 独立して of one another.

The system of land-sales put an end to the 乱用s of the previous system in Australia; and, moreover, during the years に引き続いて 1830, it 供給（する）d the necessary 基金s for an 補助装置d 移住, whose importance cannot be 過大評価するd. What 主として妨げるd 移住 to Australia was distance, and distance could only be 打ち勝つ by 支払う／賃金ing the emigrant's passage. The 失敗 of Wilmot Horton's 成果／努力s had shown that no 皇室の基金 was 利用できる for such a 目的; and Wakefield's 広大な／多数の／重要な業績／成就 lay in showing how an 移住基金 might be 供給するd in a simple and 平易な way. 補助装置d 解放する／自由な移住, too, 供給（する）d the place of 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 in Australia, and made it economically possible for transportation to be 廃止するd.

The advantage of selecting emigrants, and of keeping the sexes equal in numbers, only needed to be pointed out for it to be 受託するd as a ありふれた-sense 手段, though, until Wakefield wrote, it was やめる overlooked.

His 計画／陰謀 for the 皇室の支配（する）／統制する of waste lands and 移住, although in practice it could not be 持続するd when the 植民地s were 認めるd responsible 政府, served to 強調する the fact that 移住, and the 経済的な開発 of a 植民地, 関心d not only the 植民地 itself, but the mother-country and the empire as a whole.

Even as a 一連の practical 支配するs the Wakefield system was applicable only at a 確かな行う／開催する／段階 of 植民地の開発. When 条件s changed, and the 植民地s outgrew the system, it was wisely abandoned. The 発見 of gold, for example, in Australia in the 早期に 'fifties, both furnished the necessary incentive to 移住, and upset all nice 計算／見積りs as to the price of land and the 量 of 労働要求するd to cultivate it.

But, before its abandonment, his system had left its 示す on 経済的な and social history in Australasia.

Wakefield had, indeed, introduced method and order into the whole 過程 of 植民地化, which had now become a serious 請け負うing, in which 確かな ends were 目的（とする）d at, and 確かな means 可決する・採択するd to 達成する those ends. If he were often wrong in his means, and いつかs in his 目的（とする）s, yet the very fact that he zealously 追求するd an ideal, and followed a 計画（する）, gave him an 巨大な advantage over a 植民地の Office with no 計画（する） or theory of its own, and swayed by the 影響（力） now of the Anti-Slavery Society, now of the missionary societies, now of the systematic colonizers. The 植民地の Office, too, was 存在 continually 軍隊d by mere circumstance to 行為／法令／行動する, and the Wakefield system of 植民地化 formed a ready-made path for their 活動／戦闘.

By 設立するing new 植民地s, by invigorating old 植民地s, and by sending out to both a superior class of emigrants, not only had Wakefield 達成するd 構成要素 success, but he had brought about a 復活 of the colonizing spirit of the English people.

On its political 味方する his theory was more soundly based, and in practice 完全に successful. （疑いを）晴らす-削減（する）分離 between 地元の and 皇室の事柄s was impossible, and some of the 力／強力にするs which he would have reserved to the mother-country on a 認める of responsible 政府—支配（する）／統制する of lands, for example, and the 力／強力にする of 課すing a 関税, were 譲歩するd to the 植民地s. But the important 原則 of 植民地の self-政府, in the form of responsible 政府, has 証明するd in practice to be the only 満足な way of 治める／統治するing white 植民地s in 非，不，無-熱帯の地域s. The 政策 was not 可決する・採択するd without a struggle. Much remained to be done before the Australasian 植民地s 得るd this boon. But the main position had been won by the Durham 報告（する）／憶測, and the later struggles could, after that 報告（する）／憶測, have only one 問題／発行する. As, when the doctrine of responsible 政府 was laid 負かす／撃墜する by Durham, many 恐れるd that it would mean 分離, so, when the 認める of responsible 政府 was 現実に made, many believed that it was only a stepping 石／投石する to independence. Time has, however, 証明するd that these 恐れるs were groundless. Responsible 政府 has 保持するd the self-治める／統治するing 植民地s in a の近くに関係 with the mother-country, which has 耐えるd, and which at no time has seemed stronger than at 現在の.

Time has shown, too, that responsible 政府 of itself is not 十分な to settle all political questions, either within the self-治める／統治するing 植民地s, between the self-治める／統治するing 植民地s of any one group, or within the empire as a whole.

内部の problems of self-政府 by no means received a 解答 in the 認める of responsible 政府. Its 広大な／多数の／重要な長所 was that it gave each 植民地 an 適切な時期 of working out its own problems of 政府 in its own way. But that it was no 平易な answer to every question may be seen from the fact that the 開発 of 閣僚政府 in the self-治める／統治するing 植民地s has often been along different lines from the English system. For example, there seems to have been a general 傾向 on the part of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある to 無視／無効 the 立法機関 and the 法律 and to 信用 to later 批准 of its 活動／戦闘 by the 立法機関. [28]

Responsible 政府, too, has 証明するd insufficient to 決定する the relations of 隣人ing self-治める／統治するing 植民地s in any one group. Hence it has been 設立する necessary to 可決する・採択する some form of union, and to create from the members of a group of 植民地s a new self-治める／統治するing （独立の）存在, which curtails to a greater or いっそう少なく extent their political 力／強力にするs.

In the last place, responsible 政府 was not a final 解答 of the relation between groups of 植民地s, or between 植民地s and the mother-country. It did not mean 分離, but made for a 際立った改良 in the relations of 植民地s to the mother-country. It has, however, been thought necessary to 試みる／企てる to 設立する a closer and more coherent relation between the two. 皇室の会議／協議会s and other 機械／機構 have been 工夫するd for this 目的, while さまざまな計画／陰謀s of closer union, either in some form of 皇室の連合 or さもなければ, have been put 今後.

But, though the work 始めるd by the little group of systematic colonizers is not yet finished, its value may be 概算の if we conjecture what would have happened to the 植民地の empire of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain if they had never lived.

Australian history would have been very different. 押し寄せる／沼地d by 罪人／有罪を宣告するs, 欠如（する）ing 解放する／自由な植民／開拓者s, the penal 植民地s would have grown slowly as large overseas gaols, where the 全住民 was divided into an oligarchy of 解放する／自由な landowners and a servile class of 罪人／有罪を宣告する-labourers. In time, no 疑問, the feeling for 分離, which 存在するd to some extent before responsible 政府 was 認めるd, would have 勝利d, and an 独立した・無所属共和国, an Alsatia of the Southern Seas, would have been 設立するd. Only 徐々に and painfully could the penal 植民地s have escaped from their past.

New Zealand, lost to the French, might have become a second Noumea, and another 疫病／悩ます位置／汚点／見つけ出す in the 太平洋の.

Canada, 辞退するd responsible 政府, might have broken out afresh in 反乱, and fought for and 得るd independence, or have thrown in her lot with the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs.

Certainly no 適切な時期 would have been given for the growth of strong and powerful self-治める／統治するing dominions, 事実上独立した・無所属, and yet able and willing in time of need to show the strength of the 関係 which 貯蔵所d them to the mother-country.

Footnotes to 一時期／支部 XI.

3 For 人物／姿／数字s of land sales see Coghlan, Wealth and 進歩 of New South むちの跡s, 1898, pp. 259-61.

4 Enclosure to No. 41, Gipps to Stanley, Sept. 23rd, 1842. Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

5 Third 報告（する）／憶測 of 王室の（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 on 領収書s and 支出 in the 植民地s. Acc. and Pap., 1830-1, Vol. iv, p. 67.

6 New South むちの跡s Blue 調書をとる／予約する of 統計（学）, for 1841. C.O. 206/82.

11 See 一般に Merivale, op. cit.; Siegfried, Edward Gibbon Wakefield, 1904; Leroy-Beaulieu, De la colonisation chez les peuples modernes, 4th Ed., 1891, Part i. 調書をとる／予約する ii. Chap. x; Reeves, 明言する／公表する実験s in Australia and New Zealand, 1902, Vol. i, Chap. vi; Edinburgh Review, July, 1840.

12 England and America, Vol. ii, p. 176. "植民地化, as hitherto 行為／行うd, may be に例えるd to the building of a 橋（渡しをする）; a work, no part of which is 完全にする until the whole be 完全にするd; によれば the method here 提案するd, 植民地化 would be like the making of a tunnel; a work, in the 進歩 of which each step must be 完全にする before another step can be taken."

13 See the passage 引用するd supra, Chap. v, p. 105. "So 完全に is the 生産／産物 of 歳入 a mere 出来事/事件 of the price of land, that the price せねばならない be 課すd, if it せねばならない be 課すd under any circumstances, even though the 購入（する）-money were thrown away. This last proposition is the はっきりした実験（する） to which the theory of a 十分な price can be submitted; but if it will not stand this 実験（する）—if the proposition is not true—the theory is 誤った." Art of 植民地化, p. 376.

18 Karl Marx, 資本／首都, Ed. Engels, 1887, Vol. ii. Chap. xxxiii. Marx, however, was 不公平な to Wakefield when he wrote that the Wakefield system "is a mere pis aller, since he unfortunately has to do with 解放する／自由な men, not with slaves," p. 793. Although Wakefield 熟視する／熟考するd keeping labourers for a time in the "natural subordination in which the greater part of mankind always have been, and probably always will be, to the smaller part" (証拠 before the South Australian 委員会, 1841, to Question 2662. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv), yet he always repudiated the idea of using 罪人／有罪を宣告する or slave 労働. See 提案 to His Majesty's 政府 for 設立するing a 植民地 on the Southern Coast of Australia, 1831, p. 12. See also Letter from Sydney, p. 35.

19 Letter of June 2nd, 1835, to the South Australian Commissioners. 虫垂 to the 報告（する）／憶測 of the Select 委員会 on South Australia, 1841. Acc. and Pap., 1841, Vol. iv.

21 明言する／公表する実験s in Australia and New Zealand, 1902, Vol. i, p. 210.

22 Wakefield, of course, would have 反対するd to the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "high price"; but the fact remains that the price he argued for was higher than that 直す／買収する，八百長をするd by the 政府 in Australia, and much higher than the colonists 願望（する）d.

24 R. Gouger, 移住 for the 救済 of Parishes 事実上 considered, 2nd Ed., 1833, pp. 9-10.

26 Memorandum enclosed in No. 5, Gipps to Russell, December 19th, 1840. Acc. and Pap., 1843, Vol. xxxiv, p. 367.

27 Reeves, 明言する／公表する実験s, Vol. ii, pp. 226 et seq. W. Epps, Land Systems of Australasia, 1894, pp. 22-3.

28 See, e.g., the 事例／患者s in Keith, Responsible 政府 in the Dominions, 1912, Vol. i. Part ii, Chap. v.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

In these 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）s of 当局 the に引き続いて abbreviations are used:

C.O. Library of the 植民地の Office.
R.C.I. Library of the 王室の植民地の学校／設ける.
B.P.S. British Library of Political Science at the London School of 経済的なs.

Where the 調書をとる／予約するs are in the Reading Room at the British Museum the 圧力（をかける）示すs of the British Museum 目録 are appended.

I. PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.

1828. March 4th, "移住." N.S., Vol. xviii, pp. 938 et seq.
April 17th, "移住." N.S., Vol. xviii, pp. 1547 et seq.
June 24th, "移住." N.S., Vol. xix, pp. 1503 et seq.

1829. April 6th, "Swan River." N.S., Vol. xxi, p. 465.
April 13th, "Swan River." N.S., Vol. xxi, p. 712-3.
May 1st, "Swan River." N.S., Vol. xxi, p. 913.
June 4th, "苦しめる of the 労働ing 全住民." N.S., Vol. xxi, pp. 1719 et seq.

1831. February 22nd, "Howick's 移住法案." Third Series, Vol. ii, pp. 875 et seq.
July 25th, "Swan River." Third Series, Vol. v, pp. 301 et seq.

1832. February 17th, "Swan River." Third Series, Vol. x, pp. 503 et seq.
February 22nd, "Land 規則s in New South むちの跡s." Third Series, Vol. x, pp. 670-1.
June 7th, "Alienation of 栄冠を与える Lands in New South むちの跡s and 先頭 Diemen's Land." Third Series, Vol. xiii, pp. 509 et seq.

1834. July 23rd, "South Australia." Third Series, Vol. xxv, pp. 429 et seq.
July 29th, "South Australia." Third Series, Vol. XXV, pp. 700 et seq.

1837. March 6th, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xxxvi, pp. 1287 et seq.
March 8th, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xxxvii, pp. 76 et seq.
April 14th, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xxxvii, pp. 1209 et seq.
December 22nd, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xxxix, pp. 1428 et seq.

1838. January 16th, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xl, pp. 7 et seq.
March 6th, "植民地の行政." Third Series, Vol. xli, pp. 476 et seq.
June 1st, "New Zealand." Third Series, Vol. xliii, pp. 542-3.
June 20th, "New Zealand." Third Series, Vol. xliii, pp. 871 et seq.

1839. June 3rd, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xlvii, pp. 1254 et seq.
June 25th, "Waste Lands of the 植民地s." Third Series, Vol. xlviii, pp. 841 et seq.
July 11th, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. xlix, pp. 147 et seq.

1840. May 5th, "Transportation." Third Series, Vol. liii, pp. 1236 et seq.
May 19th, "Transportation." Third Series, Vol. liv, pp. 246 et seq.
May 29th, "Canada." Third Series, Vol. liv, pp. 710 et seq.

1841. March 15th, "South Australia." Third Series, Vol. lvii, pp. 243 et seq.
March 25th, "Land 基金 of New South むちの跡s." Third Series, Vol. lvii, pp. 598 et seq.
April 22nd, "Land 基金 of New South むちの跡s." Third Series, Vol. lvii, pp. 974 et seq.

1842. February 4th, "Australian Waste Lands." Third Series, Vol. Ix, pp. 76 et seq.
April 14th, "Australian Waste Lands." Third Series, Vol. lxii, pp. 498 et seq.

1843. April 6th, "Systematic 植民地化." Third Series, Vol. lxviii, pp. 484 et seq.

2. PARLIAMENTARY PAPERS.

報告（する）／憶測 from the Select 委員会 on the 処分 of lands in the British 植民地s. Acc. and Pap., 1836, Vol. xi, p. 499.

報告（する）／憶測s of the 植民地化 Commissioners of Southern Australia.

First 報告（する）／憶測. 1836, Vol. xxxvi, p. 445.
Second 報告（する）／憶測. 1838, Vol. xxix, p. 447.
Third 報告（する）／憶測. 1839, Vol. xvii, p. 691.
Fourth 報告（する）／憶測. 1840, Vol. xxviii, p. i.

1837, Vol. xix, p. I, and 1837-8, Vol. xxii, p. i.

報告（する）／憶測 of the Earl of Durham on 事件／事情／状勢s of British North America.

1840, Vol. vii, p. 447.

General 報告（する）／憶測s of the 植民地の Land and 移住 Commissioners.

1842, Vol. xxv, p. 55.
1843, Vol. xxix, p. 15.
1844, Vol. xxxi, p. II.

3. COLONIAL OFFICE PAPERS IN THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE.

These papers 含む／封じ込める not only manuscript despatches to and from 知事s of the Australasian 植民地s, but letters to and from ーするつもりであるing 植民／開拓者s and those 利益／興味d in 植民地化, an 時折の小冊子, 植民地の政府 Gazettes, 植民地の Blue 調書をとる／予約するs of 統計（学）, and a 一連の newspapers published in Australia. In 新規加入 much 価値のある（警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） is 含む／封じ込めるd in the 覚え書き made by the 公式の／役人s of the 植民地の Office on 領収書 of the despatches from 植民地の知事s. いつかs these 覚え書き are written on the despatch itself, at other times they are separate. James Stephen in particular mostly wrote his comments on the 利ざや of the despatch, though いつかs he 用意が出来ている long 覚え書き for his 公式の／役人 superiors. These papers, up to 1837, are 利用できる in the general search room at the 記録，記録的な／記録する Office, but after that date it is only possible to see them in the Departmental search room with special 許可 from the 植民地の Office.

4. SPECTATOR.

The とじ込み／提出するs of this newspaper from 1829 onwards are very important, because Wakefield and his 信奉者s 絶えず used it as a means of bringing their 見解（をとる）s before the public.

5. COLONIAL GAZETTE, 1839-1847.

This paper only lasted for nine years, but it was during that period the 組織／臓器 of the systematic colonizers. For a time it was under the 管理／経営 of the 観客, from which it reprinted many articles.

6. THE TIMES AND THE MORNING CHRONICLE.

often 含む／封じ込める articles and correspondence which throw light on 植民地化 and 植民地の政策 during this period.

7. THE EDINBURGH REVIEW, THE QUARTERLY REVIEW, AND THE WESTMINSTER REVIEW

8. GENERAL WORKS ON COLONIZATION.

Egerton, H. E.: "A Short History of British 植民地の政策." 4th Ed., 1913. B.M. 9525, d 12.

Grey, Earl: "The 植民地の政策 of Lord John Russell's 行政." 2 Vols., 1853. 8154, ee 34.

Leroy-Beaulieu, Paul: "De la colonisation chez les peuples modernes." 1891. 8154, dd 5.

Lucas, Sir Charles: "Lord Durham's 報告（する）／憶測." 3 Vols., 1912. 8157, h 13.

Merivale, Herman: "Lectures on 植民地化 and 植民地s." New 版, 1861. 8206, c 38.

Mill, James: Article, "植民地s," reprinted from the 補足（する） to the Encyclop訶ia Britannica, 1825(?). 1389, d II.

———— "明言する／公表する実験s in Australia and New Zealand." 2 Vols., 1902. 8154, dd. 31.

Reid, S. J.: "Life and Letters of the first Earl of Durham." 2 Vols., 1906. 010817, de 35.

Rogers, J. D.: "Australasia," Vol. vi of "Historical 地理学 of the British 植民地s," edited by Sir Charles Lucas. 1907. 2059, a.

9. WAKEFIELD'S WORKS ON COLONIZATION.

"A 声明 of the 原則s and 反対するs of a 提案するd 国家の Society for the cure and 予防 of pauperism by means of systematic 植民地化." 1830. C.T. 232 (I).

"A Letter to the 権利 Hon. Sir George Murray on Systematic 植民地化." 1830. C.O. 5031, Vol. III.

"Letters forming part of a correspondence with Nassau 上級の関心ing systematic 植民地化." 1831. 8154, bb 28.

"提案 to His Majesty's 政府 for 設立するing a 植民地 on the southern coast of Australia." 1831. 8154, c i (5).

"計画（する） of a company to be 設立するd for the 目的 of 設立するing a 植民地 in Southern Australia." 1831. 8154, d 66 (i).

"輪郭（を描く） of a 計画（する） of a 提案するd 植民地 to be 設立するd on the South Coast of Australia." 1834. 1103, f 45 (I).

"The new British 州 of South Australia." First 版, 1834. 798, c I. Second 版, 1835. 798, c 2.

"A 見解（をとる） of Sir Charles Metcalfe's 政府 of Canada." 1844. 1389, g 46.

Article, "Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada," in Fisher's 植民地の Magazine for 1844. P.P. 6236.

"The 創立者s of Canterbury" (letters of E. G. Wakefield, edited by his son, E. J. Wakefield), 1868. 8154, b 74.

10. MISCELLANEOUS.

"A 簡潔な／要約する sketch of the political importance of the British 植民地s." 1826. C.O. 4519, Vol. i.

"声明 of the 領収書s and 支出, 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s incurred for 軍の defence, value of 輸入するs and 輸出（する）s, shipping tonnage and men 雇うd in the 貿易（する）, and the 全住民 of the 植民地の所有／入手s of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain." Not published. 1829. C.O. 4522.

"Hints on 移住 to the new 解決／入植地 on the Swan and Canning Rivers, on the West Coast of Australia." Second 版, 1829. T. 1263 (14).

"The Emigrants' Guide to New South むちの跡s, 先頭 Diemen's Land, Lower Canada, Upper Canada, and New Brunswick." 1832. C.O. 5031, Vol. vi.

"支配するs and 規則s for the （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） and 指導／手引 of the 主要な／長／主犯 officers and others in His Majesty's 植民地の所有／入手s." 1837. C.O. 5812.

Arnold, Thomas: "The 影響s of Distant 植民地化 on the Parent 明言する／公表する." 1815. 8364, b 41.

Bentham, Jeremy: "Emancipate Your 植民地s." Written 1793, first published 1830 with a postscript, reprinted with a preface, but without the postscript, 1838. B.P.S., G. 0090.

———— Manuscript letters, "国家の植民地化 Society." Box No. 8 in the Library of University College, London.

Coates, Dandeson: "The 原則s, 反対するs, and 計画（する） of the New Zealand 協会診察するd." 1837. T. 2392 (2).

Fawcett, M. G.: "Life of the 権利 Hon. Sir William Molesworth." 1901. 010817, de 9.

Gooch, J. B.: "Important （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） to the Agriculturist, Mechanic, and Labourer who ーするつもりである to Emigrate to the New 解決／入植地 on Swan River." 1830. C.O. 11 64.

Gouger, Robert: "移住 for the 救済 of Parishes 事実上 considered." 1833. 8276, de 13 (12).

————— "The 設立するing of South Australia as 記録，記録的な／記録するd in the 定期刊行物s of Mr. R. Gouger." Edited by E. Hodder, 1898. 9772, bb 30.

Gourlay, R. F.: "General Introduction to 統計に基づく Accounts of Upper Canada." 1822. 579, d 16.

————— "統計に基づく Account of Upper Canada." 2 Vols., 1822. 579, d 17, 18.

Hall, R. S.: "The 明言する／公表する of New South むちの跡s." 1831. T. 1406 (5).

————— "The 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism in the 部隊d Kingdom considered." 1829. 1140, g 6.

————— "An 調査 into the 原因（となる）s and 治療（薬）s of Pauperism." 1830. 1027, i II.

————— "Lectures 配達するd at the London Mechanics' 会・原則." 1831. 1140, g 7(i).

Irwin, Captain F. C: "The 明言する／公表する and Position of Western Australia." 1835. 798, e 14.

Johnson, S. C.: "A History of 移住 from the 部隊d Kingdom to North America." 1913. 08207, i 1/27.

Macarthur, James: "New South むちの跡s: Its 現在の明言する／公表する and 未来 Prospects." 1837. 798, e 16.

Molesworth, Sir William: "Selected Speeches," Edited by Professor Egerton. 8157, ee i.

Moore, G. F.: "抽出するs from the Letters and 定期刊行物s of G.F.M. . . . at the Swan River 解決／入植地." Edited by ツバメ Doyle. 1834. 566, b 16.

————— "The 連邦の地理学 of British Australasia." 1891. 10492, cc 20.

Sinnett, F.: "An Account of the 植民地 of South Australia." 1862. 10491, bbb 44.

Stephen, Sir James: "The 権利 Hon. Sir James Stephen, Letters with biographical 公式文書，認めるs by his daughter, Caroline Stephen." 1906. 010827, f 8.

————— "演説（する）／住所 on British 植民地s and 植民地化." 1858. 8276, b 47.

Torrens, 陸軍大佐 Robert: "実体 of a Speech . . . on 移住." 2nd Ed., 1827. 8275, bbb 57.

Wentworth, W. C.: "A 統計に基づく Account of the British 解決／入植地s in Australasia." 2 Vols. 3rd Ed., 1824. 10492, d 22.

INDEX

Aberdeen (George Hamilton Gordon, Earl of), and land 解決／入植地制限
  and South Australian commissionership

Aborigines. See Missionary 団体／死体s and New Zealand natives

Adelaide (City of)

African 植民地s in 1830

農業の行政 in South Australia
  land and "十分な price"

農業 and pastoral 利益／興味s

Albany 罪人／有罪を宣告する解決／入植地

America and England, 親族経済的な position
  See also Canada

American 植民地s, Adam Smith on
  company 行政
  in 1830
  self-政府

American 革命, 影響 upon 植民地s

Angas (George Fife), 形式 of South Australian Company
  Gouger's letter to
  South Australian Commissioner

Arthur (知事 Sir George) and Henty's 解決／入植地
  and land 認めるs
  and Transportation 委員会
  反対s to price of land
  反対s regarding 移住
  on 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働
  賞賛するs 移住規則s

Assignment. 言及する to Transportation

Auction of land, advantage of
  and 十分な price
  colonists' 是認
  in New South むちの跡s
  in 部隊d 明言する／公表するs

Australia, 早期に移住 draw-支援するs
  早期に移民／移住統計（学）
  早期に methods of land 解決／入植地
  財政上の援助（する） to emigrants
  Fremantle takes 所有／入手 of west coast
  労働 scarcity
  pastoral 産業 and 繁栄
  waste lands (行為／法令／行動する of 1842)
  See also Transportation question

Australia (West). See Swan River 植民地

Australian 植民地s in 1830
  colonists' price of land 反対s
  history, 影響（力） of systematic colonizers
  land sale 規則s

Australind Company

Bacon (Major)

明らかにするing (Sir Francis Thornhill), Lord Northbourne; 補助装置s Wakefield in New Zealand
  on Transportation 委員会
  on Waste Lands 委員会 (1836)

Barnard (E.), South Australian Commissioner

Batman (John), 解決／入植地 at Port Phillip

Bentham (Jeremy) and 資本／首都
  and Wakefield family
  on freedom of 植民地s
  on 地元の and central 政府
  on Spencer's 湾創立／基礎
  on Wakefield's theory

Benthamite group and Wakefield

Blaxland (John)

Bligh (知事 William)

Bounty system of 移住, and 労働供給（する）
  expense to 政府.
  憶測 in
  言及する also to 移住

Bourke (知事 Sir Richard) and 栄冠を与える lands 保護
  and price of land
  and superintendence of emigrants
  and Transportation 委員会
  emigrants' land 購入（する）提案
  on disposition of 植民／開拓者s in New South むちの跡s
  on home 政府 and 植民地の歳入
  on land sale proceeds land 移住
  on land 解決／入植地制限

Bristol 後見人s and pauper 移住

British North America. See Canada

Brougham (Lord) on Adam Smith's theory of 植民地s

Bryan (W.) and Waste Lands 委員会

Buller (Charles) and 植民地の self-政府
  and 植民地の改革（する）
  and 植民地化 Society
  and Jamaican 行政
  Durham's assistant in Canada
  Greville on
  on Canadian 栄冠を与える lands
  on 植民地化 Commissioners' 指示／教授／教育s
  on pauper 移住
  on 代表
  on Transportation 委員会
  支持者 of Wakefield
  writings on responsible 政府

Bulwer (Sir Henry Lytton), Lord Dalling; and 栄冠を与える lands
  on Waste Lands 委員会, (1836)

Bunbury (W. Australia), 植民地化計画／陰謀 at

Burdett (Sir Francis)

Burnley (W. H.)

Buxton (Sir Thomas Fowell)

Canada, and Wakefield system
  栄冠を与える lands (Buller on)
  早期に history
  移住 to (Wilmot Horton's 計画（する）)
  first 非軍事の知事
  land system 診察するd by Wakefield
  pauper 解決／入植地s
  Robert Gourlay on
  Wakefield and 1829 Select 委員会 on

Carlyle (Thomas) on Charles Buller

Cape of Good Hope, pauper 解決／入植地s

資本／首都投資 and 植民地化

Central and 地元の政府 in 植民地s

Chadwick (Edwin)

Chandos (Marquis of)

Children and education in 植民地s

Chinese 労働 in Australia

Chisholm (Mrs. Caroline)

Church Missionary Society and New Zealand natives

Civilization, 植民地の適切な時期s of その上のing

Clay (Mr.) and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限

Clergy reserves in Canada

Coates (Dandeson), aspersions on Wakefield's character
  Church Missionary Society and New Zealand natives

Cobbett (William)

Cockburn (Lieut.-Col. Francis)

植民地の行政政策 of Durham 報告（する）／憶測
  defence question
  支出調査 of 1830
  財政／金融 and 移住
  independence, Wakefield's opinion
  land, price question
    歳入支配（する）／統制する
    sale 規則s
  繁栄 and pastoral 産業
  歳入s, home 政府's 処分
  self-政府

植民地の Land and 移住 Board

植民地の Office and 植民地の self-政府
  and 植民地化 Society
  and land 規則s
  and land restrictment
  and New Zealand natives
  and responsible 政府 in 植民地s
  and South Australian 協会
  difficulty in 規制するing 植民／開拓者s
  敵意 to new 植民地創立／基礎s
  land 解決／入植地政策改革（する）d
  義務s to Wakefield system
  South Australian 計画／陰謀 and
  Wakefield's success with

植民地s, 行政 expenses in 1830
  and advantages of 植民地化
  and corn 生産／産物
  and 移住, Wilmot Horton on
  and independence
  and 労働供給（する）
  and 貿易（する）拡張
  （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 on 歳入 and 支出
  Durham on their 開発
  早期に政治の systems
  早期に misgovernment
  影響 of American 革命
  growth of importance in public opinion
  House of ありふれたs' 無関心／冷淡 to
  in 1830
  land 所有権制限s
    price 論争s
    sale systems
    解決／入植地 in
  地元の支配（する）／統制する in
  party politics
  全住民 in 1830
  public 無関心／冷淡 in England
  responsible 政府 in
  "Ripon 規則s" considered
  Select 委員会 on 処分 (1836)
  slavery abolitionists in
  transportation question

植民地化 and 犯罪の労働
  and 移住
  and 皇室の支配（する）／統制する
  and land sale 歳入
  and marriage
  and mother-country, 影響 of
  Wakefield's theory
    over-全住民治療（薬）
  and New Zealand natives
  and 宗教
  Bentham on
  company 行政 in
  Gourlay on
  皇室の advantages
  誘導s for women
  to better classes
  James Mill's article
  J. S. Mill on
  国家の植民地化 Society and
  public 無関心／冷淡 to
  "self-supporting 原則"
  social 適切な時期s
  "十分な price" in land sales
  Wakefield theory 詳細（に述べる）d
  Wakefield's 鮮明度／定義
  Wentworth's 計画（する）

植民地化 Society
  See also 国家の植民地化 Society

植民地化 (systematic). 言及する to South Australian 計画／陰謀

Colonists and auction of land
  and transportation

委員会 for 促進するing the 移住 of 女性（の）s to the Australian 植民地s

委員会 of the 避難 for the Destitute

Company 行政 of 植民地s

罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 in 植民地s
  See also Swan River 植民地, and Transportation question

Coolie 労働, Chinese in Australia
  in New South むちの跡s

Corn 供給（する） from 植民地s

Cost of 植民地の land question

栄冠を与える当局. South Australian 協会 and
  植民地s
  lands. 植民地の Office 態度
    in Canada (Buller on)
    in 植民地s (Swan River)
    保護 of 権利s
    unauthorized 占領／職業

Culture in new 植民地s

Darling (知事 Sir Ralph), and land 認めるs
  and land sale 規則s
  and 予防 of "squatting"

Dendy (Henry)

Disraeli (Benjamin), Popanilla satire

Dixon (Mr) on 植民地の land prices

Durham (John George Lambton, 1st Earl of)
  Canadian 調査 and 報告（する）／憶測
  利益／興味 in New Zealand 協会
  on Wakefield's advice
  recommends Wakefield system for Canada

Edinburgh review on responsible 政府

Education and children, 植民地の適切な時期s

Elliott (T. F.), スパイ／執行官-General for 移住
  植民地の Land and 移住 Commissioner

Emigrant ships, mortality on
  women on

Emigrants, classes of
  政府 support in S. Australia
  選択 of
  superintendence of

移住 and 植民地化
  and 労働 (New South むちの跡s)
  and 労働不足, Glenelg on
  and land sale
  and over-全住民
  and "十分な price"
  and transportation
  bounty system
  deterrents to
  Edinburgh review and
  財政／金融ing of
  first considered
  from 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain to Australia
  政府対策
  home 政府, 植民地の歳入 and
  Horton's 計画／陰謀
  House of ありふれたs' 委員会s, 1826
  誘導s to better classes
  land-基金 and
  of married couples
  年４回の review and
  to Australia
  to Canada
  to New Zealand
  Torrens on
  Wakefield and 規則 of
  Wakefield's 提案s and Canada
  Wentworth's 計画（する）
  women and
  See also Bounty system, and Ripon 規則s

移住 Commissioners for British 植民地s

移住 Society
  See also 国家の植民地化 Society.

Empire, 利益／興味 of 植民地化 to

England and America, 親族経済的な position
  See also 部隊d Kingdom

English 植民地s, self-政府

倫理的な considerations in colonizing

European (British) 植民地s in 1830

Exeter Hall 会合 on South Australia

探検 in New South むちの跡s

Forbes (Sir Francis)

Forster (Edward)

Frazer (Mr.)

Fremantle (Captain)

Fry (Elizabeth)

Gawler (Lieut.-Col. George), 知事 of South Australia

Gipps (Sir George), and 植民地の land 憶測
  and 支配（する）／統制する of land 歳入
  and 移住財政／金融
  and land sales
  Canadian 調査 Commissioner
  不賛成 of coolie 労働
  知事 of New South むちの跡s
  on land-基金政策
  …に反対するs special 調査する system
  "squatting" 規制するd by

Gladstone (W. E.), on responsible 政府.
  on Waste Lands 委員会 (1836)

Glenelg (Charles 認める, Lord), and Church Missionary Society in New Zealand
  and 支配（する）／統制する of land 歳入
  and price of land
  and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限's 当局
  and Transportation 委員会
  植民地の行政 of
  移住 and land 歳入決定／判定勝ち（する）
  on 植民地化 of New Zealand
  on 労働不足 and 移住
  on "Ripon 規則s"
  …に反対するs coolie 労働 in New South むちの跡s
  緩和 of land 解決／入植地規則s

Goderich (Viscount), afterwards Earl of Ripon, q.v.

Gosford (Sir Archibald Acheson, 2nd Earl of), Canadian 調査 Commissioner

Gouger (Robert) and 植民地の land sale 規則s
  and South Australian 協会
  and South Australian Commissionership
  and South Australian Land Company
  and Wakefield
  "editor" of Wakefield's Letters
  letter on 対立 to South Australian 計画／陰謀
  letter regarding Wakefield's 植民地の熟考する／考慮するs
  長官 of 植民地化 societies
  声明s 非難するd,

Gourlay (Robert)

政府 of 植民地s
  See also Responsible 政府

Graham (G. J.)

広大な／多数の／重要な Britain. See 部隊d Kingdom

Greville (Charles) on Charles Buller
  on Sir Henry Taylor
  on Wilmot Morton's lectures

Greville (Henry) on Charles Buller

Grey (Sir Charles), Canadian 調査 Commissioner

Grey (Captain Sir George), 行政 in South Australia
  and Church Missionary Society in New Zealand
  and responsible 政府
  and Stephen
  on Transportation 委員会
  on Waste Lands 委員会 (1836)
  opinion of South Australian 植民／開拓者s

Grey (Henry George, 3rd Earl), and 植民地の land sale 規則s
  and 植民地の改革（する）
  and responsible 政府
  and "無断占拠者s'" licences
  植民地の land price 卒業 opinion
  移住法案
  land sale proceeds and 移住
  on Transportation 委員会
  supports Wakefield system
  Wakefield's attacks on

Grote (George) and land 基金 and 移住
  and South Australian 計画／陰謀
  示唆するd South Australian Commissioner
  支持者 of Wakefield

Hanson (R. D.)

Hawes (Benjamin)

Hay (R. W.) and 植民地化 Society's 計画／陰謀
  敵意 to South Australian 計画／陰謀
  on land 規則s
  on Sir George Murray
  South Australian 計画／陰謀 and

長，率いる (Sir F. B.)

Henty (Thomas)

Hill (Sir Rowland)

Hindmarsh (Captain Sir John), 知事 of South Australia,

Hobhouse (Sir J. C.), Lord Broughton; and 植民地化 Society

Hobson (Captain), arranges 条約 of Waitangi

Hodder (E.), on 植民地化 Society

Horton (Sir Robert John Wilmot), 論争 with 国家の植民地化 Society
  移住計画／陰謀
  on public 無関心／冷淡 to 植民地化
  Wakefield and

Hovell. 言及する to Hume (Hamilton) and Hovell

Howick (Viscount), afterwards Earl Grey, q.v.

Hume (Hamilton) and Hovell 探検隊／遠征隊 (1824)

Hume (Joseph), agitation for economy
  and 植民地の代表
  and Swan River 創立／基礎

追跡（する） (Thornton), obituary notice of Wakefield

Hutt (John and William) and 植民地化 Society

Hutt (W.) and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限

  on Waste Lands 委員会 (1836)

移民／移住. 言及する to 移住

皇室の advantages of 植民地化
  支配（する）／統制する in 植民地s

Indentured 労働 system 失敗
  servants in Swan River 植民地

India (East), 植民地s in 1830
  罪人／有罪を宣告する労働提案 for Swan River
  See also Coolie 労働

Ireland, 移住 from

Irwin (Captain)

Jamaica, Buller and 政府 of

James (W. H.)

Jenks (Edward)

Kelsey (H. S.)

La Trobe (C. J.), 是認 of land auction

労働 and land 所有権
  割合 question
  需要・要求する in New South むちの跡s
  scarcity in 植民地s
  供給（する）, and bounty 移住
  Wilmot Horton on price of
  See also Transportation question

Land, 農業の and pastoral, and "十分な price"
  and 移住, Wakefield's 提案s and Canada
  and 労働, 割合 question
  auction and "十分な price"
  sale theories
  所有権制限
  price at Port Phillip.
  Australian colonists' 反対s
    considerations 規制するing
  早期に論争s
  購入（する） and 移住
  政策, 植民地の Office 制限s
  歳入 and 移住
  支配（する）／統制する of
  sale and 移住
    and 歳入
    auction advantages
    条件s in Canada
    改良 under 移住規則s
    proceeds and 移住援助
    規則s and "squatting"
      colonists' 反対s (1831)
      Darling and
      政府固守 to
      in New South むちの跡s
      in South Australia
    system 設立するd in New Zealand
    systems in 植民地s
    税金 and "十分な price"
  解決／入植地, change of 政府政策
  植民地の Office 規則
    in new 植民地s
    mistakes (Swan River 植民地)
  課税 in Canada, Gourlay's 計画（する）
  See also "十分な price" and Waste land

Land and 移住 Commissioners, 任命 of

Lautour (陸軍大佐)

Leader (Mr.) on Transportation 委員会

Lefevre (Sir John Shaw), South Australian Commissioner

Light (陸軍大佐 William)

地元の支配（する）／統制する in 植民地の政府

London 移住委員会

Lucas (Sir Charles) on Canadian 植民地s
  on Durham 報告（する）／憶測

MacArthur (James)

Macarthur (John)

McCulloch (J. R.)

Mackinnon (W. A.)

Macquarie (知事 Lachlan), land 認めるs in New South むちの跡s
  on penal 植民地s
  quarrels with subordinates

MacQueen (陸軍大佐 Potter)

Malthus (T. R.)

Marriage and 植民地化

Marshall (John)

Marx (Karl) on Wakefield system

Melbourne (William Lamb, Viscount), on responsible 政府

Melville Island 罪人／有罪を宣告する解決／入植地

Merivale (Herman) on Wakefield system

Metcalfe (Sir Charles), Wakefield's article on

Mill (James) and 資本／首都
  and Wakefield family
  article on 植民地化
  on freedom of 植民地s

Mill (John Stuart) and 植民地化 Society
  on 植民地化 theories
  on Lord Durham's 助言者s
  on Wakefield's writings
  支持者 of Wakefield

Mills (Samuel)

Mirabeau P鑽e

Missionary 団体／死体s and New Zealand natives

Mitchell (Major Sir Thomas Livingstone), 探検隊／遠征隊s (1832, 1833, 1836)
  land 購入（する）計画／陰謀
  on land price theory
  賞賛する of 移住規則s

Molesworth (Sir William) and land 基金 and 移住
  and Select 委員会 on Transportation (1837)
  attacks Glenelg 行政
  支持者 of Wakefield

Montefiore (Jacob)

Moody (Major), 申し込む／申し出 to colonize Swan River

Murray (Sir George) and 植民地化 Society
  as 植民地の長官
  Swan River 解決／入植地

Napier (陸軍大佐 Sir Charles James), 知事 of South Australia

国家の植民地化 Society, and Spencer's 湾解決／入植地
  政府交渉s
  初めの members
  昇進／宣伝 of

New Caledonia (Victoria) 植民地化計画／陰謀

New South むちの跡s, auction of land
  character of 女性（の）移民，移住（する）s
  陸軍大佐 Verner's 計画／陰謀
  商業の危機 in
  罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 in
  coolie 労働 in
  分割 into three 地区s
  早期に労働 problems
  移住財政／金融 in
  調査するing 探検隊／遠征隊s
  first 知事s
  Gipps as 知事 of
  home 政府 land 政策
  indentured 労働失敗
  労働需要・要求する in
  land 認めるs in
    price in
    規則s
    制限 in
    sale and 移住
    sale systematized
  早い進歩 of 植民地
  sex disproportion の中で colonists
  special 調査する system
  superintendence of emigrants
  transportation in
  Wakefield system in
  waste land 処分
  Wentworth's 移住計画（する）

New South むちの跡s 政府 and bounty 移住
  and 移住財政／金融

New South むちの跡s 政府行為／法令／行動する (1842)

New Zealand becomes British 植民地
  land sale 予期
  missionary 団体／死体s and natives in
  and 植民地化 question
  systematic colonizers' 実験s
  Wakefield and 創立／基礎 of

New Zealand 協会

New Zealand 植民地化 Company

New Zealand Company

New Zealand Land Company

Norfolk Island 刑務所s

Norman (G.)

占領／職業s in new 植民地s

O'Connell (Daniel)

所有権 and 労働
  政府規則 of

Oxley 探検隊／遠征隊 (1823)

Palmer (George)

Parnell (Sir Henry), on 植民地s

Party politics in 植民地s

Pastoral 産業 and Australian 繁栄
  利益／興味s and 農業
  land and "十分な price"
  lands, Wakefield's opinion
  licences

Pauper emigrants, Wakefield on
  移住
  場所, 逆の to 移住
  解決／入植地s in Canada, results

Pauperism and 移住, Wilmot Horton's 計画／陰謀
  and 全住民, diverse opinions

Peel (Sir Robert) on Transportation 委員会

Peel (Thomas) and Swan River 植民地

Penal 植民地s. See Transportation question

Phillip. See Port Phillip

Pinnock (J. D.), emigrant スパイ／執行官

Place (Francis), opinion of E. G. Wakefield

政党s in 植民地s

Poor 法律（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 of 1832

Poor 率 and 移住, Wilmot Horton's 計画／陰謀

全住民 and 移住
  and mother-country, 植民地化治療（薬）
  and pauperism, diverse opinions
  and 給料, Wilmot Horton on
  difficulty, 移住 an 認める cure
  of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain, 増加する (1815 period)
  of South Australia (1840-3)
  problems and 植民地化

Port Phillip, North of England 植民地化計画／陰謀
  price of land at

Port Phillip 協会, Batman's 解決／入植地

Porter (G. R.)

Portland Bay, Henty's 解決／入植地

Price of 植民地の land and 移住, relation between
  and Nat. 植民地化 Society
  auction versus uniform
  at Port Phillip
  considerations 規制するing
  政府 abandonment of uniform
  Wakefield and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限
See also "十分な price"

Prices in 1832 (of 植民地の food)

Professions in new 植民地s, 適切な時期s

年４回の review and 移住
  on responsible 政府

Raffles (Sir Stamford)

Raffles Bay 罪人／有罪を宣告する解決／入植地

Ranken (George), 対抗者 of Wakefield theory

Reeves (W. P.) on 制限するd sale of land
  on uniform price of land
宗教 in 植民地s, 準備／条項 for

Responsible 政府 in 植民地s

歳入 from 植民地の land sale
  of 植民地s, home 政府's 処分 of

Rice (Thomas Spring), Lord Monteagle

Rintoul (R. S.), 支持者 of Wakefield

Ripon (Frederick John Robinson, Earl of), and 植民地化 Society
  and New South むちの跡s land sale
  defends land 規則s
  反対s to South Australian Land Company's 計画／陰謀

Ripon 規則s
  See also 移住

Robinson (Peter)

Roebuck (J. A.), 皇室の支配（する）／統制する in 植民地s
  動議 for select 委員会 on the Canadas
  on Waste Lands 委員会 (1836)

Rogers (J. D.), 非難するs Wakefield theory

Russell (Lord John), 1st Earl Russell; and land auction system
  and New South むちの跡s land 分割
  and South Australian Commissioners
  and "squatting"
  任命するs 移住 Commissioners
  as 植民地の長官
  Canadian 改革（する）決意／決議s
  checks bounty 移住
  land sale 政策
  on responsible 政府 in 植民地s
  on Transportation 委員会

Ruthven (Edward Southwell) and Daniel O'Connell

Sadler (Michael Thomas)

Sale of land in 植民地s

Schenley (E. W. H.)

Scotland. See 部隊d Kingdom

Scrope (G. Poulett)

Self-政府. See 植民地の self-政府

"Self-supporting 植民地化"

Sex 割合 in 植民地化

Sidney (Samuel)

Slavery

Smith (Adam)

Social 味方する of Wakefield theory

South Africa and Wakefield's theory

South Australia and auction system of land sale
  財政上の difficulties
  first 調査するing of
  Gawler's 早期に行政の政策
  知事 and 居住（者） commissioner
  Grey's 行政
  land sale 予期
  Major Bacon and 創立／基礎
  political question and Wakefield's theory
  全住民 and 農業
  price of land in
  Robert Gouger and
  Select 委員会 (1841)
  special 調査する system
  systematic colonizers in
  Wakefield and 創立／基礎 of
  system 適用するd
  Wakefield's England and America and
  first 提案

South Australia 行為／法令／行動する (1842)

South Australian 協会

South Australian 植民地化（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, 憲法 and 力／強力にするs
  land 規則s
  re-任命 of
  remuneration question
  選択 of

South Australian Company (1836)

South Australian Land Company

Special 調査するs. See 調査するs (special)

Spencer's 湾解決／入植地

"Squatting," beginning of
  影響 of land prices on
  Gipps's 規則 of
  licensing of
  予防 question
  称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 first used
  Wakefield's opinion

Stanley (Edward G. S. S., Lord), 14th Earl of Derby
  and cost of pauper 解決／入植地s
  and responsible 政府
  and South Australian 協会
  and South Australian 計画／陰謀
  as 植民地の長官
  on Australian Waste Lands 行為／法令／行動する
  on Grey's 財政上の行政 in S. Australia
  on House of ありふれたs' 無関心／冷淡 to 植民地s

Stephen (Sir James) and 植民地の行政
  and New Zealand 植民地化 Company
  and South Australian Land Company's 借り切る／憲章
  and "十分な price"
  移住（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限示唆するd by
  敵意 to South Australian 計画／陰謀
  on Church Missionary Society and New Zealand natives
  on 財政上の行政
  on Gipps's uniform price 報告（する）／憶測
  on Sir George Murray
  on Wilmot Horton's 計画／陰謀s

Stirling (Captain Sir James), 探検隊／遠征隊 to 設立する Swan River 植民地
  land 解決／入植地提案s (Swan River)
  報告（する）／憶測s on Swan River
  sails in H.M.S. Success

Sturt (Captain Charles), Murray River 探検隊／遠征隊

Success, H.M.S, voyage of 探検 (1827)

"十分な price" and auction of land
  and 移住
  早期に considerations
  Gipps dissents from theory of
  in Canadian 植民地s
  in New South むちの跡s
  Ripon 規則s and
  theory 非難するd
  Wakefield and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限
  Wakefield's theory
  言及する also to Price of 植民地の land

Sugar 工場／植物ing in West Indies

Sullivan (Major)

調査するs (special) of 植民地s,

Swan River 植民地 and "systematic 植民地化"
  Bentham and 提案s regarding
  British 政府 and 創立／基礎
  植民地化計画／陰謀s
  colonists and land 規則s
  罪人／有罪を宣告する労働 question
  栄冠を与える land 規則s
  doubtful 進歩
  移住 prospects
  探検隊／遠征隊 of 1829
  失敗 of 企業
  first 報告（する）／憶測 on
  創立／基礎 by 解決／入植地
  解放する／自由な解決／入植地実験
  政府法案
  H.M.S. Success on coast of
  Henty's 実験
  indentured 労働 system
  失敗
  労働 scarcity
  land for 労働交流
  land 解決／入植地 mistakes
  not self-治める／統治するing
  年４回の review article
  Wakefield's account of
    批評
    反対する lesson
  言及する also to 罪人／有罪を宣告する労働

Systematic 植民地化, "self-supporting 原則"
  See also South Australia

Systematic colonizers and transportation question
  in New Zealand
  in South Australia
  影響（力） on public opinion
  昇進／宣伝 of Wakefield system
  results of work

課税 of land sales, and "十分な price"

Taylor (Sir Henry) and Sir James Stephen

Thomson (Poulett)

Torrens (陸軍大佐 Robert), adherent of Wakefield theory
  and 植民地化 Society
  and 労働供給（する）規則,
  and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限
  and South Australian Land Company
  任命するd 植民地の Land and 移住 Commissioner
  論争 with 国家の植民地化 Society
  member of 植民地の Land and 移住 Board
  on 植民地化原則s
  on Wakefield's theory
  South Australian 計画／陰謀 speech

Tory 探検隊／遠征隊 to New Zealand

貿易（する）拡張 and 植民地s

貿易（する）s in new 植民地s, 適切な時期s

Transportation to 植民地s

Transportation 委員会 of 1837

Turner (行方不明になる), Wakefield's second wife

Turton (Thomas)

Twiss (Horace)

Twofold Bay 解決／入植地

部隊d Kingdom, 全住民増加する (1815 period)

部隊d 明言する／公表するs, auction of land

先頭 Diemen's Land, a 罪人／有罪を宣告する植民地
  移住不足
  政府移住規則失敗
  Henty's 解決／入植地
  indentured 労働失敗
  land price in
  規則s 反対s
  sale systematized
  反対s regarding 移住
  pauper 移民，移住（する）s
  sex disproportion の中で colonists
  transportation in
  waste land 処分

先頭 Diemen's Land Company

Verner (陸軍大佐), land 購入（する）提案

Villiers (Edward)

Vincent (Sir Francis)

給料, Wilmot Horton on

Waitangi (New Zealand) 条約

Wakefield (Daniel), South Australian 法案草案d by

Wakefield (Edward), father of E. G. Wakefield

Wakefield (Priscilla), grandmother of E. G. Wakefield,

Wakefield (Edward Gibbon)
  birth and family
  character 述べるd
  daughter's death
  監禁，拘置 and its 影響 on his 植民地の熟考する／考慮するs
  marriages and 監禁，拘置
  writings on 植民地化

Wakefield, against borrowing from land-基金
  and 廃止 of transportation
  and Chinese 労働 in 植民地s
  and 植民地の self-政府
  and 栄冠を与える当局 in South Australia
  and Gouger
  and his 支持者s
  and New Zealand Company
  and pastoral 利益／興味s
  and public 無関心／冷淡 to 植民地s
  and R. S. Rintoul
  and South Australia
  and South Australian （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 ("十分な price" question)
  and South Australian Commissionership
  and "squatting" 原則
  and 明言する／公表する controlled 移住
  article on responsible 政府
  auction sale of 植民地の land theories
  civilization 設立 in 植民地s
  defines 植民地化
  dislike of 植民地の Office 支配する
  移住提案s and Canada
  England and America and South Australian 計画／陰謀
  診察するs Canadian land system
  産業の適切な時期s in new 植民地s
  影響（力） in 設立するing South Australia
  影響（力） of (S. Sidney on)
  Lord Durham's 助言者 in Canada
  会合 with Gourlay
  動機s 攻撃する，非難するd
  on 植民地化 in New Zealand
  on 早期に植民地の行政
  on Horton—Sadler 論争
  on irrigation
  on responsible 政府 in 植民地s
  on South Australian Land Company's 計画／陰謀
  on suitable emigrants
  対抗者 of Horton's 計画／陰謀
  pastoral and 農業の労働 theory
  促進するs 国家の植民地化 Society
  "十分な price" and 課税
  Swan River 植民地非難するd by

Wakefield system [theory] and 移住財政／金融
  and land 規則s 改革（する）
  and 国家の植民地化 Society
  and New Caledonia 計画／陰謀
  and New South むちの跡s
  and Spencer's 湾実験
  and 先頭 Diemen's Land
  心配するd by Gourlay
  attainments of
  Bentham's opinion
  cheap land and
  非難するd as to land 規則s
  批評 of
  述べるd
  経済的な and political relation
  影響 on 公式の／役人 thought
  first 工夫するd for Australasia
  in Canada
  in New South むちの跡s
  in relation to mother-country
  in South Australia
  影響（力） on public opinion
  Karl Marx on
  限界 of applicability
  Merivale on
  初めの ideas
  originality 非難するd
  political 使用／適用
  進歩／革新的な element of
  self-規制するing
  social 味方する of
  South Australian Land Company and
  首尾よく促進するd
  "十分な price" theory
  systematic colonizers' 昇進／宣伝 of
  Waste Lands 委員会 (1836) 推薦s
  way 用意が出来ている for
  証拠不十分s of
  Wilmot Horton and

むちの跡s. See 部隊d Kingdom

Wallas (Graham)

区 (Henry George) and New Zealand natives
  on Transportation 委員会
  on Waste Lands 委員会 (1836)
  示唆するd South Australian Commissioner
  supports Wakefield system

Waste land element in 植民地化

Waste Lands (Australian) 行為／法令／行動する, 1842

Waste Lands 処分 (Select 委員会, 1836), and 植民地化 of New Zealand
  systematic colonizers and
  Torrens's 証拠
  Wakefield's 証拠
  See also Land, and "十分な price"

Wellington (Arthur, 1st Duke of)

Wentworth (William Charles)

West Australia. See Swan River 植民地

West Indian 植民地s in 1830

Western Australia, land price in
  land 規則s 反対するd to
  land sale systematized
  waste land 処分

Whitmore (William Wolryche), adherent of Wakefield theory
  and South Australian Land Company
  introduces South Australian 法案
  示唆するd South Australian Commissioner

Wilmot (R. J.). See Horton (Sir Robert John Wilmot)

Women, emigrants to Australia (character of)
  移住 of
  政府 difficulties
  誘導s に向かって colonizing

支持を得ようと努めるd (Captain)

Wright (John)

一時期／支部 II

WILMOT HORTON AND PAUPER LOCATION IN CANADA