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肩書を与える: The 野蛮／未開 of Berlin Author: G.K. Chesterton * A 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia eBook * eBook No.: 1301711h.html Language: English Date first 地位，任命するd: Apr 2013 Most 最近の update: Apr 2013 This eBook was produced by: Roy Glashan 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia eBooks are created from printed 版s which are in the public domain in Australia, unless a copyright notice is 含むd. We do NOT keep any eBooks in 同意／服従 with a particular paper 版. Copyright 法律s are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the copyright 法律s for your country before downloading or redistributing this とじ込み／提出する. This eBook is made 利用できる at no cost and with almost no 制限s どれでも. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the 条件 of the 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia License which may be 見解（をとる）d online at http://gutenberg.逮捕する.au/licence.html To 接触する 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia go to http://gutenberg.逮捕する.au
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UNLESS we are all mad, there is at the 支援する of the most bewildering 商売／仕事 a story: and if we are all mad, there is no such thing as madness. If I 始める，決める a house on 解雇する／砲火／射撃, it is やめる true that I may illuminate many other people's 証拠不十分s 同様に as my own. It may be that the master of the house was 燃やすd because he was drunk: it may be that the mistress of the house was 燃やすd because she was stingy, and 死なせる／死ぬd arguing about the expense of a 解雇する／砲火／射撃-escape. It is, にもかかわらず, 概して true that they both were 燃やすd because I 始める，決める 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to their house. That is the story of the thing. The mere facts of the story about the 現在の European conflagration are やめる as 平易な to tell.
Before we go on to the deeper things which make this war the most sincere war of human history, it is as 平易な to answer the question of why England （機の）カム to be in it at all, as it is to ask how a man fell 負かす／撃墜する a coal-穴を開ける, or failed to keep an 任命. Facts are not the whole truth. But facts are facts, and in this 事例／患者 the facts are few and simple. Prussia, フラン, and England had all 約束d not to 侵略する Belgium. Prussia 提案するd to 侵略する Belgium, because it was the safest way of 侵略するing フラン. But Prussia 約束d that if she might break in, through her own broken 約束 and ours, she would break in and not steal. In other words, we were 申し込む／申し出d at the same instant a 約束 of 約束 in the 未来 and a 提案 of 偽証 in the 現在の. Those 利益／興味d in human origins may 言及する to an old Victorian writer of English, who, in the last and most 抑制するd of his historical essays, wrote of Frederick the 広大な／多数の／重要な, the 創立者 of this unchanging Prussian 政策. After 述べるing how Frederick broke the 保証（人） he had 調印するd on に代わって of Maria Theresa, he then 述べるs how Frederick sought to put things straight by a 約束 that was an 侮辱. "If she would but let him have Silesia, he would, he said, stand by her against any 力／強力にする which should try to 奪う her of her other dominions, as if he was not already bound to stand by her, or as if his new 約束 could be of more value than the old one." That passage was written by Macaulay, but so far as the mere 同時代の facts are 関心d it might have been written by me.
Upon the 即座の 論理（学）の and 合法的な origin of the English 利益／興味 there can be no 合理的な／理性的な 審議. There are some things so simple that one can almost 証明する them with 計画（する）s and diagrams, as in Euclid. One could make a 肉親，親類d of comic calendar of what would have happened to the English diplomatist, if he had been silenced every time by Prussian 外交. Suppose we arrange it in the form of a 肉親，親類d of diary:
br>July 24: Germany 侵略するs Belgium.
July 25: England 宣言するs war.
July 26: Germany 約束s not to 別館 Belgium.
July 27: England 身を引くs from the war.
July 28: Germany 別館s Belgium, England 宣言するs war.
July 29: Germany 約束s not to 別館 フラン, England 身を引くs from the war.
July 30: Germany 別館s フラン, England 宣言するs war.
July 31: Germany 約束s not to 別館 England.
Aug. 1: England 身を引くs from the war. Germany 侵略するs England.
How long is anybody 推定する／予想するd to go on with that sort of game; or keep peace at that illimitable price? How long must we 追求する a road in which 約束s are all fetishes in 前線 of us; and all fragments behind us? No; upon the 冷淡な facts of the final 交渉s, as told by any of the diplomatists in any of the 文書s, there is no 疑問 about the story. And no 疑問 about the villain of the story.
These are the last facts; the facts which 伴う／関わるd England. It is 平等に 平易な to 明言する／公表する the first facts; the facts which 伴う／関わるd Europe. The prince who 事実上 支配するd Austria was 発射 by 確かな persons whom the Austrian 政府 believed to be conspirators from Servia. The Austrian 政府 piled up 武器 and armies, but said not a word either to Servia their 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う, or Italy their 同盟（する）. From the 文書s it would seem that Austria kept everybody in the dark, except Prussia. It is probably nearer the truth to say that Prussia kept everybody in the dark, 含むing Austria. But all that is what is called opinion, belief, 有罪の判決, or ありふれた sense: and we are not 取引，協定ing with it here. The 客観的な fact is that Austria told Servia to 許す Servian officers to be 一時停止するd by the 当局 of Austrian officers; and told Servia to 服従させる／提出する to this within forty-eight hours. In other words, the 君主 of Servia was 事実上 told to take off not only the laurels of two 広大な／多数の／重要な （選挙などの）運動をするs, but his own lawful and 国家の 栄冠を与える, and to do it in a time in which no respectable 国民 is 推定する／予想するd to 発射する／解雇する an hotel 法案. Servia asked for time for 仲裁—in short, for peace. But Russia had already begun to mobilise; and Prussia, 推定するing that Servia might thus be 救助（する）d, 宣言するd war.
Between these two ends of fact, the 最終提案 to Servia, the 最終提案 to Belgium, anyone so inclined can of course talk as if everything were 親族. If anyone asks why the Czar should 急ぐ to the support of Servia, it is 平易な to ask why the Kaiser should 急ぐ to the support of Austria. If anyone says that the French would attack the Germans, it is 十分な to answer that the Germans did attack the French. There remain, however, two 態度s to consider, even perhaps two arguments to 反対する, which can best be considered and 反対するd under this general 長，率いる of facts. First of all, there is a curious, cloudy sort of argument, much 影響する／感情d by the professional rhetoricians of Prussia, who are sent out to 教える and 訂正する the minds of Americans or Scandinavians. It consists of going into convulsions of incredulity and 軽蔑（する） at the について言及する of Russia's 責任／義務 of Servia, or England's 責任／義務 of Belgium; and 示唆するing that, 条約 or no 条約, frontier or no frontier, Russia would be out to 殺す Teutons or England to steal 植民地s. Here, as どこかよそで, I think the professors dotted all over the Baltic plain fail in lucidity and in the 力／強力にする of distinguishing ideas. Of course it is やめる true that England has 構成要素 利益／興味s to defend, and will probably use the 適切な時期 to defend them; or, in other words, of course England, like everybody else, would be more comfortable if Prussia were いっそう少なく predominant.
The fact remains that we did not do what the Germans did. We did not 侵略する Holland to 掴む a 海軍の and 商業の advantage; and whether they say that we wished to do it in our greed, or 恐れるd to do it in our cowardice, the fact remains that we did not do it. Unless this commonsense 原則 be kept in 見解（をとる）, I cannot conceive how any quarrel can かもしれない be 裁判官d. A 契約 may be made between two persons 単独で for 構成要素 advantage on each 味方する: but the moral advantage is still 一般に supposed to 嘘（をつく） with the person who keeps the 契約. Surely it cannot be dishonest to be honest—even if honesty is the best 政策. Imagine the most コンビナート／複合体 maze of indirect 動機; and still the man who keeps 約束 for money cannot かもしれない be worse than the man who breaks 約束 for money. It will be 公式文書，認めるd that this ultimate 実験（する） 適用するs in the same way to Servia as to Belgium and Britain. The Servians may not be a very 平和的な people, but on the occasion under discussion it was certainly they who 手配中の，お尋ね者 peace. You may choose to think the セルビア人 a sort of born robber: but on this occasion it was certainly the Austrian who was trying to 略奪する. 類似して, you may call England perfidious as a sort of historical 要約; and 宣言する your 私的な belief that Mr. Asquith was 公約するd from 幼少／幼藍期 to the 廃虚 of the German Empire, a Hannibal and hater of the eagles. But, when all is said, it is nonsense to call a man perfidious because he keeps his 約束. It is absurd to complain of the sudden treachery of a 商売／仕事 man in turning up punctually to his 任命: or the 不公平な shock given to a creditor by the debtor 支払う／賃金ing his 負債s.
Lastly, there is an 態度, not unknown in the 危機, against which I should 特に like to 抗議する. I should 演説（する）／住所 my 抗議する 特に to those lovers and pursuers of peace who, very shortsightedly, have occasionally 可決する・採択するd it. I mean the 態度 which is impatient of these 予選 詳細（に述べる）s about who did this or that, and whether it was 権利 or wrong. They are 満足させるd with 説 that an enormous calamity, called war, has been begun by some or all of us and should be ended by some or all of us. To these people, this 予選 一時期／支部 about the 正確な happenings must appear not only 乾燥した，日照りの (and it must of necessity be the driest part of the 仕事) but essentially needless and barren. I wish to tell these people that they are wrong; that they are wrong upon all 原則s of human 司法（官） and historic 連続; but that they are 特に and supremely wrong upon their own 原則s of 仲裁 and international peace.
These sincere and high-minded peace-lovers are always telling us that 国民s no longer settle their quarrels by 私的な 暴力／激しさ; and that nations should no longer settle theirs by public 暴力／激しさ. They are always telling us that we no longer fight duels; and need not 行う wars. In short, they perpetually base their peace 提案s on the fact that an ordinary 国民 no longer avenges himself with an axe. But how is he 妨げるd from 復讐ing himself with an axe? If he 攻撃する，衝突するs his 隣人 on the 長，率いる with the kitchen chopper, what do we do? Do we all join 手渡すs, like children playing Mulberry Bush, and say, "We are all 責任がある this; but let us hope it will not spread. Let us hope for the happy day when we shall leave off chopping at the man's 長，率いる; and when nobody shall ever chop anything for ever and ever." Do we say, "Let bygones be bygones; why go 支援する to all the dull 詳細（に述べる）s with which the 商売／仕事 began; who can tell with what 悪意のある 動機s the man was standing there, within reach of the hatchet?" We do not. We keep the peace in 私的な life by asking for the facts of 誘発, and the proper 反対する of 罰. We do go into the dull 詳細（に述べる）s; we do enquire into the origins; we do emphatically enquire who it was that 攻撃する，衝突する first. In short, we do what I have done very 簡潔に in this place.
Given this, it is indeed true that behind these facts there are truths; truths of a terrible, of a spiritual sort. In mere fact, the Germanic 力／強力にする has been wrong about Servia, wrong about Russia, wrong about Belgium, wrong about England, wrong about Italy. But there was a 推論する／理由 for its 存在 wrong everywhere; and of that root 推論する／理由, which has moved half the world against it, I shall speak later in this series. For that is something too omnipresent to be 証明するd, too indisputable to be helped by 詳細（に述べる）. It is nothing いっそう少なく than the 位置を示すing, after more than a hundred years of recriminations and wrong explanations, of the modern European evil; the finding of the fountain from which 毒（薬） has flowed upon all the nations of the earth.
IT will hardly be 否定するd that there is one ぐずぐず残る 疑問 in many, who recognise 避けられない self-defence in the instant parry of the English sword, and who have no 広大な／多数の／重要な love for the 広範囲にわたる sabre of Sadowa and Sedan. That 疑問 is the 疑問 whether Russia, as compared with Prussia, is 十分に decent and democratic to be the 同盟（する） of 自由主義の and civilised 力／強力にするs. I take first, therefore, this 事柄 of civilisation.
It is 決定的な in a discussion like this that we should make sure we are going by meanings and not by mere words. It is not necessary in any argument to settle what a word means or せねばならない mean. But it is necessary in every argument to settle what we 提案する to mean by the word. So long as our 対抗者 understands what is the thing of which we are talking, it does not 事柄 to the argument whether the word is or is not the one he would have chosen. A 兵士 does not say "We were ordered to go to Mechlin; but I would rather go to Malines." He may discuss the etymology and archaeology of the difference on the march: but the point is that he knows where to go. So long as we know what a given word is to mean in a given discussion, it does not even 事柄 if it means something else in some other and やめる 際立った discussion. We have a perfect 権利 to say that the width of a window comes to four feet; even if we 即時に and cheerfully change the 支配する to the larger 哺乳動物s, and say that an elephant has four feet. The 身元 of the words does not 事柄, because there is no 疑問 at all about the meanings; because nobody is likely to think of an elephant as four feet long, or of a window as having tusks and a curly trunk.
It is 必須の to 強調 this consciousness of the thing under discussion in 関係 with two or three words that are, as it were, the 重要な-words of this war. One of them is the word "barbarian." The Prussians 適用する it to the ロシアのs: the ロシアのs 適用する it to the Prussians. Both, I think, really mean something that really 存在するs, 指名する or no 指名する. Both mean different things. And if we ask what these different things are, we shall understand why England and フラン prefer Russia; and consider Prussia the really dangerous barbarian of the two. To begin with, it goes so much deeper even than 残虐（行為）s; of which, in the past at least, all the three Empires of Central Europe have partaken pretty 平等に, as they partook of Poland. An English writer, 捜し出すing to 回避する the war by 警告s against ロシアの 影響（力）, said that the flogged 支援するs of ポーランドの（人） women stood between us and the 同盟. But not long before, the flogging of women by an Austrian general led to that officer 存在 thrashed in the streets of London by Barclay and Perkins' draymen. And as for the third 力／強力にする, the Prussians, it seems （疑いを）晴らす that they have 扱う／治療するd ベルギー women in a style compared with which flogging might be called an 公式の／役人 形式順守. But, as I say, something much deeper than any such recrimination lies behind the use of the word on either 味方する. When the German Emperor complains of our 同盟（する）ing ourselves with a 野蛮な and half-oriental 力／強力にする, he is not (I 保証する you) shedding 涙／ほころびs over the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な of Kosciusko. And when I say (as I do most heartily) that the German Emperor is a barbarian, I am not 単に 表明するing any prejudices I may have against the profanation of churches or of children. My countrymen and I mean a 確かな and intelligible thing when we call the Prussians barbarians. It is やめる different from the thing せいにするd to ロシアのs; and it could not かもしれない be せいにするd to ロシアのs. It is very important that the 中立の world should understand what this thing is.
If the German calls the ロシアの barbarous, he 推定では means imperfectly civilised. There is a 確かな path along which Western nations have proceeded in 最近の times, and it is tenable that Russia has not proceeded so far as the others: that she has いっそう少なく of the special modern system in science, 商業, 機械／機構, travel, or political 憲法. The Russ ploughs with an old plough; he wears a wild 耐えるd; he adores 遺物s; his life is as rude and hard as that of a 支配する of Alfred the 広大な／多数の／重要な. Therefore he is, in the German sense, a barbarian. Poor fellows like Gorky and Dostoieffsky have to form their own reflections on the scenery without the 援助 of large quotations from Schiller on garden seats, or inscriptions directing them to pause and thank the All-Father for the finest 見解（をとる） in Hesse-Pumpernickel. The ロシアのs, having nothing but their 約束, their fields, their 広大な／多数の／重要な courage, and their self-治める／統治するing communes, are やめる 削減（する） off from what is called (in the 流行の／上流の street in Frankfort) The True, The Beautiful and The Good. There is a real sense in which one can call such backwardness 野蛮な, by comparison with the Kaiserstrasse; and in that sense it is true of Russia.
Now we, the French and English, do not mean this when we call the Prussians barbarians. If their cities 急に上がるd higher than their 飛行機で行くing ships, if their trains travelled faster than their 弾丸s, we should still call them barbarians. We should know 正確に／まさに what we meant by it; and we should know that it is true. For we do not mean anything that is an imperfect civilisation by 事故. We mean something that is the enemy of civilisation by design. We mean something that is wilfully at war with the 原則s by which human society has been made possible hitherto. Of course it must be partly civilised even to destroy civilisation. Such 廃虚 could not be wrought by the savages that are 単に 未開発の or inert. You could not have even Huns without horses; or horses without horsemanship. You could not have even Danish 著作権侵害者s without ships, or ships without seamanship. This person, whom I may call the 肯定的な Barbarian, must be rather more superficially up-to-date than what I may call the 消極的な Barbarian. Alaric was an officer in the Roman legions: but for all that he destroyed Rome. Nobody supposes that Eskimos could have done it at all neatly. But (in our meaning) 野蛮／未開 is not a 事柄 of methods, but of 目的（とする）s. We say that these veneered vandals have the perfectly serious 目的（とする） of destroying 確かな ideas, which, as they think, the world has outgrown; without which, as we think, the world will die.
It is 必須の that this perilous peculiarity in the Pruss, or 肯定的な Barbarian, should be 掴むd. He has what he fancies is a new idea; and he is going to 適用する it to everybody. As a fact it is 簡単に a 誤った generalisation; but he is really trying to make it general. This does not 適用する to the 消極的な Barbarian: it does not 適用する to the ロシアの or the Servian, even if they are barbarians. If a ロシアの 小作農民 does （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 his wife, he does it because his fathers did it before him: he is likely to （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 いっそう少なく rather than more, as the past fades away. He does not think, as the Prussian would, that he has made a new 発見 in physiology in finding that a woman is 女性 than a man. If a Servian does knife his 競争相手 without a word, he does it because other Servians have done it. He may regard it even as piety, but certainly not as 進歩. He does not think, as the Prussian does, that he 設立するs a new school of horology by starting before the word "Go." He does not think he is in 前進する of the world in 軍国主義 単に because he is behind it in morals. No; the danger of the Pruss is that he is 用意が出来ている to fight for old errors as if they were new truths. He has somehow heard of 確かな shallow simplifications, and imagines that we have never heard of them. And, as I have said, his 限られた／立憲的な, but very sincere lunacy concentrates 主として in a 願望（する） to destroy two ideas, the twin root ideas of 合理的な／理性的な society. The first is the idea of 記録，記録的な／記録する and 約束: the second is the idea of 相互主義.
It is plain that the 約束, or 拡張 of 責任／義務 through time, is what 主として distinguishes us, I will not say from savages, but from brutes and reptiles. This was 公式文書，認めるd by the shrewdness of the Old Testament, when it summed up the dark irresponsible enormity of Leviathan in the words, "Will he make a 協定／条約 with thee?" The 約束, like the wheel, is unknown in Nature: and is the first 示す of man. Referring only to human civilisation, it may be said with 真面目さ that in the beginning was the Word. The 公約する is to the man what the song is to the bird, or the bark to the dog; his 発言する／表明する, whereby he is known. Just as a man who cannot keep an 任命 is not fit even to fight a duel, so the man who cannot keep an 任命 with himself is not sane enough even for 自殺. It is not 平易な to について言及する anything on which the enormous apparatus of human life can be said to depend. But if it depends on anything, it is on this frail cord, flung from the forgotten hills of yesterday to the invisible mountains of to-morrow. On that 独房監禁 string hangs everything from Armageddon to an almanac, from a successful 革命 to a return ticket. On that 独房監禁 string the Barbarian is 切り開く／タクシー／不正アクセスing ひどく, with a sabre which is fortunately blunt.
Anyone can see this 井戸／弁護士席 enough, 単に by reading the last 交渉s between London and Berlin. The Prussians had made a new 発見 in international politics: that it may often be convenient to make a 約束; and yet curiously inconvenient to keep it. They were charmed, in their simple way, with this 科学の 発見, and 願望（する）d to communicate it to the world. They therefore 約束d England a 約束, on 条件 that she broke a 約束, and on the 暗示するd 条件 that the new 約束 might be broken as easily as the old one. To the 深遠な astonishment of Prussia, this reasonable 申し込む／申し出 was 辞退するd! I believe that the astonishment of Prussia was やめる sincere. That is what I mean when I say that the Barbarian is trying to 削減（する） away that cord of honesty and （疑いを）晴らす 記録，記録的な／記録する on which hangs all that men have made.
The friends of the German 原因（となる） have complained that Asiatics and Africans upon the very 瀬戸際 of savagery have been brought against them from India and Algiers. And in ordinary circumstances, I should sympathise with such a （民事の）告訴 made by a European people. But the circumstances are not ordinary. Here, again, the 静かな unique 野蛮／未開 of Prussia goes deeper than what we call barbarities. About mere barbarities, it is true, the Turco and the Sikh would have a very good reply to the superior Teuton. The general and just 推論する／理由 for not using 非，不，無-European tribes against Europeans is that given by Chatham against the use of the Red Indian: that such 同盟（する）s might do very diabolical things. But the poor Turco might not unreasonably ask, after a week-end in Belgium, what more diabolical things he could do than the 高度に cultured Germans were doing themselves. にもかかわらず, as I say, the justification of any extra-European 援助（する） goes deeper than any such 詳細（に述べる）s. It 残り／休憩（する）s upon the fact that even other civilisations, even much lower civilisations, even remote and repulsive civilisations, depend as much as our own on this 最初の／主要な 原則, on which the 最高の-morality of Potsdam 宣言するs open War. Even savages 約束 things; and 尊敬（する）・点 those who keep their 約束s. Even Orientals 令状 things 負かす／撃墜する: and though they 令状 them from 権利 to left, they know the importance of a 捨てる of paper. Many merchants will tell you that the word of the 悪意のある and almost unhuman Chinaman is often as good as his 社債: and it was まっただ中に palm trees and Syrian pavilions that the 広大な／多数の／重要な utterance opened the tabernacle to him that sweareth to his 傷つける and changeth not. There is doubtless a dense 迷宮／迷路 of duplicity in the East, and perhaps more guile in the individual Asiatic than in the individual German. But we are not talking of the 違反s of human morality in さまざまな parts of the world. We are talking about a new and 残忍な morality, which 否定するs altogether the day of 義務. The Prussians have been told by their literary men that everything depends upon Mood: and by their 政治家，政治屋s that all 手はず／準備 解散させる before "necessity." That is the importance of the German （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長's phrase. He did not 主張する some special excuse in the 事例／患者 of Belgium, which might make it seem an exception that 証明するd the 支配する. He distinctly argued, as on a 原則 applicable to other 事例／患者s, that victory was a necessity and honour was a 捨てる of paper. And it is evident that the half-educated Prussian imagination really cannot get any さらに先に than this. It cannot see that if everybody's 活動／戦闘 were 完全に incalculable from hour to hour, it would not only be the end of all 約束s, but the end of all 事業／計画（する）s. In not 存在 able to see that, the Berlin philosopher is really on a lower mental level than the Arab who 尊敬（する）・点s the salt, or the Brahmin who 保存するs the caste. And in this quarrel we have a 権利 to come with scimitars 同様に as sabres, with 屈服するs 同様に as ライフル銃／探して盗むs, with assegai and tomahawk and boomerang, because there is in all these at least a seed of civilisation that these 知識人 anarchists would kill. And if they should find us in our last stand girt with such strange swords and に引き続いて unfamiliar ensigns, and ask us for what we fight in so singular a company, we shall know what to reply: "We fight for the 信用 and for the tryst; for 直す／買収する，八百長をするd memories and the possible 会合 of men; for all that makes life anything but an uncontrollable nightmare. We fight for the long arm of honour and remembrance; for all that can 解除する a man above the quicksands of his moods, and give him the mastery of time."
IN the last 要約 I 示唆するd that 野蛮／未開, as we mean it, is not mere ignorance or even mere cruelty. It has a more 正確な sense, and means 交戦的な 敵意 to 確かな necessary human ideas. I took the 事例／患者 of the 公約する or the 契約, which Prussian intellectualism would destroy. I 勧めるd that the Prussian is a spiritual Barbarian, because he is not bound by his own past, any more than a man in a dream. He avows that when he 約束d to 尊敬（する）・点 a frontier on Monday, he did not 予知する what he calls "the necessity" of not 尊敬（する）・点ing it on Tuesday. In short, he is like a child, who at the end of all reasonable explanations and 思い出の品s of 認める 手はず／準備 has no answer except "But I want to."
There is another idea in human 手はず／準備 so 根底となる as to be forgotten; but now for the first time 否定するd. It may be called the idea of 相互主義; or, in better English, of give and take. The Prussian appears to be やめる intellectually incapable of this thought. He cannot, I think, conceive the idea that is the 創立／基礎 of all comedy; that, in the 注目する，もくろむs of the other man, he is only the other man. And if we carry this 手がかり（を与える） through the 会・原則s of Prussianised Germany, we shall find how curiously his mind has been 限られた／立憲的な in the 事柄. The German 異なるs from other 愛国者s in the 無（不）能 to understand patriotism. Other European peoples pity the 政治家s or the Welsh for their 侵害する／違反するd 国境s; but Germans only pity themselves. They might take forcible 所有／入手 of the Severn or the Danube, of the Thames or the Tiber, of the Garry or the Garonne—and they would still be singing sadly about how 急速な／放蕩な and true stands the watch on Rhine; and what a shame it would be if anyone took their own little river away from them. That is what I mean by not 存在 相互の: and you will find it in all that they do: as in all that is done by savages.
Here, again, it is very necessary to 避ける 混乱させるing this soul of the savage with mere savagery in the sense of brutality or butchery; in which the Greeks, the French and all the most civilised nations have indulged in hours of 異常な panic or 復讐. 告訴，告発s of cruelty are 一般に 相互の. But it is the point about the Prussian that with him nothing is 相互の. The 鮮明度／定義 of the true savage does not 関心 itself even with how much more he 傷つけるs strangers or 捕虜s than do the other tribes of men. The 鮮明度／定義 of the true savage is that he laughs when he 傷つけるs you; and howls when you 傷つける him. This 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 不平等 in the mind is in every 行為／法令／行動する and word that comes from Berlin. For instance, no man of the world believes all he sees in the newspapers; and no 新聞記者／雑誌記者 believes a ４半期/4分の1 of it. We should, therefore, be やめる ready in the ordinary way to take a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 off the tales of German 残虐（行為）s; to 疑問 this story or 否定する that. But there is one thing that we cannot 疑問 or 否定する: the 調印（する） and 当局 of the Emperor. In the 皇室の 布告／宣言 the fact that 確かな "frightful" things have been done is 認める; and 正当化するd on the ground of their frightfulness. It was a 軍の necessity to terrify the 平和的な 全住民s with something that was not civilised, something that was hardly human. Very 井戸／弁護士席. That is an intelligible 政策: and in that sense an intelligible argument. An army 危うくするd by foreigners may do the most frightful things. But then we turn the next page of the Kaiser's public diary, and we find him 令状ing to the 大統領 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, to complain that the English are using dum-dum 弾丸s and 侵害する／違反するing さまざまな 規則s of the Hague 会議／協議会. I pass for the 現在の the question of whether there is a word of truth in these 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s. I am content to gaze rapturously at the blinking 注目する，もくろむs of the True, or 肯定的な, Barbarian. I suppose he would be やめる puzzled if we said that 侵害する／違反するing the Hague 会議／協議会 was "a 軍の necessity" to us; or that the 支配するs of the 会議／協議会 were only a 捨てる of paper. He would be やめる 苦痛d if we said that dum-dum 弾丸s, "by their very frightfulness," would be very useful to keep 征服する／打ち勝つd Germans in order. Do what he will, he cannot get outside the idea that he, because he is he and not you, is 解放する／自由な to break the 法律; and also to 控訴，上告 to the 法律. It is said that the Prussian officers play at a game called Kriegsspiel, or the War Game. But in truth they could not play at any game; for the essence of every game is that the 支配するs are the same on both 味方するs.
But taking every German 会・原則 in turn, the 事例／患者 is the same; and it is not a 事例／患者 of mere 流血／虐殺 or 軍の bravado. The duel, for example, can legitimately be called a 野蛮な thing; but the word is here used in another sense. There are duels in Germany; but so there are in フラン, Italy, Belgium and Spain; indeed, there are duels wherever there are dentists, newspapers, Turkish baths, time-（米）棚上げする／（英）提議するs, and all the 悪口を言う／悪態s of civilisation; except in England and a corner of America. You may happen to regard the duel as an historic 遺物 of the more 野蛮な 明言する／公表するs on which these modern 明言する／公表するs were built. It might 平等に 井戸／弁護士席 be 持続するd that the duel is everywhere the 調印する of high civilisation; 存在 the 調印する of its more delicate sense of honour, its more 攻撃を受けやすい vanity, or its greater dread of social disrepute. But whichever of the two 見解（をとる）s you take, you must 譲歩する that the essence of the duel is an 武装した equality. I should not, therefore, 適用する the word 野蛮な, as I am using it, to the duels of German officers or even to the broadsword 戦闘s that are 従来の の中で the German students. I do not see why a young Prussian should not have scars all over his 直面する if he likes them; nay, they are often the redeeming points of 利益／興味 on an さもなければ somewhat unenlightening countenance. The duel may be defended; the sham duel may be defended.
What cannot be defended is something really peculiar to Prussia, of which we hear numberless stories, some of them certainly true. It might be called the one-味方するd duel. I mean the idea that there is some sort of dignity in 製図／抽選 the sword upon a man who has not got a sword; a waiter, or a shop assistant, or even a schoolboy. One of the officers of the Kaiser in the 事件／事情／状勢 at Saberne was 設立する industriously 切り開く／タクシー／不正アクセスing at a 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なう. In all these 事柄s I would 避ける 感情. We must not lose our tempers at the mere cruelty of the thing; but 追求する the strict psychological distinction. Others besides German 兵士s have 殺害された the defenceless, for 略奪する or lust or 私的な malice, like any other 殺害者. The point is that nowhere else but in Prussian Germany is any theory of honour mixed up with such things; any more than with 毒（薬）ing or 選ぶing pockets. No French, English, Italian or American gentleman would think he had in some way （疑いを）晴らすd his own character by sticking his sabre through some ridiculous greengrocer who had nothing in his 手渡す but a cucumber. It would seem as if the word which is translated from the German as "honour," must really mean something やめる different in German. It seems to mean something more like what we should call "prestige."
The 根底となる fact, however, is the absence of the 相互の idea. The Prussian is not 十分に civilised for the duel. Even when he crosses swords with us his thoughts are not as our thoughts; when we both glorify war, we are glorifying different things. Our メダルs are wrought like his, but they do not mean the same thing; our 連隊s are 元気づけるd as his are, but the thought in the heart is not the same; the アイロンをかける Cross is on the bosom of his king, but it is not the 調印する of our God. For we, 式のs, follow our God with many relapses and self-contradictions, but he follows his very 終始一貫して. Through all the things that we have 診察するd, the 見解（をとる） of 国家の 境界s, the 見解（をとる） of 軍の methods, the 見解（をとる） of personal honour and self-defence, there runs in their 事例／患者 something of an atrocious 簡単; something too simple for us to understand: the idea that glory consists in 持つ／拘留するing the steel, and not in 直面するing it.
If その上の examples were necessary, it would be 平易な to give hundreds of them. Let us leave, for the moment, the relation between man and man in the thing called the duel. Let us take the relation between man and woman, in that immortal duel which we call a marriage. Here again we shall find that other Christian civilisations 目的（とする） at some 肉親，親類d of equality; even if the balance be irrational or dangerous. Thus, the two extremes of the 治療 of women might be 代表するd by what are called the respectable classes in America and in フラン. In America they choose the 危険 of comradeship; in フラン the 補償（金） of 儀礼. In America it is 事実上 possible for any young gentleman to take any young lady for what he calls (I 深く，強烈に 悔いる to say) a joyride; but at least the man goes with the woman as much as the woman with the man. In フラン the young woman is 保護するd like a 修道女 while she is unmarried; but when she is a mother she is really a 宗教上の woman; and when she is a grandmother she is a 宗教上の terror. By both extremes the woman gets something 支援する out of life. There is only one place where she gets little or nothing 支援する; and that is the north of Germany. フラン and America 目的（とする） alike at equality—America by similarity; フラン by dissimilarity. But North Germany does definitely 目的（とする） at 不平等. The woman stands up, with no more irritation than a butler; the man sits 負かす／撃墜する, with no more 当惑 than a guest. This is the 冷静な／正味の affirmation of inferiority, as in the 事例／患者 of the sabre and the tradesman. "Thou goest with women; forget not thy whip," said Nietzsche. It will be 観察するd that he does not say "poker"; which might come more 自然に to the mind of a more ありふれた or Christian wife-beater. But then a poker is a part of domesticity; and might be used by the wife 同様に as the husband. In fact, it often, is. The sword and the whip are the 武器s of a 特権d caste.
Pass from the closest of all differences, that between husband and wife, to the most distant of all differences, that of the remote and 関係のない races who have seldom seen each other's 直面するs, and never been tinged with each other's 血. Here we still find the same unvarying Prussian 原則. Any European might feel a 本物の 恐れる of the Yellow 危険，危なくする; and many Englishmen, Frenchmen, and ロシアのs have felt and 表明するd it. Many might say, and have said, that the Heathen Chinee is very heathen indeed; that if he ever 前進するs against us he will trample and 拷問 and utterly destroy, in a way that Eastern people do, but Western people do not. Nor do I 疑問 the German Emperor's 誠実 when he sought to point out to us how 異常な and abominable such a nightmare （選挙などの）運動をする would be, supposing that it could ever come. But now comes the comic irony; which never fails to follow on the 試みる／企てる of the Prussian to be philosophic. For the Kaiser, after explaining to his 軍隊／機動隊s how important it was to 避ける Eastern 野蛮／未開, 即時に 命令（する）d them to become Eastern Barbarians. He told them, in so many words, to be Huns: and leave nothing living or standing behind them. In fact, he 率直に 申し込む／申し出d a new army 軍団 of aboriginal Tartars to the Far East, within such time as it may take a bewildered Hanoverian to turn into a Tartar. Anyone who has the painful habit of personal thought will perceive here at once the 非，不，無-相互の 原則 again. Boiled 負かす／撃墜する to its bones of logic, it means 簡単に this: "I am a German and you are a Chinaman. Therefore I, 存在 a German, have a 権利 to be a Chinaman. But you have no 権利 to be a Chinaman; because you are only a Chinaman." This is probably the highest point to which German culture has risen.
The 原則 here neglected, which may be called Mutuality by those who misunderstand and dislike the word Equality, does not 申し込む／申し出 so （疑いを）晴らす a distinction between the Prussian and the other peoples as did the first Prussian 原則 of an infinite and destructive opportunism; or, in other words, the 原則 of 存在 unprincipled. Nor upon this second can one take up so obvious a position touching the other civilisations or 半分-civilisations of the world. Some idea of 誓い and 社債 there is in the rudest tribes, in the darkest continents. But it might be 持続するd, of the more delicate and imaginative element of 相互主義, that a cannibal in Borneo understands it almost as little as a professor in Berlin. A 狭くする and one-味方するd 真面目さ is the fault of barbarians all over the world. This may have been the meaning, for aught I know, of the one 注目する，もくろむ of the Cyclops: that the Barbarian cannot see 一連の会議、交渉／完成する things or look at them from two points of 見解（をとる）; and thus becomes a blind beast and an eater of men. Certainly there can be no better 要約 of the savage than this, which, as we have seen, unfits him for the duel. He is the man who cannot love—no, nor even hate—his 隣人 as himself.
But this 質 in Prussia does have one 影響 which has 言及／関連 to the same 追求（する），探索（する） of the lower civilisations. It 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるs once and for all at least of the civilising 使節団 of Germany. Evidently the Germans are the last people in the world to be 信用d with the 仕事. They are as shortsighted morally as 肉体的に. What is their sophism of "necessity" but an 無（不）能 to imagine to-morrow morning? What is their 非，不，無-相互主義 but an 無（不）能 to imagine, not a god or devil, but 単に another man? Are these to 裁判官 mankind? Men of two tribes in Africa not only know that they are all men, but can understand that they are all 黒人／ボイコット men. In this they are やめる 本気で in 前進する of the 知識人 Prussian; who cannot be got to see that we are all white men. The ordinary 注目する，もくろむ is unable to perceive in the North-East Teuton, anything that 示すs him out 特に from the more colourless classes of the 残り／休憩（する） of Aryan mankind. He is 簡単に a white man, with a 傾向 to the grey or the 淡褐色. Yet he will explain, in serious 公式の／役人 文書s, that the difference between him and us is a difference between "the master-race and the inferior-race." The 崩壊（する） of German philosophy always occurs at the beginning, rather than the end of an argument; and the difficulty here is that there is no way of 実験（する）ing which is a master-race except by asking which is your own race. If you cannot find out (as is usually the 事例／患者) you 落ちる 支援する on the absurd 占領／職業 of 令状ing history about 先史の times. But I 示唆する やめる 本気で that if the Germans can give their philosophy to the Hottentots, there is no 推論する／理由 why they should not give their sense of 優越 to the Hottentots. If they can see such 罰金 shades between the Goth and the Gaul, there is no 推論する／理由 why 類似の shades should not 解除する the savage above other savages; why any Ojibway should not discover that he is one 色合い redder than the Dacotahs; or any nigger in the Cameroons say he is not so 黒人／ボイコット as he is painted. For this 原則 of a やめる unproved racial 最高位 is the last and worst of the 拒絶s of 相互主義. The Prussian calls all men to admire the beauty of his large blue 注目する，もくろむs. If they do, it is because they have inferior 注目する，もくろむs: if they don't, it is because they have no 注目する，もくろむs.
Wherever the most 哀れな 残余 of our race, astray and 乾燥した，日照りのd up in 砂漠s, or buried for ever under the 落ちる of bad civilisations, has some feeble memory that men are men, that 取引s are 取引s, that there are two 味方するs to a question, or even that it takes two to make a quarrel—that 残余 has the 権利 to resist the New Culture, to the knife and club and the 後援d 石／投石する. For the Prussian begins all his culture by that 行為／法令／行動する which is the 破壊 of all creative thought and 建設的な 活動／戦闘. He breaks that mirror in the mind, in which a man can see the 直面する of his friend and 敵.
THE German Emperor has reproached this country with 同盟（する）ing itself with "野蛮な and 半分-oriental 力／強力にする." We have already considered in what sense we use the word 野蛮な: it is in the sense of one who is 敵意を持った to civilisation, not one who is insufficient in it. But when we pass from the idea of the 野蛮な to the idea of the oriental, the 事例／患者 is even more curious. There is nothing 特に Tartar in ロシアの 事件／事情／状勢s, except the fact that Russia expelled the Tartars. The eastern invader 占領するd and 鎮圧するd the country for many years; but that is 平等に true of Greece, of Spain, and even of Austria. If Russia has 苦しむd from the East she has 苦しむd ーするために resist it: and it is rather hard that the very 奇蹟 of her escape should make a mystery about her origin. Jonah may or may not have been three days inside a fish, but that does not make him a merman. And in all the other 事例／患者s of European nations who escaped the monstrous 捕らわれた, we do 収容する／認める the 潔白 and 連続 of the European type. We consider the old Eastern 支配する as a 負傷させる, but not as a stain. 巡査-coloured men out of Africa overruled for centuries the 宗教 and patriotism of Spaniards. Yet I have never heard that Don Quixote was an African fable on the lines of Uncle Remus. I have never heard that the 激しい 黒人／ボイコット in the pictures of Velasquez was 予定 to a negro 家系. In the 事例／患者 of Spain, which is の近くに to us, we can recognise the resurrection of a Christian and cultured nation after its age of bondage. But Russia is rather remote; and those to whom nations are but 指名するs in newspapers can really fancy, like Mr. 明らかにするing's friend, that all ロシアの churches are "イスラム教寺院s." Yet the land of Turgeniev is not a wilderness of fakirs; and even the fanatical ロシアの is as proud of 存在 different from the Mongol, as the fanatical Spaniard was proud of 存在 different from the Moor.
The town of Reading, as it 存在するs, 申し込む／申し出s few 適切な時期s for piracy on the high seas: yet it was the （軍の）野営地，陣営 of the 著作権侵害者s in Alfred's day. I should think it hard to call the people of Berkshire half-Danish, 単に because they drove out the Danes. In short, some 一時的な submergence under the savage flood was the 運命／宿命 of many of the most civilised 明言する／公表するs of Christendom; and it is やめる ridiculous to argue that Russia, which 格闘するd hardest, must have 回復するd least. Everywhere, doubtless, the East spread a sort of enamel over the 征服する／打ち勝つd countries, but everywhere the enamel 割れ目d. Actual history, in fact, is 正確に／まさに opposite to the cheap proverb invented against the Muscovite. It is not true to say "Scratch a ロシアの and you find a Tartar." In the darkest hour of the 野蛮な dominion it was truer to say, "Scratch a Tartar and you find a ロシアの." It was the civilisation that 生き残るd under all the 野蛮／未開. This 決定的な romance of Russia, this 革命 against Asia, can be 証明するd in pure fact; not only from the almost superhuman activity of Russia during the struggle, but also (which is much rarer as human history goes) by her やめる 一貫した 行為／行う since. She is the only 広大な／多数の／重要な nation which has really expelled the Mongol from her country, and continued to 抗議する against the presence of the Mongol in her continent. Knowing what he had been in Russia, she knew what he would be in Europe. In this she 追求するd a 論理（学）の line of thought, which was, if anything, too 冷淡な with the energies and 宗教s of the East. Every other country, one may say, has been an 同盟（する） of the Turk; that is, of the Mongol and the Moslem. The French played them as pieces against Austria; the English 温かく supported them under the Palmerston 政権; even the young Italians sent 軍隊／機動隊s to the Crimea; and of Prussia and her Austrian vassal it is nowadays needless to speak. For good or evil, it is the fact of history that Russia is the only 力／強力にする in Europe that has never supported the 三日月 against the Cross.
That, doubtless, will appear an unimportant 事柄; but it may become important under 確かな peculiar 条件s. Suppose, for the sake of argument, that there were a powerful prince in Europe who had gone ostentatiously out of his way to 支払う／賃金 reverence to the remains of the Tartar, Mongol and Moslem, which are left as outposts in Europe. Suppose there were a Christian Emperor who could not even go to the tomb of the Crucified, without pausing to congratulate the last and living crucifier. If there were an Emperor who gave guns and guides and 地図／計画するs and 演習 指導者s to defend the remains of the Mongol in Christendom, what should we say to him? I think at least we might ask him what he meant by his impudence, when he talked about supporting a 半分-oriental 力／強力にする. That we support a 半分-oriental 力／強力にする we 否定する. That he has supported an 完全に oriental 力／強力にする cannot be 否定するd—no, not even by the man who did it.
But here is to be 公式文書，認めるd the 必須の difference between Russia and Prussia; 特に by those who use the ordinary 自由主義の arguments against the latter. Russia has a 政策 which she 追求するs, if you will, through evil and good; but at least so as to produce good 同様に as evil. Let it be 認めるd that the 政策 has made her oppressive to the Finns and the 政治家s—though the ロシアの 政治家s feel far いっそう少なく 抑圧するd than do the Prussian 政治家s. But it is a mere historic fact, that if Russia has been a despot to some small nations, she has been a deliverer to others. She did, so far as in her lay, emancipate the Servians and the Montenegrins. But whom did Prussia ever emancipate—even by 事故? It is indeed somewhat 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の that in the perpetual permutations of international politics, the Hohenzollerns have never gone astray into the path of enlightenment. They have been in 同盟 with almost everybody off and on: with フラン, with England, with Austria, with Russia. Can anyone candidly say that they have left on any one of these people the faintest impress of 進歩 or 解放? Prussia was the enemy of the French 君主国; but a worse enemy of the French 革命. Prussia had been an enemy of the Czar; but she was a worse enemy of the Duma. Prussia 全く 無視（する）d Austrian 権利s: but she is to-day やめる ready to （打撃，刑罰などを）与える Austrian wrongs. This is the strong particular difference between the one empire and the other. Russia is 追求するing 確かな intelligible and sincere ends, which to her at least are ideals, and for which, therefore, she will make sacrifices and will 保護する the weak. But the North German 兵士 is a sort of abstract tyrant, everywhere and always on the 味方する of materialistic tyranny. This Teuton in uniform has been 設立する in strange places; 狙撃 農業者s before Saratoga and flogging 兵士s in Surrey, hanging niggers in Africa and 強姦ing girls in Wicklow; but never, by some mysterious fatality, lending a 手渡す to the 解放する／自由なing of a 選び出す／独身 city or the independence of one 独房監禁 旗. Wherever 軽蔑（する） and 繁栄する 圧迫 are, there is the Prussian; unconsciously 一貫した, instinctively 制限する, innocently evil; "に引き続いて 不明瞭 like a dream."
Suppose we heard of a person (gifted with some longevity) who had helped Alva to 迫害する Dutch Protestants, then helped Cromwell to 迫害する Irish カトリック教徒s, and then helped Claverhouse to 迫害する Scotch Puritans, we should find it rather easier to call him a persecutor than to call him a Protestant or a カトリック教徒. Curiously enough this is 現実に the position in which the Prussian stands in Europe. No argument can alter the fact that in three converging and conclusive 事例／患者s, he has been on the 味方する of three 際立った 支配者s of different 宗教s, who had nothing whatever in ありふれた except that they were 判決，裁定 oppressively. In these three 政府s, taken 分かれて, one can see something excusable or at least human. When the Kaiser encouraged the ロシアの 支配者s to 鎮圧する the 革命, the ロシアの 支配者s undoubtedly believed they were 格闘するing with an inferno of atheism and anarchy. A 社会主義者 of the ordinary English 肉親，親類d cried out upon me when I spoke of Stolypin, and said he was 主として known by the halter called "Stolypin's Necktie." As a fact, there were many other things 利益／興味ing about Stolypin besides his necktie: his 政策 of 小作農民 proprietorship, his 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の personal courage, and certainly 非，不，無 more 利益／興味ing than that movement in his death agony, when he made the 調印する of the cross に向かって the Czar, as the 栄冠を与える and captain of his Christianity. But the Kaiser does not regard the Czar as the captain of Christianity. Far from it. What he supported in Stolypin was the necktie and nothing but the necktie: the gallows and not the cross. The ロシアの 支配者 did believe that the 正統派の Church was 正統派の. The Austrian Archduke did really 願望（する） to make the カトリック教徒 Church 普遍的な. He did really believe that he was 存在 プロの／賛成の-カトリック教徒 in 存在 プロの／賛成の-Austrian. But the Kaiser cannot be プロの／賛成の-カトリック教徒, and therefore cannot have been really プロの／賛成の-Austrian, he was 簡単に and 単独で Anti-Servian. Nay, even in the cruel and sterile strength of Turkey, anyone with imagination can see something of the 悲劇 and therefore of the tenderness of true belief. The worst that can be said of the Moslems is, as the poet put it, they 申し込む／申し出d to man the choice of the Koran or the sword. The best that can be said for the German is that he does not care about the Koran, but is 満足させるd if he can have the sword. And for me, I 自白する, even the sins of these three other 努力する／競うing empires take on, in comparison, something that is sorrowful and dignified: and I feel they do not deserve that this little Lutheran lounger should patronise all that is evil in them, while ignoring all that is good. He is not カトリック教徒, he is not 正統派の, he is not Mahomedan. He is 単に an old gentleman who wishes to 株 the 罪，犯罪 though he cannot 株 the creed. He 願望（する）s to be a persecutor by the pang without the palm. So 堅固に do all the instincts of the Prussian 運動 against liberty, that he would rather 抑圧する other people's 支配するs than think of anybody going without the 利益s of 圧迫. He is a sort of disinterested despot. He is as disinterested as the devil who is ready to do anyone's dirty work.
This would seem 明白に fantastic were it not supported by solid facts which cannot be explained さもなければ. Indeed it would be 信じられない if we were thinking of a whole people, consisting of 解放する／自由な and 変化させるd individuals. But in Prussia the 治める／統治するing class is really a 治める／統治するing class: and a very few people are needed to think along these lines to make all the other people 行為／法令／行動する along them. And the paradox of Prussia is this: that while its princes and nobles have no other 目的（とする） on this earth but to destroy 僕主主義 wherever it shows itself, they have contrived to get themselves 信用d, not as wardens of the past but as forerunners of the 未来. Even they cannot believe that their theory is popular, but they do believe that it is 進歩／革新的な. Here again we find the spiritual chasm between the two 君主国s in question. The ロシアの 会・原則s are, in many 事例／患者s, really left in the 後部 of the ロシアの people, and many of the ロシアの people know it. But the Prussian 会・原則s are supposed to be in 前進する of the Prussian people, and most of the Prussian people believe it. It is thus much easier for the war-lords to go everywhere and 課す a hopeless slavery upon everyone, for they have already 課すd a sort of 希望に満ちた slavery on their own simple race.
And when men shall speak to us of the hoary iniquities of Russia and of how 古風な is the ロシアの system, we shall answer "Yes; that is the 優越 of Russia." Their 会・原則s are part of their history, whether as 遺物s or 化石s. Their 乱用s have really been uses: that is to say, they have been used up. If they have old engines of terror or torment, they may 落ちる to pieces from mere rust, like an old coat of armour. But in the 事例／患者 of the Prussian tyranny, if it be tyranny at all, it is the whole point of its （人命などを）奪う，主張する that it is not 古風な, but just going to begin, like the showman. Prussia has a whole 栄えるing factory of thumbscrews, a whole humming workshop of wheels and racks, of the newest and neatest pattern, with which to 勝利，勝つ 支援する Europe to the Reaction ... infandum renovare dolorem And if we wish to 実験（する） the truth of this, it can be done by the same method which showed us that Russia, if her race or 宗教 could いつかs make her an invader and an 抑圧者, could also be made an emancipator and a knight errant. In the same way, if the ロシアの 会・原則s are old-fashioned, they honestly 展示（する） the good 同様に as the bad that can be 設立する in old-fashioned things.
In their police system they have an 不平等 which is against our ideas of 法律. But in their commune system they have an equality that is older than 法律 itself. Even when they flogged each other like barbarians, they called upon each other by their Christian 指名するs like children. At their worst they 保持するd all the best of a rude society. At their best, they are 簡単に good, like good children or good 修道女s. But in Prussia, all that is best in the civilised 機械／機構 is put at the service of all that is worst in the 野蛮な mind. Here again the Prussian has no 偶発の 長所s, 非，不，無 of those lucky 生き残りs, 非，不，無 of those late repentances, which make the patchwork glory of Russia. Here all is sharpened to a point and pointed to a 目的, and that 目的, if words and 行為／法令／行動するs have any meaning at all, is the 破壊 of liberty throughout the world.
IN considering the Prussian point of 見解（をとる）, we have been considering what seems to be おもに a mental 制限: a 肉親，親類d of knot in the brain. に向かって the problem of Slav 全住民, of English colonisation, of French armies and 増強s, it shows the same strange philosophic sulks. So far as I can follow it, it seems to 量 to 説 "It is very wrong that you should be superior to me, because I am superior to you." The spokesmen of this system seem to have a curious capacity for concentrating this entanglement or contradiction, いつかs into a 選び出す／独身 paragraph, or even a 選び出す／独身 宣告，判決. I have already referred to the German Emperor's celebrated suggestion that ーするために 回避する the 危険，危なくする of Hunnishness we should all become Huns. A much stronger instance is his more 最近の order to his 軍隊／機動隊s touching the war in Northern フラン. As most people know, his words ran "It is my 王室の and 皇室の 命令（する） that you concentrate your energies, for the 即座の 現在の, upon one 選び出す／独身 目的, and that is that you 演説（する）／住所 all your 技術 and all the valour of my 兵士s to 皆殺しにする first the 背信の English and to walk over General French's contemptible little army." The rudeness of the 発言／述べる an Englishman can afford to pass over; what I am 利益／興味d in is the mentality, the train of thought that can manage to entangle itself even in so 簡潔な／要約する a space. If French's little Army is contemptible, it would seem （疑いを）晴らす that all the 技術 and valour of the German Army had better not be concentrated on it, but on the larger and いっそう少なく contemptible 同盟（する）s. If all the 技術 and valour of the German Army are concentrated on it, it is not 存在 扱う／治療するd as contemptible. But the Prussian rhetorician had two 相いれない 感情s in his mind; and he 主張するd on 説 them both at once. He 手配中の，お尋ね者 to think of an English Army as a small thing; but he also 手配中の，お尋ね者 to think of an English 敗北・負かす as a big thing. He 手配中の，お尋ね者 to exult, at the same moment, in the utter 証拠不十分 of the British in their attack; and the 最高の 技術 and valour of the Germans in repelling such an attack. Somehow it must be made a ありふれた and obvious 崩壊（する） for England; and yet a daring and 予期しない 勝利 for Germany. In trying to 表明する these contradictory conceptions 同時に, he got rather mixed. Therefore he bade Germania fill all her vales and mountains with the dying agonies of this almost invisible earwig; and let the impure 血 of this cockroach redden the Rhine 負かす／撃墜する to the sea.
But it would be 不公平な to base the 批評 on the utterance of any 偶発の and hereditary prince: and it is やめる 平等に （疑いを）晴らす in the 事例／患者 of the philosophers who have been held up to us, even in England, as the very prophets of 進歩. And in nothing is it shown more はっきりと than in the curious 混乱させるd talk about Race and 特に about the Teutonic Race. Professor Harnack and 類似の people are reproaching us, I understand, for having broken "the 社債 of Teutonism": a 社債 which the Prussians have 厳密に 観察するd both in 違反 and observance. We 公式文書，認める it in their open 併合 of lands wholly 住むd by negroes, such as Denmark. We 公式文書，認める it 平等に in their instant and joyful 承認 of the flaxen hair and light blue 注目する，もくろむs of the Turks. But it is still the abstract 原則 of Professor Harnack which 利益／興味s me most; and in に引き続いて it I have the same 複雑さ of 調査, but the same 簡単 of result. Comparing the Professor's 関心 about "Teutonism" with his unconcern about Belgium, I can only reach the に引き続いて result: "A man need not keep a 約束 he has made. But a man must keep a 約束 he has not made." There certainly was a 条約 binding Britain to Belgium; if it was only a 捨てる of paper. If there was any 条約 binding Britain to Teutonism it is, to say the least of it, a lost 捨てる of paper; almost what one would call a 捨てる of waste-paper. Here again the pedants under consideration 展示（する） the illogical perversity that makes the brain reel. There is 義務 and there is no 義務: いつかs it appears that Germany and England must keep 約束 with each other; いつかs that Germany need not keep 約束 with anybody and anything; いつかs that we alone の中で European peoples are almost する権利を与えるd to be Germans; いつかs that besides us, ロシアのs and Frenchmen almost rise to a Germanic loveliness of character. But through all there is, 煙霧のかかった but not hypocritical, this sense of some ありふれた Teutonism.
Professor Haeckel, another of the 証言，証人／目撃するs raised up against us, 達成するd to some celebrity at one time through 証明するing the remarkable resemblance between two different things by printing duplicate pictures of the same thing. Professor Haeckel's 出資／貢献 to biology, in this 事例／患者, was 正確に／まさに like Professor Harnack's 出資／貢献 to ethnology. Professor Harnack knows what a German is like. When he wants to imagine what an Englishman is like, he 簡単に photographs the same German over again. In both 事例／患者s there is probably 誠実 同様に as 簡単. Haeckel was so 確かな that the 種類 illustrated in embryo really are closely 関係のある and linked up, that it seemed to him a small thing to 簡単にする it by mere repetition. Harnack is so 確かな that the German and Englishman are almost alike, that he really 危険s the generalisation that they are 正確に／まさに alike. He photographs, so to speak, the same fair and foolish 直面する twice over; and calls it a remarkable resemblance between cousins. Thus, he can 証明する the 存在 of Teutonism just about as conclusively as Haeckel has 証明するd the more tenable proposition of the 非，不，無-存在 of God.
Now the German and the Englishman are not in the least alike—except in the sense that neither of them are negroes. They are, in everything good and evil, more unlike than any other two men we can take at 無作為の from the 広大な／多数の／重要な European family. They are opposite from the roots of their history, nay of their 地理学. It is an understatement to call Britain insular. Britain is not only an island, but an island 削除するd by the sea till it nearly 分裂（する）s into three islands; and even the Midlands can almost smell the salt. Germany is a powerful, beautiful and fertile inland country, which can only find the sea by one or two 新たな展開d and 狭くする paths, as people find a subterranean lake. Thus the British 海軍 is really 国家の because it is natural; it has cohered out of hundreds of 偶発の adventures of ships and shipmen before Chaucer's time and after it. But the German 海軍 is an 人工的な thing; as 人工的な as a 建設するd Alp would be in England. William II. has 簡単に copied the British 海軍 as Frederick II. copied the French Army: and this Japanese or ant-like assiduity in imitation is one of the hundred 質s which the Germans have and the English markedly have not. There are other German 優越s which are very much superior.
The one or two really jolly things that the Germans have got are 正確に the things which the English 港／避難所't got: 顕著に a real habit of popular music and of the 古代の songs of the people, not 単に spreading from the towns or caught from the professionals. In this the Germans rather 似ている the Welsh; though heaven knows what becomes of Teutonism if they do. But the difference between the Germans and the English goes deeper than all these 調印するs of it; they 異なる more than any other two Europeans in the normal posture of the mind. Above all, they 異なる in what is the most English of all English traits; that shame which the French may be 権利 in calling "the bad shame"; for it is certainly mixed up with pride and 疑惑, the upshot of which we called shyness. Even an Englishman's rudeness is often rooted in his 存在 embarrassed. But a German's rudeness is rooted in his never 存在 embarrassed. He eats and makes love noisily. He never feels a speech or a song or a sermon or a large meal to be what the English call "out of place" in particular circumstances. When Germans are 愛国的な and 宗教的な, they have no reaction against patriotism and 宗教 as have the English and the French.
Nay, the mistake of Germany in the modern 災害 大部分は arose from the facts that she thought England was simple, when England is very subtle. She thought that because our politics have become 大部分は 財政上の that they had become wholly 財政上の; that because our aristocrats had become pretty 冷笑的な that they had become 完全に corrupt. They could not 掴む the subtlety by which a rather used-up English gentleman might sell a coronet when he would not sell a 要塞; might lower the public 基準s and yet 辞退する to lower the 旗.
In short, the Germans are やめる sure that they understand us 完全に, because they do not understand us at all. かもしれない if they began to understand us they might hate us even more: but I would rather be hated for some small but real 推論する／理由, than 追求するd with love on account of all 肉親，親類d of 質s which I do not 所有する and which I do not 願望（する）. And when the Germans get their first 本物の glimpse of what modern England is like, they will discover that England has a very broken, belated and 不十分な sense of having an 義務 to Europe, but no sort of sense whatever of having any 義務 to Teutonism.
This is the last and strongest of the Prussian 質s we have here considered. There is in stupidity of this sort a strange slippery strength: because it can be not only outside 支配するs but outside 推論する／理由. The man who really cannot see that he is 否定するing himself has a 広大な／多数の／重要な advantage in 論争; though the advantage breaks 負かす／撃墜する when he tries to 減ずる it to simple 新規加入, to chess, or to the game called war. It is the same about the stupidity of the one-味方するd kinship. The drunkard who is やめる 確かな that a total stranger is his long-lost brother, has a greater advantage until it comes to 事柄s of 詳細（に述べる）. "We must have 大混乱 within," said Nietzsche, "that we may give birth to a dancing 星／主役にする."
In these slight 公式文書，認めるs I have 示唆するd the 主要な／長／主犯 strong points of the Prussian character. A 失敗 in honour which almost 量s to a 失敗 in memory: an egomania that is honestly blind to the fact that the other party is an ego; and, above all, an actual itch for tyranny and 干渉，妨害, the devil which everywhere torments the idle and the proud. To these must be 追加するd a 確かな mental shapelessness which can 拡大する or 契約 without 言及／関連 to 推論する／理由 or 記録，記録的な／記録する; a 可能性のある infinity of excuses. If the English had been on the German 味方する, the German professors would have 公式文書，認めるd what irresistible energies had 発展させるd the Teutons. As the English are on the other 味方する, the German professors will say that these Teutons were not 十分に 発展させるd. Or they will say that they were just 十分に 発展させるd to show that they were not Teutons. Probably they will say both. But the truth is that all that they call 進化 should rather be called 回避. They tell us they are 開始 windows of enlightenment and doors of 進歩. The truth is that they are breaking up the whole house of the human intellect, that they may abscond in any direction. There is an ominous and almost monstrous 平行の between the position of their over-率d philosophers and of their comparatively under-率d 兵士s. For what their professors call roads of 進歩 are really 大勝するs of escape.
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