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肩書を与える: The Karen People of Burma: A 熟考する／考慮する in Anthropology and Ethnology Author: Harry Ignatius Marshall * A 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia eBook * eBook No.: 0800061h.html Language: English Date first 地位，任命するd: January 2008 Date most recently updated: July 2009 PRODUCTION NOTES: Footnotes, 示すd bwtween square brackets [ ] within the text can be 設立する at the end of the とじ込み／提出する. 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia eBooks are created from printed 版s which are in the public domain in Australia, unless a copyright notice is 含むd. We do NOT keep any eBooks in 同意／服従 with a particular paper 版. Copyright 法律s are changing all over the world. Be sure to check the copyright 法律s for your country before downloading or redistributing this とじ込み／提出する. This eBook is made 利用できる at no cost and with almost no 制限s どれでも. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the 条件 of the 事業／計画（する） Gutenberg of Australia License which may be 見解（をとる）d online at http://gutenberg.逮捕する.au/licence.html
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The Ohio 明言する／公表する University 公式発表 VOLUME 26 APRIL 29, 1922 NUMBER 13 CONTRIBUTIONS IN HISTORY AND POLITICAL SCIENCE NUMBER 8 The Karen People of Burma: A 熟考する／考慮する in Anthropology and Ethnology By Rev. Harry Ignatius Marshall, M.A. (1878-) Missionary of the American Baptist Foreign 使節団 Society, Member of the 王室の Asiatic Society of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain and Ireland, and of the American Oriental Society PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY AT COLUMBUS Entered as second-class 事柄 November 17, 1905, at the postoffice at Columbus, Ohio. under 行為／法令／行動する of 議会, July 16, 1894. 受託 for mailing at special 率 of postage 供給するd for in Section 1103, 行為／法令／行動する of October 3, 1917. 権限を与えるd July 10, 1918.
To many a 訪問者 to Burma, who 見解（をとる）s the country from the deck of an Irrawaddy River streamer or from the window of a 鉄道 carriage, there appears to be little difference between the Karen and the Burman. This is not strange, for many individuals of the 非，不，無-Burman tribes wear the Burmese 衣装 and speak the Burmese language; and they 現在の no markedly different 特徴 in feature or color of 肌. I have often heard the 発言／述べる that "there is no difference between the Burman and the Karen." It is doubtless because the 政府 of Burma 認めるs that there is a difference in the 部族の 特徴, customs, and 宗教 that it has 可決する・採択するd the wise 政策 of publishing a 一連の 完全にする 熟考する／考慮するs, of which this 趣旨s to be one, of these さまざまな peoples. If the reader will have the patience to read these pages, it is hoped that he will realize that, though the Karen have lived for 世代s in the closest proximity to the Burmese, they 保存する their own racial traits, which are やめる 際立った from those of their more volatile neighbors with whom they have had little in ありふれた.
This work 取引，協定s more 特に with the Sgaw 支店 of the Karen people. My own experience has been more intimate with this tribe, though I have known many of the other groups. This circumstance, together with the fact that the Bwe and Taungthu peoples have already been 述べるd in the Upper Burma Gazetteer, 同様に as the 制限s of space, has led me to 限界 my discussion to 簡潔な／要約する 言及／関連s to the other tribes. But I am 納得させるd that in the main the Sgaw 展示（する） the general 特徴 that are truly Karen in the broadest sense of the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語. I have also omitted any 詳細（に述べる）d 熟考する／考慮する of the large 集まり of Karen folklore, which may かもしれない be 会社にする／組み込むd in some 未来 熟考する／考慮する.
The reader may notice that I have used the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "Karen," instead of the more usual plural form "Karens," when referring to the 部族の 指名する. This is more 正確な, for to 追加する the "s" is as 誤って導くing in this 事例／患者 as in that of the Lao, who are often 誤った spoken of as the "Laos." In the transliteration of Karen words I have followed the 大陸の system of （一定の）期間ing, 可決する・採択するing "x" for the guttural which is pronounced like the "ch" in the Scotch "loch," and the dipthong "eu" for the sound which closely 似ているs the ありふれた pronunciation of "er" as in "her." I have 受託するd the 簡単にするd （一定の）期間ing for the 部族の 指名するs, Pwo and Bwe, in place of the more cumbersome "Pgho" and "Bghai."
It is not without some 疑惑s that I 許す these sheets to go to the publisher. The 公式文書，認めるs were collected at such intervals as could be taken from my labors as a 地区 missionary, and that at a time when 増加するing 行政の 義務s 妨げるd my giving such attention to them as I could wish. The return to America on furlough necessitated the 完成 of the work on the opposite 味方する of the world from the sources of my 構成要素, and where, though I enjoyed the 特権s of a 卒業生（する） Fellowship at the Ohio 明言する／公表する University. I had to depend 大部分は on my personal collections, there 存在 no department of Ethnology there.
I wish to 認める the 援助 which I have had from my wife, whose 同情的な 利益／興味 and 正確な knowledge have been of untold value, and also the help I have received from my missionary 同僚s, の中で whom I should について言及する my father-in-法律, Rev. D. A. W. Smith, D.D.; Rev. C. A. Nichols, D.D., who was first to ask me to 請け負う the 準備 of this work, and Rev. E. N. Harris. の中で the many Karen members of the 使節団 staff who have helped in the 集会 of 構成要素s, I can only について言及する Thras San Gyi San Kwe, Po Myaing, and Shwe Thee, of Tharrawaddy; Thra Pan Ya Se, of Shwegyin; and Thra Aung Gaing, of Insein, who gave me a 十分な account of the Karen of Siam. The sketches 調印するd "D. P." are the work of a Karen schoolboy from Tavoy, Saw Day Po, who, to his credit it should be said, drew them without having had any 指示／教授／教育 in 製図／抽選 whatever. My thanks are also 予定 to Drs. B. Laufer and 妖精／密着させる Cooper-Cole, of the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, for many 価値のある suggestions, and to Professors J. A. Leighton and W. H. Siebert, of the Ohio 明言する／公表する University, for many 親切s. To Professor Siebert I am 特に indebted for a most painstaking review of my entire manuscript, for its 受託 for 出版（物）, and for seeing it through the 圧力（をかける） of the Ohio 明言する／公表する University. Finally, I 願望（する） to 表明する my 感謝 to the 政府 of Burma for the 特権 of 請け負うing this work. The necessity for careful 観察 and 徹底的な 調査 has not been without its 利益s to me. The 請け負うing has been exacting and やめる instructive, even if it had 利益d no one but myself.
This 調書をとる／予約する is, after all, but another by-製品 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な missionary 企業, which 捜し出すs to 解除する the いっそう少なく fortunate peoples of the world to a higher 計画（する） of life and enjoyment, and to bring to them the best of our Christian civilization. If this work should help to make the Karen better known and understood and in any way 補助装置 them along their 上向き path, the writer will feel that it has all been a part of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 仕事 to which he has 献身的な his life. May the blessing of God 残り／休憩（する） upon it.
COLUMBUS, OHIO
AUGUST 30, 1920
CONTENTS: PREFACE PART I. GENERAL TOPICS I. HABITAT AND TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION OF THE KAREN II. THE ORIGIN OF THE KAREN III. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS IV. MENTAL AND MORAL CHARACTERISTICS V. LANGUAGE VI. DRESS AND ORNAMENTS VII. MEASURES OF TIME AND SPACE. KAREN ASTRONOMY PART II. DOMESTIC LIFE VIII. THE KAREN VILLAGE-HOUSE IX. FOOD AND ITS PREPARATION X. AGRICULTURAL PURSUITS AND OTHER OCCUPATIONS XI. HUNTING AND FISHING XII. SPINNING, DYEING, AND WEAVING. MAT-MAKING AND BASKETRY XIII. BRONZE DRUMS PART III. SOCIAL LIFE XIV. SOCIAL CONDITIONS XV. LAWS AND PRECEPTS XVI. WARFARE AND WEAPONS XVII. MUSIC, MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS AND DANCING XVIII. BIRTH CUSTOMS, CHILDHOOD XIX. MARRIAGE CUSTOMS XX. FUNERAL CUSTOMS PART IV. RELIGIOUS LIFE XXI. RELIGIOUS CONCEPTIONS XXII. SUPERNATURAL AND MYTHICAL BEINGS XXIII. PROPITIATORY SACRIFICES AND HEALING OFFERINGS XXIV. FEASTS TO THE "BGHA" XXV. MOUNT "THAW THI." RELIGIOUS CULTS XXVI. MAGIC XXVII. DIVINATIONS XXVIII. TABU PART V. DEVELOPMENT OF THE KAREN PEOPLE XXIX. GROWTH OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE KAREN XXX. PROGRESS OF THE KAREN RACE APPENDIXES A. GLOSSARY OF KAREN WORDS B. BIBLIOGRAPHY FOOTNOTES
ILLUSTRATIONS A Sgaw Karen 青年 with His Harp (Frontispiece) A Creek of the Irrawaddy Delta A Mountain Stream in Burma A Path through the Bamboo ジャングル, Pegua Hills The Morning もや in the Toungoo Hills Karen Hill Men Coming 負かす／撃墜する to the Plains Karen Men from the Hills, Tharrawaddy 地区 Karen Family with Traces of Negrito 血 Sgaw Karen Young 血s, Ngape Eh Village, Tharrawaddy Hills Karen Boys Playmates: Karen Boys and the Sons of the Author A Paku Schoolgirl, Toungoo A Karen Belle A Bwe Karen Man's 控訴 A Karen Bamboo 徹底的に捜す Women's 衣料品s Women's 長，率いる-dress Karen Skirts and 捕らえる、獲得するs A Padaung Couple, the Wife with Neck-（犯罪の）一味s and 脚-（犯罪の）一味s Women's Earrings A Boar's Tusk 徹底的に捜す Karen Girls in Burmese 衣装 Two Sgaw Karen Maidens The Gateway of a Village Stockade Part of a Mountain Karen Village, Tharrawaddy 地区 Stockade and Gateway of the Village, Re Tho, Tharrawaddy 地区 計画（する） of Shataw Village, Tharrawaddy 地区 A たいまつ with Its Stand 計画（する） of a Karen Family-room Sideview of a Bamboo Karen House, Kaindagyi 続けざまに猛撃するing 米，稲 in a 迫撃砲 The Fireplace in a Hill Karen House Karen タバコ 麻薬を吸うs and a Piston for Breaking Betel-nut Offerings and 罠（にかける）s on the 辛勝する／優位 of a Field A Hillside 陰謀（を企てる） 削減（する） Ready for 燃やすing A 米，稲-貯蔵所 for 蓄える／店ing 穀物 in the Field Off for the Fields with Baskets and 捕らえる、獲得するs 骨折って進むing a 米，稲 Field in Lower Burma Women 移植（する）ing 米，稲 得るing 米，稲 with Sickles A Threshing-床に打ち倒す on the Plains Winnowing 米，稲 Fanning 米，稲 Sgaw Karen Women Carrying 穀物 in Large Baskets Karen Houses on the Plains Turning the Buffaloes Out to Graze Setting a Spring 罠（にかける）, Pegu Hills A Box 罠（にかける） for Catching Birds A Large Fish-罠（にかける） Climbing the Toddy-palm Cylindrical Fish-罠（にかける）s 瓶／封じ込める-形態／調整d Fish-罠（にかける） Ginning Cotton in the Pegu Hills Batting Cotton into Smooth 層s with a 屈服する A Karen Girl at a Burmese ぼんやり現れる The Karen ぼんやり現れる A Karen Matron Weaving under Her House Karen Bronze 派手に宣伝する, Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy 地区 A "Rubbing" Showing the Pattern of the 長，率いる of the Nabaain 派手に宣伝する Bronze 派手に宣伝する from Kondagyi, Tharrawaddy 地区 長，率いる of the Kondagyi 派手に宣伝する Bronze 派手に宣伝する Owned by Rev. A. V. B. Crumb 長，率いる of Mr. Crumb's 派手に宣伝する Bringing Water for the 訪問者, Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy 地区 Young Women Bringing in Bamboo 燃料, Tharrawaddy Hills Plains Women Bathing in the Irrawaddy, in the 物陰／風下 of the High-厳しいd Burmese Boat Carrying Water in Bamboo 共同のs Dipping Water from a Shallow Stream Buffaloes at Their Daily Bath Karens of Three 世代s on the Plains Karen Girls of the Plains Carrying Water in Earthen マリファナs A Sgaw Karen Orchestra, Tharrawaddy Hills Karen Jew's harps A Karen Guitar Playing the "Paw Ku" or Karen Xylophone An 展示 業績／成果 on the Xylophone Musical 得点する／非難する／２０ of a Karen "Hta" or Poem A Child Riding on Its Mother's Hip The Friends of the Bridegroom The Bridegroom's Company Entering the Bride's Village The Wedding Party Karen Girls of the Plains, Tharrawaddy 地区 Christian 変えるs, Ngape Eh Village, Tharrawaddy 地区 Sgaw Karen Young Women 協定 of Pestles for a Funeral Game Another 協定 of Pestles for a Funeral Game A Sketch of a Tree Used in the Funeral Games Climbing the Cocoanut-palm A Hill Village in 移行 A Karen Village on the Plains A Bwe Karen Christian Village, Toungoo 地区 Karen Girls 続けざまに猛撃するing 米，稲 in a 迫撃砲 Out-of-doors A Bwe Karen Prophet A Hut 築くd in a Forest （疑いを）晴らすing by a Self-styled Prophet as the 中心 of a New Karen 宗教的な 教団 of Short Duration A Sgaw Karen Grandmother Karen 村人s, Tharrawaddy 地区 Utensils for the Sacred "Bgha" Feast of a Pwo Karen Family, Bassein 地区 Village School-children with Their Teacher Paku Karen Schoolgirls Field-day, Tharrawaddy Karen High School Chicken Bones Used in Divination A Christian Karen Village School, Tharrawaddy 地区 Two Karen Christian 牧師s Karen Theological Students A Christian Village School, Prome 地区 The Chapel and Schoolhouse of the American Baptist 使節団 High School, Tharrawaddy 地区 Schoolgirls at Calisthenics, Tharrawaddy Karen High School Schoolboys Lined up for 演習 A Karen Teacher and Lahu Boys Rev. Thra Maung Yin, of Bassein Karen 軍の Police
A Sgaw Karen 青年 with His Harp
{In the olden days every 青年 loved his harp and carried it with him
絶えず. On such 器具 as these they played the accompaniments to
their old epic "htas," which have been 保存するd for 世代s. The
boar's tusk 徹底的に捜す hangs 負かす／撃墜する behind this boy's ear.}
The Karen are a group of Indo-Chinese tribes living principally in Burma, the easternmost 州 of the British Indian Empire, in the Indo-Chinese 半島, and in the 隣接するing country of Siam to the east. They are 設立する between the tenth and twenty-first degrees of north latitude and between the ninety-fourth and one hundredth degrees of east longitude. The greater part of this 領土 they 占領する in 関係 with the other peoples of the country, すなわち, the Burmese, Shan, Siamese, and Chin. The only 排他的に Karen country is the hilly 地域 of the Toungoo 地区 and the Karenni subdivision, where the Karen 長，指導者s of five 明言する／公表するs, 構成するing 4,830 square miles and a 全住民 of 42,240 are still in 力／強力にする under the （a）忠告の／（n）警報 会議 of the British 政府. There is also a Karen 長，指導者 判決，裁定 one of the Shan 明言する／公表するs, and five other 明言する／公表するs in that section are 支配するd by Taungthu 長，指導者s. In all these latter 地区s we find a mixed 全住民.[1-1]
The whole group of Karen tribes can be divided into three 分割s, によれば their language or dialect differences. These are the Sgaw, Pwo, and Bwe groups.
The Sgaw group is the largest and most 広範囲にわたって scattered. They are 設立する all through the Irrawaddy Delta, from the 周辺 of Prome southward, and from the Arracan coast eastward to the 近隣 of Lakong in Siam and southward to the lowest point of the British 所有／入手s. The Paku and Mawnepgha tribes of the southern Toungoo Hills belong to this group. One dialect, with only slight variations, is used through this 地域.
The Pwo group 構成するs, besides the Pwo Karen, the Taungthu tribe, who call themselves the Pao. The Pwo are 設立する along the seacoast from Arracan to Mergui and are said to be 設立する nowhere more than fifty miles inland. However, I think that some of the Pwo villages in the Henzada 地区 may be a little さらに先に inland than that. The Taungthu are 設立する in a section of country running northward from Thaton into the Shan 明言する／公表するs beyond Taunggyi.
A Creek of the Irrawaddy River Delta, Bassein 地区
{These streams form the 主要道路s of this 地区.}
A Mountain Stream in Burma
{The Karen build their villages along these streams of swift-running
water.}
The Bwe tribes are 設立する in the 周辺 of Toungoo, in the 領土 延長するing from the 山のふもとの丘s east of that city throughout the Karenni subdivision. This is a very 山地の 地域, and we find the people broken up into small tribes 異なるing from one another in dialect, dress, and customs. Nine of these tribes were enumerated in the last 政府 国勢（人口）調査. The 傾向 of the 現在の time is to consider these tribes more closely 関係のある than was 以前は the 事例／患者.
In the 国勢（人口）調査 報告（する）／憶測 of the 政府 of India for the year 1911 we have the first enumeration of all Karens in the British 領土. In former 報告（する）／憶測s the Karenni 領土 was not 含むd in the enumeration. The returns in 1911 showed a 全住民 of 1,102,695. This was an 増加する of 199,334 over the previous count in 1901, 予定 in part to the 増加するd extent of the 領土 covered. The enumeration, however, did not 明確に distinguish between the Pwo and Sgaw 支店s of the race, 予定, as the 報告（する）／憶測 says, to the fact that many returned themselves 簡単に as Karens, without 明示するing to which 支店 they belonged. The total number of Pwos and Sgaws 増加するd from 717,859 souls in 1901 to 872,825 in 1911, a 伸び（る） of 154,966. This 代表するs a real 増加する in 全住民, for these tribes are all in Burma proper. The Pwo dialect is いっそう少なく 執拗な than the Sgaw, for more of its members are using Burmese to a much greater degree than the Sgaws, although the latter are also giving up their language where they are living in の近くに 接触する with the Burmans. The Sgaw dialect is not "運動ing out the Pwo" as 噂する says, but is 単に 持つ／拘留するing its own better against the Burmese. Probably there are about half a million Sgaws in Burma and perhaps another 50,000 in Siam,[1-2] which would make them the most 非常に／多数の 支店 of the race. The Taungthu were enumerated by themselves and, as has been said above, belong to the Pwo group. There were 183,054 of them in 1911. During the １０年間 previous to that enumeration they had made an 増加する of 14,753 souls. The Pwo group would probably 含む together about 350,000 members and would stand second in point of numbers.[1-3]
The Bwe group is more definitely 扱う／治療するd in the 国勢（人口）調査 報告（する）／憶測, for in this group each tribe is enumerated 分かれて, as follows:
Karenni.......................19,008 Karennet.......................3,721 Karenbyu.........................790 Zayein.........................4,981 Sinsin...........................533 Bre............................6,911 Mano...........................1,445 Yinbaw...........................911 Padaung............. ..........8,516 Total.........................46,816
These tribes,[1-4] dwelling in the heart of the Karen country where they have been 安全な・保証する in the fastnesses of their native hills, have never before been counted with enough exactness to 許す us to 見積（る） their 増加する in numbers. There is no 疑問 that the general impression that they are really 増加するing is 訂正する. その上の 調査 may show that some of these tribes as, for example, the Zayein, may be 連合した to 非，不，無-Karen 在庫／株, such as the Wa of the Shan 明言する／公表するs.[1-5]
These Bwe tribes form a 際立った group, but it is beyond the 目的 of this 現在の work to 取引，協定 in particular with them, 特に since they have already formed the 支配する of a 熟考する／考慮する 会社にする／組み込むd in the Upper Burma Gazetteer.[1-6]
The traditions of the Karen 明確に 示す that they have not always lived in their 現在の home. The most striking story is that of "Htaw Meh Pa," the mythical 創立者 of the Karen race, who lived with his 非常に／多数の family in some unknown land to the North, where their fields were 荒廃させるd by a 広大な／多数の／重要な boar. The patriarch went out and killed the boar; but when the sons went to bring in the carcass, they could find only one tusk which had been broken off in the fray. The old man made a 徹底的に捜す made out of this, which surprised them all by its 力／強力にする of 伝えるing eternal 青年 to all who used it. Soon their country became overpopulated, and they 始める，決める out to 捜し出す a new and better land. They traveled together till they （機の）カム to a river called in Karen "Hsi Seh Meh Ywa." Here the old man became impatient at the long time it took the members of the family to cook 貝類と甲殻類 and went on ahead, 約束ing to 炎 his path that they might follow him through the ジャングル. After a while the Chinese （機の）カム along and told them how to open the 爆撃するs to get out the meat; and then, having eaten, they followed the old man, only to find that the plantain stalks he had 削減（する） off had 発射 up so high that it seemed impossible to 追いつく him. They, therefore, settled 負かす／撃墜する in the 周辺. The patriarch went on, taking with him the 魔法 徹底的に捜す which has never been discovered to this day.
While this tradition is not 限定するd to the Karen,[2-1] it has a 耐えるing, I believe, on their origin. A 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 has been written about the "Hti Seh Meh Ywa" or, as Dr. Mason called it, the "River of Running Sand,"[2-2] which is, as he thinks, the Gobi 砂漠. This opinion of Dr. Mason is derived from Fa Hien's description of his travels across that 砂漠. However, the Karen 指名する of the river means not only "flowing sand," but also a "river of water flowing with sand."[2-3] The 言及／関連 to the Gobi 砂漠 seems rather far-fetched and has, therefore, been abandoned by scholars, Dr. D. C. Gilmore 示唆するs the Salwen as 存在 a river that fulfils the 必要物／必要条件s of the tradition, but bases his 結論s 大部分は on the 言及／関連 to the 早期に home of "Htaw Meh Pa" as 位置を示すd on 開始する "雪解け Thi," the Olympus of the Karen, which is について言及するd in Dr. Vinton's 見解／翻訳／版 of the story, from which he 引用するs.[2-4] This 言及／関連 is not 設立する in other 見解／翻訳／版s of the story and was probably not a part of it in its earliest form. It seems reasonable, therefore, to look その上の for the sandy river. Dr. Laufer[2-5] 主張するs that the 早期に home of the peoples of eastern Asia was in the upper reaches of the Hoang-売春婦 or Yellow River, of 中国, and that from this 中心 the Tibetans migrated 西方の; the 早期に tribes of Indo-中国, southward; and the Chinese, southeastward. によれば this 見解（をとる）, the progenitors of the Karen probably formed a part of the southward 移住 and, at some 明言する／公表する of their march, stopped on the banks of the Yellow River which, as its 指名する 示唆するs, has from time immemorial been freighted with silt and sand. Here they may have tried to cook the 貝類と甲殻類 referred to in the tradition. From this 地域 they doubtless made their way 負かす／撃墜する to what is now Yunnan, where perhaps they 設立する a 住所／本籍 till they were 押し進めるd さらに先に south by migrating people 前進するing behind them.
The 指名する "Karen" is an imperfect transliteration of the Burmese word "Kayin," the derivation of which has puzzled students of that language. It has been thought that this word is derived from the 指名する by which the Red Karen call themselves, i.e., "Ka-Ya." The 任命 of the Sgaw for themselves if "Pgha K'Nyaw," which has not usually been associated with the native 指名する of the Red Karen. In August, 1914, it was 示唆するd to me[2-6] that these 部族の 指名するs, which have hitherto been thought to mean 簡単に "men," were 関係のある to, and derived from, the 指名する of one of the four 古代の tribes of 中国, that is, Ch'iang (古代の pronunciation, Giang or Gyang). This tribe, which is 示すd in Chinese by the ideograph of a man 連合させるd with the character 指定するing a sheep, 伝えるing the meaning of shepherd, 占領するd the western part of 古代の 中国. The first part of the 指名する "Ch," means "people," and the latter part, "Yang," is the 独特の 部族の 指名する. Turning now to the Karen word "Pgha K'Nyaw." "Pgha" is a general word meaning people. "K'Nyaw" is, によれば my informant, composed of two elements: "K'," a prefix often 設立する in the 指名するs of tribes in the 周辺 of Burma and denoting a 部族の group, as "Kachin," "Kethe," or "Karok" (as used by the Talaing of the Chinese). "Nyaw" is derived from "Yang," referred to above. The final nasal "ng" is 軟化するd in Karen to the open syllable "aw," に引き続いて the analogy of many words occurring in the dialects or in Burmese and having nasal endings; and "n" and "ny" are interchangeable. Thus, if this 推論する／理由ing is 訂正する, "Pgha K'Nyaw" is derived from the 古代の "Yang," and is like the source from which the Burmese "Kayin" is derived.[2-7] This explanation affords another link connecting the Karen with the 早期に dwellers within the 限定するs of the 現在の Chinese 共和国.
A Path through the Bamboo ジャングル, Pegua Hills
The Morning もや in the Toungoo Hills
{The もやs settle in the valleys, which make the mountain-最高の，を越すs look like
islands in an inland sea.}
The language of the Karen, after 存在 classed in さまざまな ways, has now been 認めるd as a Sinitic language and, によれば the last Burma 国勢（人口）調査 (1911) is 始める，決める 負かす／撃墜する as belonging to the "Siamese-Chinese" sub-family of the Tibeto-Chinese languages, 存在 grouped with the Tai or Shan. I feel sure that this last 配合 is 支配する to 改正 by the philologists. While at first ちらりと見ること the 関係 of these languages appears to be remote, Major H. R. Davies makes a very pertinent 声明 when he says: "Doubtless 借りがあるing to phonetic change and the splitting of 初期の 二塁打 consonants, many words have been altered beyond all hope of 承認, but a systematic 熟考する／考慮する of the 支配する would, I believe, 明らかにする／漏らす many unsuspected resemblances."[2-8]
When we consider that many of these languages have never been 直す／買収する，八百長をするd by written characters and that, within the past few １０年間s, the Karen language has so changed that the 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業d literature of a century ago is almost unintelligible to the 現在の 世代, we can see how 複雑にするd the problem is and that it is only 有能な of 解答, if at all, at the 手渡すs of 専門家s.
The Karen language, as we now have it, is a monosyllabic agglutinated speech, with no final consonants in Sgaw Karen and with nasals and 決勝戦 in other dialects. These are all 示すs of Sinitic speech. Dr. D. C. Gilmore believes that the Pwo dialect 支店d off from the parent 茎・取り除く earlier than the Sgaw, but kept the 初めの nasals and, 存在 in closer 接触する with outside races, 可決する・採択するd more outside words. [2-9] the Sgaw has dropped the final nasals, because they were more difficult to pronounce, but has kept the 初めの form of the language to a greater extent than the Pwo.
The fact that the Karen have used bronze 派手に宣伝するs for many 世代s has, I think, a 耐えるing on their racial 関係. These remarkable 派手に宣伝するs have only recently been 熟考する／考慮するd by Western scholars, and their 十分な significance is still a 事柄 for 調査. These 派手に宣伝するs were 以前は thought to be of Chinese origin, but it seems that they are to be せいにするd to aboriginal tribes, 設立する in what is now 結社 King and Yunnan by the Chinese general, Ma Yuon (41, A.D.) and Chu-Ko Liang (230, A.D.), who 征服する／打ち勝つd these 領土s for the Chinese.[2-10]
The upper 部分 of Camboja is now considered to be the 初めの home of these 派手に宣伝するs. They formed part of the 所有／入手s of the 長，指導者s and were considered very precious, each 存在 価値（がある） from eight to ten oxen. Chu-ko Liang is 報告（する）／憶測d to have exacted sixty-three bronze 派手に宣伝するs as 尊敬の印 from the barbarians and to have taken them 支援する with him. の中で the peoples of Burma the Karen seem to be the only race that has made use of these 派手に宣伝するs. They do not 製造（する） them, but buy them from the more industrious Shans, who do not appear to 始める，決める much 蓄える／店 by them.[2-11] の中で the Karen, until 最近の times, the owner of one of these 器具s was considered of more 価値（がある） than a man who had seven elephants. A 派手に宣伝する often formed the 身代金 of a village or the dowry of a maiden. Although so valued a 所有／入手 often belongs to a 長，指導者, it may belong to any one who can 購入（する） it.
It may have been from the Karen that the Chinese generals exacted part or all of their 尊敬の印. If so, this people was living in the mountains of Yunnan at the beginning of the Christian 時代. It is a belief of the Karen that their forefathers have 心にいだくd these 派手に宣伝するs for time immemorial. One 派手に宣伝する in Toungoo 地区 is, I have been told, supposed to be a thousand years old. Our knowledge of them is, however, too 不十分な to 許す any dogmatic 声明s on the 支配する. その上の 調査 should throw more light upon it.
The 宗教的な traditions of the Karen have also been thought to 所有する significance in regard to their racial origin. When, in 1827, the 早期に missionaries first discovered the Karen, they were surprised to find that these people professed having received from their forefathers monotheistic traditions in which the story of the 創造 was almost 平行の to the Mosaic account in Genesis. The question, "Whence this story?" at once 示唆するd itself. Was it their 独立した・無所属 所有／入手 from the beginning of time, their only 遺物 from a more vigorous and 高度に civilized past when, as they explained, they had not yet lost their 調書をとる／予約する?[2-12] Or had it been borrowed from another people, whom they had met in the course of their wanderings from their northern birthplace to their 現在の home? Some of the 早期に missionaries, 含むing Dr. Mason, thought that the Karen might be 設立する to be the lost tribes of イスラエル[2-13] or, if not 現実に descended from Abraham, that they had received 指示／教授／教育 from 植民地s of Jews, who were supposed to have spread to the East in 古代の times.
It has also been 示唆するd that Christian missionaries, traveling to the Orient during the 早期に centuries of our 時代, transmitted this 創造 story to the Karen. On this point the comment of Dr. Laufer is pertinent.[2-14] He says: "The 'River of running sand' in the traditions of the Karen is not やむを得ず to be 解釈する／通訳するd as the 砂漠 of Gobi; at least it is not 納得させるing. Still いっそう少なく is it 考えられる that their legends should 示唆する an 知識 with the ユダヤ人の 植民地s in 中国, or even with the Nestorian tablet at Sin-gan-fu. The small number of ユダヤ人の 移民，移住（する）s into 中国, who were 主として settled at K'ai-fong in 売春婦-nan, have never been able to 発揮する the slightest 影響（力） on their surroundings, but, on the contrary, have been so 完全に sinsized that they are now almost extinct. Nestorianism left no trace on the thought of Chinese society. The inscription in question is written in such an exalted and 高度に literary style that it is やめる unintelligible to the people and its technical terminology is a 完全にする mystery to the 現在の scholars of 中国. No popular 影響（力） can be せいにするd to such a monument." It appears that the number and antiquity of 早期に ユダヤ人の 移民，移住（する）s into 中国 have been much 過大評価するd by many writers, so that, if 現在の scholarship is 訂正する, this source from which the Karen could have 得るd their tradition has 事実上 been 除去するd.[2-15]
Though there seems to be little ground left for connecting the Karen story of the 創造 with either the ユダヤ人の or Nestorian 植民地s of 中国, there are one or two points that might be borne in mind in regard thereto. The story is universally known の中で the Karen tribes and most fully の中で the Red Karen, who have been least 影響する／感情d by outside 影響（力）s in 最近の times. It 含む／封じ込めるs no 言及／関連 to the life or teachings of Christ or to any real Messianic hope, but 示唆するs only Old Testament 構成要素, such as the 創造, 落ちる, flood, and tower of Babel, besides 含む／封じ込めるing the Red Karen genealogy. Hence, it would seem that we can hardly せいにする the story to the Portuguese missionaries, who were not in Burma until the sixteenth century or later. It would rather point to an earlier ユダヤ人の source, from which the story （機の）カム 支援する in the days when the tribes were いっそう少なく divided than they were later. For if Christian teachers had taught the Karen, would they not have made a deeper impression with their story of 救済 than with the いっそう少なく 重要な one of 創造?
Some writers have 主張するd that the 初めの 宗教 of 中国 was a sort of monotheism, in which one god, the Emperor of Heaven, was somewhat akin to the Jehovah of the Hebrews, thought not worshipped to the 除外 of all other deities. There is a 明らかにする 可能性 that the Karen tradition might have some relation to such an 古代の belief.[2-16]
However, the story of the 創造 の中で these people has such a 示すd parallelism with the Hebrew story that, even though its origin has not been traced, we find it difficult to 避ける the 疑惑 that it （機の）カム from an Hebraic source, 存在 carried by some wandering story-teller or unknown missionary only to become 会社にする／組み込むd into the 部族の belief of the Karen, along with their own 原始の mythology.
The hilly 州 of Yunnan in southern 中国 with its 広大な／多数の／重要な mixture of races, answers the description of an 古代の 貯蔵所 of 逃亡者／はかないものs and migrating groups from both India and 中国. In the marauding 探検隊／遠征隊s and 大虐殺s taking place の中で the 競うing elements in such a "melting マリファナ," the Oriental 征服者／勝利者s showed mercy only to the women along the 敵 and made wives of them. On the 仮定／引き受けること or theory that the Karen spent a part of their 移住する period in Yunnan, they may have 保存するd a greater degree of racial 潔白 by their practice of strict endogamy and their custom of 退却／保養地ing to mountain fastnesses."[2-17]
From Yunnan the 大勝する that was probably followed by the Karen was by way of the Mekong or Salwen into the upper part of what is now the Shan 明言する／公表するs. Thence they spread southward over what is now Karenni and then on to Lower Burma and Tenasserim.[2-18]
We are unable to 決定する when these 移住s took placed, or when the Karen entered Burma. If it could be shown that the ancestors of the Karen were の中で those from whom the 派手に宣伝する 尊敬の印 was exacted by the Chinese generals, we should know that they were dwellers in Yunnan at the beginning of the Christian 時代.
Dr. Mason 公式文書，認めるs a tradition that a Karen 長，指導者 went to the 場所／位置 of Laboung, ーするつもりであるing to bring his people to settle there, but that when the returned with his 信奉者s the Shan had already 占領するd the 場所. The 設立するing of Laboung has been 直す／買収する，八百長をするd at 574 A.D. This comes the nearest to 存在 a 限定された 目印 in the southward 移住 of the Karen people. The 周辺 of Laboung was probably the stopping-place on their long 旅行.[2-19]
Mr. J. O'Riley, one of the earliest English officers to travel in the Karenni, 令状s that he 設立する traditions 示すing that the country around Pagan was one of the 早期に homes of the Karen and that they were driven 南西 from there, while the Chinese who were with them were driven 支援する to their own country, and the Kollahs (foreigners), northward. The Karen then appear to have gone to the Shan country, Hyoung Yuay, and thence to have been driven to the Myobyay 州. Here, によれば tradition, they were again attacked and, having in time 大いに 増加するd in numbers, they turned against the Shan, expelled them, and 占領するd the 現在の Red Karen country.[2-26]
Karen Hill Men Coming 負かす／撃墜する to the Plains
The fact that the Karen are 設立する さらに先に south than the Shan also argues that they migrated earlier and were perhaps 押し進めるd on by the latter, who in turn may have given way before a more powerful 軍隊 at their heels. O'Riley learned of a tradition of the Red Karen which 示唆するd that they have lived ten 世代s in their 現在の home.[2-21] This would 限界 their sojourn here to a period of いっそう少なく than three hundred years. This is doubtless much too low an 見積（る）, unless it 言及するs to the time of their 住所／本籍 in the particular 地区 now 占領するd.
In so far as we may 投機・賭ける a 結論, it is that the Karen migrated into Burma, coming from the 古代の home of the 早期に tribes, 住むing the country of 中国, with whom they are 関係のある by 部族の, linguistic, and かもしれない 宗教的な 関係, the 十分な significance of which are yet to be 決定するd.
NOTE. さまざまな Theories of the Origin and 部族の 関係 of the Karen.--From the middle of the nineteenth century many theories regarding the origin and racial affinity of the Karen have been propounded by writers on Burma. J. R. Logan, 令状ing in 1850 in the 定期刊行物 of the Indian 群島 (Vol. IV, p.478) connects this people wit the tribes in the highlands of the Kolan and Irrawaddy and in the lower bend of the Brahmaputra. 令状ing again in the same 定期刊行物 in 1858 (New Series, Vol. II, p.387) Logan 持続するs that the Karen Language is a dialect of the Irrawaddy-Brahmaputran dialect, 影響する／感情d by Chinese 影響（力） as it （機の）カム south. Professor De Lacouperie in his introduction to Colquhoun's Amongst the Shans (pp. xxxviii, ff.) argues that the Karen are descended from the 古代の Tek or Tok tribes of central Asia. 早期に missionaries and other writers, 含むing Denniker (Races of Man, pp. 395) believed that the Kachin and Chin formed a 支店 of the Karen race. The Archaeological 調査する of Burma has linked the Karen both with the 古代の Kanran, one of the three 原始の tribes について言及するd in Burmese annals, and with the Miao and Yao of Yunnan (報告（する）／憶測 of 1916). But the Kanran were driven southwestward from the 地域 around Prome and seem to have disappeared from history. (Phayre, History of Burma, pp. 5-19.) The linguistic differences between the Miao, Yao and Karen have led to the abandonment of the idea that they are closely 関係のある. In fact, all of these 見解（をとる）s have been given up, because they were based on an 不十分な knowledge of the tribes 関心d.
Dr. Mason, in the 定期刊行物, Asiatic Soc. Of Bengal (Vol. XXXVII, p. 162, 1868) says that the first historical notice of the Karen is in Marco Polo's travels in the 13th Century. He 引用するs Malte Brun on the basis of Marco Polo's travels, as follows: "This country of Caride is the southeastern point of Tibet, and perhaps the country of the nation of the Cariaines; which is spread over Ava.' This 声明 is 確認するd by old Bghai poetry in which we find incidentally について言及するd the town of Bhamo to which they 以前は were in the habit of going to buy axes and 法案s or cleavers, as they do now at Toungoo. When this poetry was composed they live five hundred miles north of their 現在の locality." These geographical allusions seem so vague that it appears to be impossible to build much of a theory upon them. Perhaps the lines referring to Bhamo may 言及する to a 貿易（する）ing 探検隊／遠征隊 and not to a line of 移住. And the 声明 of Malte Brun is only conjecture at the most.
In their excellent work on The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, 靴下／だます and McDougall say that "of all the tribes of the southwestern corner of the continent, the one which seems to us most closely akin to the Kayans [of Borneo] is that which 構成するs the several tribes of the Karen." (Vol. II, p. 235).
The similarity in culture and physical 特徴 of the Kayan and Karen with some of the tribes of the Philippine Islands, e.g., the Davao and Tinguian tribes, or between the Karen and 確かな of the Malays, is strong. The similarity of the 指名する "Kayan" with that by which the Karen are known to the Burman is also striking; but it seems 公正に／かなり （疑いを）晴らす that if this 偶発の similarity of 指名する did not 存在する, the Kayans would not have been considered closer than the Dyaks in kinship to the Karen. Dr. J. H. Vinton, who has had a life-long 知識 with the Karen, thinks that they are 似ているd more by the Dyaks than by the Kayans. He 表明するd this 見解（をとる） after a 最近の 小旅行する through Borneo. These similarities 示唆する that most of these tribes are not far 除去するd from one another, and that they all belong to the Indo-Chinese 在庫／株, which, in turn, 似ているs the South 中国 type, 予定 no 疑問 to a ありふれた 家系 in the remote past.
Karen Men from the Hills, Tharrawaddy 地区
{The second man from the left is a village 長，指導者 or headman. The fourth
is a plainsman, who is the teacher in Pankabin Village.}
The Karen are of medium 高さ. On the plains they 普通の／平均（する） about five feet, four インチs, in stature, and in the hills they are about three インチs shorter. The women are smaller than the men.[3-1] The hill people have the harder struggle for a 暮らし and are also more liable to attacks of malaria. The Brecs show 証拠 調印するs of stunted growth. On the plains and in the more fertile lower hills we find that the Karen are a stocky race with 幅の広い, 井戸／弁護士席-built 団体／死体s, strong 脚s, and 井戸／弁護士席-一連の会議、交渉／完成するd calves. The 脚s are often short in 割合 to the 団体／死体. Karen players on a football team are usually noticeable for their sturdy 外見, in contrast with the slimmer Burman boys. They are 有能な of かなりの physical exertion, but soon tire. The women are 井戸／弁護士席 formed and buxom. They have an 築く carriage, 存在 used to 耐えるing 激しい 重荷（を負わせる）, on their 長，率いるs or 支援するs. Their teeth, like the men's, are stained with continual betel chewing. In the hills their 欠如（する） of bathing and their accumulations of beads and charms detract from their 外見; but when they have taken on more cleanly ways they become not unattractive. Their 青年 is 削減（する） short by 激しい work in the field, constant childbearing, and nursing, and soon the 調印するs of age appear.
The color of the Karen 変化させるs all the way from a light olive complexion to a dark coffee brown. On the whole, their color could be said to 範囲 between that of the Burmans and the Chinese. Those who work indoors are, of course, はしけ than those who work in the open. Many 肌s have a distinctly yellowish or 赤みを帯びた tinge. 幼児s are often almost as white as European children. Red cheeks are not infrequently 設立する in the Toungoo hills.[3-2]
Karen Family with Traces of Negrito 血 (Profile 見解（をとる） & 前線
見解（をとる）)
{The 残り／休憩（する） of the 村人s, to whom the family is 関係のある by the usual
web of intermarriages, 認める the difference of feature, but are at
loss to account for it.}
Though we often find かなりの individuality in the facial features of the Karen, they 適合する more or いっそう少なく to type, which consists of the 幅の広い flat 直面する of the Mongolian races with high cheek-bones and 広範囲にわたって 始める，決める 注目する，もくろむs. The 注目する，もくろむs have 狭くする palpebral 開始s, いつかs slanted, and the characteristic 倍の at the nasal end. The nose is 幅の広い and flat without much of a 橋（渡しをする）. The 計画（する） of the nostrils is 攻撃するd 上向き, so that the septum and nostrils are やめる noticeable. The mouth is usually 井戸／弁護士席 形態／調整d, but a few individuals have 厚い lisp and a 激しい Negroid mouth. The teeth are やめる 正規の／正選手 and, when not stained with betel, are white and 向こうずねing.
In the Pegu Hills, in the village of Ngepe, I 設立する a family that had decidedly negroid features. The contrast with the 残り／休憩（する） of the 村人s was 示すd. Although I could get no hint of a different 家系 in the 事例／患者 of the exceptional family from that of the 残り／休憩（する） of the people, it was obvious that an admixture of Negrito 血 must have taken place somewhere.
The hair of the Karen is 一般に 黒人／ボイコット, straight, and coarse. Once in a while away hair is 設立する, and in rare 事例／患者s, it seems to be almost as kinky as that of the African. Wavy hair is not admired, but, on the contrary, is much disliked. The Karen have an 豊富 of hair on the scalp. It often reaches to the waist, and I have noticed a few instances in which it reached to the ground. In the 早期に days the custom was for both sexes to wear the hair long, but now the men usually wear theirs short.
The men have scant 耐えるd which are seldom 許すd to grow, 存在 pulled out with tweezers. The mustache is prized and is 説得するd to become as luxuriant as possible. In the few 事例／患者s where the 耐えるd is 許すd to grow, it 似ているs the 耐えるd of Chinese men. However, I know a Karen teacher in Bassein who has a 耐えるd that would please any inhabitant of Russia. A mole with a few hairs growing from it is 大いに treasured, the hairs 存在 許すd to grow as long as they will. Hair on the 団体／死体 and chest of the men is rare. I can 解任する only one man who had a hairy chest. There is nothing unusual about the eyebrows.
The Karen seem to be susceptible to all the 病気s 流布している in the country. Children are seen more often than not with distended bowels, 予定 to worms. 大きくするd spleen is the 支配する in the hills, where malaria is so 流布している. A number of 事例／患者s in which a low vitality has 原因（となる）d ulcers to 勃発する and 伴う／関わる the entire system have come under my notice. 疫病／流行性のs of measles are much 恐れるd, 予定 to 複雑化s induced by bathing soon after the 無分別な has disappeared, the bathing 存在 thought necessary. Smallpox does not 原因（となる） much 逮捕. The bubonic 疫病／悩ます has never （人命などを）奪う，主張するd many Karen 犠牲者s, but the influenza was terribly 致命的な during the 冷静な／正味の season of 1918-19. Tuberculosis is one of the many 病気s from the West that is （人命などを）奪う，主張するd its 犠牲者s の中で the Karen people. Though their open-空気／公表する life 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限s them somewhat, their 恐れる of demons 原因（となる）s them to cover their 長，率いるs at night, and they breathe only through their 一面に覆う／毛布s. Those who lived in the better built houses on the plains also 奪う themselves of fresh 空気／公表する by retiring into the の近くに inner room of their homes ーするために 避ける the smell of cooking, which they 恐れる. Such superstitious practices furnish ideal 産む／飼育するing-places for germs. The unbalanced diet of the Karen also 制限するs their 病気-resisting 力／強力にするs. One hopes that, with 改善するd ideas on 衛生設備 and hygiene, the people of this race will not only be relieved from the 現在の high 率 of 幼児 mortality, but also that those 生き残るing may 達成する greater longevity.
The presence of 確かな birth-示すs on the children of Mongolian parents has been thought by some scientists to be an important criterion for distinguishing members of that race.[3-3] The Karen 幼児s certainly have these blue patches on the 支援する and buttocks. いつかs they are so indistinct as to be hardly noticeable, and again they are （疑いを）晴らす and 有望な. They are 不規律な in 形態／調整 and size. My 観察s 確認する the 正確 of the 国勢（人口）調査 returns, すなわち, that about seven out of ten children have these 示すs at birth. They usually disappear by the time a child is a year old. The Karen explanation for them is that they are the stains of leaves, on which the spirits of the children sat or laid 負かす／撃墜する to 残り／休憩（する） in the course of their long and wearisome 旅行 from their former abode. These 示すs are thought to show that the children having them will be strong, and mothers are glad to see them on their offspring. Perhaps they 推論する／理由 that if the baby spirit was able to stand the long 旅行 necessary to come to the birth, it will 耐える the longer 旅行 of this human 存在.
Sgaw Karen Young 血s, Ngape Eh Village, Tharrawaddy Hills
{Like most mountain people, the Karen are stocky race.}
I have noticed a few 事例／患者s of homosexuals の中で the Karen, thought they do not seem to be as ありふれた as の中で the Burmese. These individuals, who assume more or いっそう少なく the dress and customs of the opposite sexes, have been known to 契約 unions with others of the same sex, and live as husband and wife. The 事例／患者s I 設立する have all been on the plains.
The Karen draws the blinds over the windows of his heart and leaves one to wonder what goes on within. I once asked an educated Karen what he thought was the 長，指導者 characteristic of his race, and he すぐに replied that they are a people who can be afraid. Centuries of subjugation and 圧迫 have filled them with 恐れる. During the 長引いた period of their tribulations, to be caught by a Burman was to be stripped of everything, even of one's 着せる／賦与するing, and to be beaten into the 取引. Where only a few families lived on the plains, the women with child dared not を受ける confinement in their houses, lest they could not escape from a sudden attack by their 抑圧者s. Karen cartmen still 運動 around a village rather than through it, although they know there is little danger of having dogs 始める，決める on them, as there used to be. Not only does the Karen 恐れる his fellow-men, but he is also terrified by the strange and weird 存在s, demons and ghosts, with which his imagination and credulity people the world. Should he, even by chance, 感情を害する／違反する any of these--and it is easily done he thinks--he must live in dread of their vengeance. His 宗教 is one of 恐れる, 警戒, and propitiatory sacrifice. The trepidations of the past have been perpetuated through 世代s and, though education has 転換d them in a 手段, they still 刈る out on occasion even in the most 前進するd members of the race.
The Karen is led into all sorts of difficulties by his timidity. He is apprehensive and desirous of 避けるing trouble with officers or others. When brought into 法廷，裁判所 to answer questions, often this 恐れる will lead him to 否定する any knowledge of the facts, instead of relating what he has seen; or he may 認める the opposite of what he want to 証明する. Not long ago I heard of a man who had what seemed to be a good 事例／患者, but on the 証言，証人／目撃する-stand he swore to the opposite of what he had told 以前. When asked why he did so, he replied that he was so 脅すd that he did not know what he was 説. In thus 産する／生じるing to his timidity the Karen often 伴う／関わるs himself in serious difficulty, for his mistakes are easily （悪事，秘密などを）発見するd.
Shyness, 警告を与える, and concealment are fruits of this trait of 恐れる. I have often heard a 退役軍人 school-teacher 発言／述べる that the Karen never puts his best foot 真っ先の. In the past it was not 安全な for him to do so. Concealment was one of his natural means of 保護. To show 調印するs of 繁栄 or 収容する／認める having 所有／入手s was only tempting his more powerful neighbors to come and dispossess him. I know of 最近の instances of 迫害 of one sort or another 存在 visited upon 確かな Karen villages on account of their 繁栄する 条件. In the days of the 古代の 政権 the French peasantry 刺激するd poverty, ーするために 保護する their 所有物／資産／財産 from the 税金-collector. The Karen has been preyed upon in さまざまな ways in earlier and later times, and in his 恐れる and helplessness he has 訴える手段／行楽地d to the method of the European 小作農民. Shyness and 警告を与える are 示すd traits of the Karen women even more than of the men. Indeed, I have seen all the inhabitants of a village run to the ジャングル when I （機の）カム in sight. A group of girls out 集会 firewood dropped their faggots and disappeared as 急速な／放蕩な as possible at the approach of my party along the path. In their 試みる／企てるs to hide their shyness, schoolgirls often 後継する in attracting the attention they are trying to 避ける.
A 主要な 当局 on Burma has said that the Karen are "絶対 devoid of humor."[4-1] Having had years of experience as a missionary の中で these people, I may be 許すd to 異なる from the opinion just 引用するd. The 当局 referred to was a high 政府 公式の／役人, and I am やめる sure that no Karen would be so self-forgetful as to 危険 感情を害する／違反するing the dignity of such a personage. One who has entered into intimate 協会 with these people, has been entertained in their houses, and has sat beside their fireplaces will 証言する to their love of fun and their jolly laughter. For myself I ask for no はしけ-hearted companions than those with whom I have traveled over the plains and hills, and whom I have met in distant villages. They are keen enough to see the humor in some of their folklore tales, in embarrassing 状況／情勢s, and in the little 事故s of daily life, and to laugh heartily when these are told. They are also 有能な of enjoying practical joke. This is illustrated by the instance of a young man who by mistake 発射 a vulture, as it flew up out of the bushes, and decided to serve the breast of the 広大な／多数の／重要な bird, cooked with curry 井戸／弁護士席 spiced, to some of his chums. The flesh of the creature 証明するd to be both 堅い and strong, and when one of the guests left the group to wash out his mouth, the host （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 a 迅速な 退却／保養地. The other 村人s, who 敏速に heard of the unpalatable feast, amused themselves by asking the guests how they enjoyed it.
Karen Boys
{Most of the （人が）群がる that gathered to watch the foreigner have already
fled. Only a few 勇敢に立ち向かう boys remain to 直面する the camera.}
Playmates: Karen Boys and the Sons of the Author
{Notice the 異常に curly hair of one of the Karen boys, all of whom
are brothers, children of a Bassein man and a Toungoo woman.}
The Karen are accustomed to say of themselves that "they put a thing in the heart." They mean by this that they 持つ／拘留する their peace, but do not forget slights, grudges, disagreeable request, and the like. If a Karen is asked to do something he does not want to do, he may reply with a grunt 示唆するing an assent, but does not 従う with the request and fails to put in an 外見 again soon. He does not 辞退する at the time, 恐れるing to 原因（となる） trouble. In the same way a slight or an 侮辱 is "put in the heart" without retort or demonstration of 怒り／怒る. He dissimulates and waits for his 復讐. Before the British 設立するd 整然とした 政府 in the country, many a （警察の）手入れ，急襲 was 遂行する／発効させるd to 支払う／賃金 off a grudge or an 侮辱 心にいだくd in the heart. For the man of little or no 影響（力） in his village there was a secret method of vengeance, すなわち, by 訴える手段／行楽地ing to 魔法 or to 毒（薬）. It was the 恐れる of this vengeful trait in the Karen that for years 妨げるd the Burman subordinate 公式の／役人s from crossing Thaukgeyat Creek into the Toungoo Hills.
The repudiation of a friend is not unknown の中で the Karen, but such 行為／行う is rare. In general, they are 用心深い in entering into friendships, but, having done so, are faithful and sincere to those whose 信用／信任 they 受託する in 交流 for ther own. 血-brotherhood is a 認めるd 会・原則 の中で them, having been much more 流布している in the past than at 現在の; and the 社債 示す by it in most of the Karen tribes was stronger than the 関係 of family. 西部の人／西洋人s make friends more quickly than the Karen, but Western haste and impatience are not winsome 質s to the latter.
It has been said that the Karens are stubborn. They do not reach quick 決定／判定勝ち（する）s in regard to 事柄s novel to them and can not be 軍隊d to do so. But if given time to consider after a 十分な explanation, they are pretty sure to return later and 申し込む／申し出 their 推論する／理由s for not 同意ing to the proposition; and if 許すd to talk the 事柄 out, their 反対s 存在 answered and time given for their consideration, they will most likely be 説得するd. When thus 納得させるd, their loyal 協調 may 一般に be depended on. I have known not a few 政府 公式の／役人s who, by such methods, have won the 信用／信任 and earnest support of the people with whom they were 取引，協定ing. It is unfortunate, however, that the number of such officers is not larger. While the Karen have not always been 扱う／治療するd with proper consideration and have some times failed to understand the 目的（とする）s and methods of the British 政府, they are 深く，強烈に 大（公）使館員d to it.
It is true that the Karen are not as quick-witted as some of the other races of the Orient. にもかかわらず, they are in some 尊敬（する）・点s out-distancing their more facile neighbors. They excel in the 決まりきった仕事 of their daily 仕事s. This is observable in the schools, where the Karen boys usually take the lead in the daily recitations, but make a poorer showing in the written and oral examinations. Several 政府 officers have spoken in high 条件 of their Karen clerks, commending their faithfulness and honesty. Not infrequently it happens that such a faithful 労働者 finds that some astute associate has 伸び（る）d the credit and reward that should have been his. The Karen are not blind to 失望s of this sort, as the に引き続いて fable shows: A man, about to leave home, ordered his pig and dog to 準備する a 陰謀（を企てる） of ground for 工場／植物ing as a garden. The pig was industrious and rooted until he had all but finished turning over the 陰謀（を企てる）, while the dog spent his time lying under a tree. Late in the afternoon, before the master's return, the dog jumped up and scratched about here and there in the soft earth. When he heard his master coming, he ran barking 負かす／撃墜する the path to 会合，会う him, and told him that the pig had been working about a short time, while he had been digging all day. The faithful pig, 一方／合間, was so busy やじ in the farthest corner of the lot, trying to finish before his owner's return, that he knew nothing of what was going on. The credulous man believed the dog's deceitful words, killed the pig, and only discovered his mistake when it was too late. This fable is epitomized in the proverb. "The dog scratches in the pig's place." For many a Karen this i all too true.
早期に writers speak of the peaceableness, honesty, and goodness of the Karen.[4-2] There are, of course, in every nation those who believe any 声明 関心ing the people as a whole. However, I have no hesitation in 説 that deceit and trickery are not ありふれた の中で the Karen. I have been told by peddlers and other, who often have to carry 価値のある goods and money into the ジャングル, that they prefer to spend their nights in Karen villages and do so whenever possible. In the Karen hills the 米，稲-貯蔵所s, in which is 蓄える／店d the year's 供給（する） of rice, are 据えるd far away from the village along the ジャングル paths. It is almost unknown for 穀物 to be stolen from them. の中で some of the tribes east of Toungoo stealing was punished, until recently, by death. Dr. Mason says that he has never 設立する a Karen who would not 嘘（をつく）, if it was to his advantage to do so. This does not agree with my experience.
In さまざまな 尊敬（する）・点s, certainly, Karen 行為／行う 異なるs from European 行為／行う. To 推定する／予想する the same 基準s would be 不当な. Any fair 見積（る） of the Karen, as of any other 原始の people, must taken into account the fact that morality with them is group 行為／行う. The 行為 of the individual must be regarded in the light of the life and customs of the group to which he belongs. If the 活動／戦闘s of the people., considered thus in relation to their own social status, appear 有能な of betterment, 成果／努力s should be put 前へ／外へ to lead the 原始の folk to the higher level.
The Karen 所有する 知識人 capacity 相応した with that of other races of Burma. 存在 支配する people in the country, their ancestors were 妨げるd from 独立した・無所属 thought and 活動／戦闘 in 必須の 事柄s. With the advent of education a 十分な number of the young men and women, though the 割合 of the later is small, has taken collegiate course with credit to show that they are not inferior to others. The same may be said of many who have won success in practical lines of work. I could 指名する several Karen 占領するing positions of 責任／義務 that 要求する high mental attainments, who are 論証するing that they are not 欠如（する）ing therein.
The old practice of village communities in 追放するing 未亡人s and 孤児s to the ジャングル, and the 時折の abandonment of little children by their parents who were 試みる／企てるing to escape from raiders are, happily, things of the past. 恐れる, the instinct of self-保護, and superstition serve to explain such phenomena, which must not be taken as 示すing that the Karen are 欠如（する）ing in love for children or in humane 感情s. Nowadays 孤児s find a home without difficulty; 未亡人s and 老年の persons are cared for; parents enjoy their firesides and manifest love for their offspring, with whom they are, in fact, too indulgent, even to their 傷つける; and young men and women are not above giving tender care to some little niece or 甥.
A Paku Schoolgirl, Toungoo
The Karen have been （麻薬）常用者d to the use of アルコール飲料. Their feasts and 宗教的な observances have been occasions for drinking. It is 報告（する）／憶測d that the Brecs are accustomed to 蓄える／店 their 穀物 in two 貯蔵所s, one (often the larger one) for that of which アルコール飲料 is to be made, and other for that which is to be used as food. On the plains I have not 設立する the Karen greater drinkers than their neighbors. With the decay of the old 儀式s and the spread of Christianity the evil seems to be on the 拒絶する／低下する. の中で the members of the Baptist churches, however it may be in the other denominations, total abstinence is enjoined.
The Karen are lovers of music. In the 早期に days they …を伴ってd the 詠唱するing of their poems on their 原始の harps and other 器具s. The people of the Pegu Yomas, Tenasserim, in the delta of the Irrawaddy, have 利益／興味ing tunes, which have been in use from the olden times. In other 地区 they have contented themselves with the rythm of 詠唱するing and moaning, melodies 存在 目だつ by their absence. The Maw Lay and other 宗教的な sects have had their own songs, which may be said to correspond to Christian hymns. With the introduction of Christianity （機の）カム the music of the Western hymn-調書をとる／予約する and to this the Karen have taken with their whole hearts. They love to sing and do not grow 疲れた／うんざりした of it, however late the hour. Occidental music has taken such a 持つ／拘留する on those who have become Christians that they have almost 完全に given up their native music. A few hymns are いつかs sung to adaptations of their old tunes; but they prefer the Western melodies, and few of the young people know any other. They learn the new tunes readily and are able to sing glees and 国家s by ear after a 穏健な 量 of practice. Their 発言する／表明するs are much softer than those of the Burmese and blend 井戸／弁護士席 in choruses. Some of the young women have very 甘い 発言する／表明するs, which seldom become 厳しい and rasping. While traveling in the hill country I was delighted one evening with the 甘い 発言する／表明する of a young woman, which （機の）カム floating up from the stream where she was 製図／抽選 water. She was singing an old "hta" or poem, while I listened unobserved behind a clump of bamboos. No sooner did I step into the open than she 中止するd, and I could not 説得する her to continue the song.
One discovers but few 指示，表示する物s of a love of beauty の中で the Karen. They make little 試みる／企てる to ornament their houses or their 器具／実施するs, so that the 証拠 of their 所有するing a sense of color and design is 事実上 限られた／立憲的な to the woven patterns of some of their 衣料品s. They have only a scant vocabulary for colors. I have seldom heard them 発言／述べる on the beauty of a sunset or the glories of a sunrise. いつかs they have called attention to a pleasing landscape, but I have wondered whether they were not doing so because they knew of my 楽しみ in such scenes.
The Karen is a plebeian. His manner at home are 天然のまま, although he is not without a 確かな personal dignity. His shyness in the presence of strangers, 特に of those whom he 恐れるs, 原因（となる）s him 当惑. Under such circumstances he often impresses one as 存在 impolite. He is not servile. It has never been his custom to "shiko".[4-3] The greatest 長，指導者 is a comrade の中で his men, who do not 産する／生じる their self-尊敬（する）・点 in his presence. にもかかわらず, the inherent timidity of the race shows itself in the avoidance of making a request in person. A request may expose the one making it to the chagrin of a 拒絶 and the one 演説（する）／住所d to the unpleasant necessity of giving an 逆の answer. The Karen, therefore, gets a friend to 行為／法令／行動する as his intermediary. Even a boy who wants to buy a 調書をとる／予約する will have his classmate get it for him.
Amiability is another 示すd trait of the Karen, both of the educated and the uneducated, （判決などを）下すing them 許容できる in many 肉親，親類d of service. Young Karen women are in 需要・要求する as nursemaids all over Burma, and not a few have gone 一時的に to England and America in that capacity. They are 肉親，親類d, 患者, and faithful in their care of the children ゆだねるd to their care.
The remarkable chastity of the Karen is also worthy of notice. It has, however, been について言及するd in several places in this work and perhaps need not be discussed その上の in this 関係, except to say that the 恐れる of the evil consequences of 侵害する／違反するing at the 法律s of the 年上のs has kept them 解放する／自由な from any unhealthy customs that are 設立する in many parts of the world.[4-4]
In 一時期／支部 I, I referred 簡潔に to the 関係 of the Karen dialects to the other languages of Burma and 公式文書，認めるd the 耐えるing of that 支配する upon the question of the origin of the people. I 可決する・採択するd the 配合 示唆するd in the last Burma 国勢（人口）調査 (that of 1911), where those dialects are 述べるd as forming a Sinitic or Karen group of the Siamese-Chinese sub-family of the Tibeto- Chinese languages. This group 構成するs three 主要な／長／主犯 支店s, すなわち, the Sgaw, the Pwo (含むing the Taungthu), and the Bwe, which embraces several minor dialects in the Toungoo and Red Karen country. Some of these latter forms of speech have been very little 熟考する／考慮するd. A few 調書をとる／予約するs have been published in Bwe, but at 現在の are superseded by 出版（物）s in the Sgaw, the Sgaw language was 減ずるd to 令状ing by Dr. Jonathan Wade in 1832, the Burmese alphabet 存在 used in denoting most of the sounds, while 確かな symbols were 雇うd for such letters as had no 同等（の） in Burmese. In this way a perfect phonetic alphabet was created.
It may not be out of placed in this 関係 to point out a few of the 示すd 特徴 of the Karen language. The order of words in the 宣告，判決 is that of the English, 同様に as of the Chinese and Tai, すなわち, 支配する, predicate, and 反対する. The language is monosyllabic, except in a few instances, some of which are more 明らかな than real. Each root may be used in any form of speech, that is, as noun, adjective, verb, or adverb, by the 新規加入 of the proper 粒子 or in combination with other roots. Each syllable has a signification of its own and a grammatical relation to one or more of the other syllables in every 構内／化合物 part of speech.
Dr. Wade calls attention to the fact that the Karen often use words in pairs, verbs 存在 paired いつかs 単に for the sake of euphony, though 一般に to give fullness and 軍隊 to the idea ーするつもりであるd. Such pairing of words, whether nouns, verbs, or other parts of speech, 投資する the Karen language, Dr. Wade thinks, with "a beauty and 軍隊 of 表現 unsurpassed perhaps in any other language in the world." These paired words, which are called by the Karen 'father and mother words," may be parsed 分かれて or together によれば their position in the 宣告，判決. They may consist of two roots having 類似の meanings, or of a 井戸／弁護士席-known root together with one which by itself has no meaning now 一般的に understood. Misapprehension is often 避けるd by the use of paired words. For example, "ni" (with the circumflex トン) means years, and the same syllable (with the long トン) means day. When this monosyllable is carefully pronounced, one does not always catch the difference; but "ni-雪解け' unmistakably denotes day, because "雪解け" is another 任命 for this period of time; and "ni-la" cleriy signifies year, the latter syllable meaning literally month. Such 構内／化合物 words may have 構内／化合物 modifiers which, when used with 差別, give a pleasing finish to the speech.
The Sgaw dialect has six different トンs and the Pwo an equal number. The other dialect have さまざまな numbers, but not so many and difficult as the トンs of the Chinese language.
The Sgaw alphabet consists of twenty-five consonants and ten vowels. One character appears both as a guttural and a consonant. There are no の近くにd syllables in this dialect. The Pwo dialect has three nasal endings which, Dr. Gilmore thinks, are a 残余 of the 初めの speech. 証拠 in support of this 見解（をとる） is 供給（する）d by a comparison of the meanings of the 選び出す／独身 word "hpaw" in Sgaw Karen with the nasal forms 表明するing the same meanings in Pwo. In the former dialect "hpaw" means one of three things, すなわち cook, flower, or granary, while in the latter these meaning 要求する the use of three nasal forms as follows; "hpawn, "hpaw," and "hpan." Other roots from the two dialects show a difference of this sort, 示すing that the Sgaw has dropped its 初めの nasals.[5-1]
There is no proper 親族 pronounce in Sgaw. The 粒子 "leu" serves in this capacity, 同様に as doing 義務 as quotation 示すs, a preposition, and a part of every 構内／化合物 prepositions, this last form of speech 存在 one of the 特徴 of the language. The reflexive use of the pronoun is a 著名な idiom in the Sgaw. The demonstrative 供給（する）s the place of the 限定された article. A 数値／数字による affix or adjective is 雇うd with every numeral. Each of these affixes is supposed to denote the 主要な characteristic of the noun to which it 言及するs. Its use is 類似の to our 説 in English "cattle, five 長，率いる," or "bread, four loaves."
The verb is almost always considered transitive and, if there should be no word that could 適切に stand as its 反対する, the 名目上の pronoun "ta" is 追加するd to 供給（する） it. The verb "to be" takes the 客観的な 事例／患者. The 二塁打 消極的な is used with the verb after the manner of the French and Burmese idiom, "t'--ba" corresponding to the Burmese "m--bu."
The Karen numerals are based on the decimal system not only from one to ten, but also 上向きs by tens and hundreds to tens of millions. There is, however, a 示すd peculiarity in the Bwe method of counting from six to nine, six 存在 three couples; seven, three couples-one; eight, four couples, and nine, four couples-one.
The Pwo dialect does not 異なる materially from the Sgaw in structure, or 大いに in vocabulary, as shown by a comparison of the two by Dr. Wade, which 示すs that thirteen-fourteenths of the words of the Sgaw and Pwo are from the same roots. For one familiar only with the Sgaw dialect there is difficulty in すぐに understanding the Pwo, because the nasals 影響する／感情 the pronunciation of the latter. The Bwe and other Toungoo dialects seem to have nasals and wide variations in トンs. They also 所有する letters that are 欠如（する）ing in the Sgaw, such as g, j, z, and a peculiar dj that is impossible to 代表する in English letters. The Mopgha have the letter f, which they pronounce 高度に aspirated.[5-2] The Sgaw have no g, j, v, or z. They have both the aspirated and unaspirated, k, t, and p. Besides these consonants, they have gutturals and 連合させるd consonants to which there are no 平行のs in Western speech.[5-3]
Although in the 早期に days the Karen had no written language, it is not to be inferred that they were without a literature. On the contrary, a large 量 of 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業d literature was 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する orally from 世代 to 世代, 存在 taught by 確かな 年上のs to the 青年s who were arriving at 成熟, in order that they might 送信する／伝染させる it in turn without change to those coming after them. This literature 構成するs probably more than two hundred tales, legends, and mythical stories. A large 割合 of these are in the nature of beast tales or fables, such as are 設立する in India, European, and Africa. Some of the myths and legends are in the form of 詩（を作る） and were 以前は recited at length at funerals and on other festal occasion, or were sung to the accompaniment of the harp. There are also the epics 含む／封じ込めるing the "Y'wa" legends. Finally, a かなりの 量 of wise 指示／教授／教育 is 含む／封じ込めるd in the 非常に／多数の short 説s, Proverbs, and riddles that have 生き残るd. Fragments of the shorter and longer poems, 詠唱するd at funerals, have been 引用するd in the 一時期／支部 on Funeral Customs, and some of the tales and myths have been referred to or paraphrased in other 部分s of this work. その上の 贈呈 and discussion of the Karen literature is reserved for a 未来 熟考する／考慮する.
A Karen Belle
{Thought not 特に handsome, many of the Karen maidens are very
attractive.}
To 述べる in 詳細（に述べる） the 衣装 of every tribe of the Karen would be like going into all the minutiae of the tartans of the Scotch and would of itself fill a 容積／容量. There are, however, 確かな 特徴 of dress that 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる more or いっそう少なく 広範囲にわたって の中で the whole people, and I shall 努力する to point these out. The "hse" is 設立する in さまざまな forms の中で almost all hte tribes. This 似ているs a smock in that it is a loose, unfitted 衣料品, 落ちるing from the shoulders over the 団体／死体. This "hse" is made by sewing together two 狭くする （土地などの）細長い一片s of cloth to form an oblong, inverted "meal-捕らえる、獲得する." 穴を開けるs are left in the seams at the upper corners through which the 武器 are thrust, and another 開始 is left in the middle seam at the 最高の，を越す, which serves as the neck of the 衣料品.
For the men in the Sgaw and Pwo tribes living 支援する in the hills this 衣料品 still serves as their entire 衣装. It reaches from the shoulders to the calves. In the Pegu Hills the Sgaw wear a 衣料品 that is white above, except for red selvedge lines along the seams, and has the lower third woven with red. The 国境 between the two colors may be more or いっそう少なく variegated and embroidered. In the Moulmein and Papon 地区s and to the eastward the 衣料品 is made of 補欠／交替の／交替するing wide （土地などの）細長い一片s of white and red running its whole length.
の中で the Bwe tribes the custom is to wear a shorter smock, which fits a little more closely than the one just 述べるd. It might be called a tunic. The loin-cloth (いつかs 取って代わるd by shorter trousers) is worn with the tunic. さまざまな 支店s of the Bwe wear different 手はず／準備 of colors. The Paku wear a white tunic with a 狭くする red 国境 around the 底（に届く）. In each village this 国境 has a 独特の form. の中で the other eastern hill tribes we find the Kerhker, いつかs called the Gai-hko, wearing a tunic embroidered with vertical 人物／姿／数字s like towers, from the 最高の，を越す of which lines radiate like the rays of the rising sun. The Bwe tribes usually wear tunics of vertically （土地などの）細長い一片d weaves, some of them, e.g., the Mopgha, with 狭くする red lines. In the 早期に days they wore scant loin-着せる／賦与するs, but nowadays they wear longer cloths or Shan trousers, like many of the other hill tribes. The Brecs wear short breeches belted in at the waist with a string. These trousers are at first white with 狭くする red （土地などの）細長い一片s, but soon become a dirty yellow, growing 絶えず darker with wear and age. The いわゆる "Pant Bwes" ornament their breeches with radiating lines at the 底（に届く）. The Red Karen, who take their 指名する from their red 衣料品s, wear short breeches of red cotton and a short の近くに-fitting tunic of the same color. These soon become the color of dirt from the generous accretions of that 実体 which 固執する to them. These people use a 一面に覆う／毛布, which is red and white （土地などの）細長い一片d when new. They discard both the tunic and 一面に覆う／毛布 in warm 天候. Cotton is the most ありふれた 構成要素 used, but in Toungoo silk is often used, either alone or with the cotton.
A Bwe Karen Man's 控訴, Bwe Karen Hills, Toungoo 地区
{The smock is of white silk with red （土地などの）細長い一片s and embroidery woven in. The
loin cloth ("teh ku") is magenta and 黒人／ボイコット. Both are of silk, for every
man of any account feels he must have one silk 控訴.}
In Lower Burma, on the plains, it has become customary for the men to wear Burmese 衣料品s. The only time they put on their Karen 衣料品s, if they have them, is when they 持つ／拘留する their "Bgha" feast. The different tribes to the east wear the Shan 衣装, with more or いっそう少なく variation, all the way to the Chinese 国境.
A Karen Bamboo 徹底的に捜す
The Karen men knot up their long hair on the 最高の，を越す of the 長，率いる or over the 権利 or left ear, によれば the custom of their particular locality, fastening it with a small triangular bamboo 徹底的に捜す. No other 長，率いる-dress is worn, except a piece of white muslin or other light-負わせる cloth, which may be put over the 長，率いる as a turban or around it like a fillet, unless one should 含む the ornamental 長，率いる-禁止（する）d of the Karenni 青年 who, before marriage, wear neck-laces of 石／投石するs that have been 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する from father to son for 世代s, and ornaments for the 長，率いる, neck, and ears, consisting of mother-of-pearl buttons interspersed with the 向こうずねing wings of beautiful green beetles. All these are, however, given up at marriage and become the 所有物／資産／財産 of the bride.
In the 事柄 of 可決する・採択するing foreign dress the women are more 保守的な than the men. Long after every man in a village has taken on the Burmese 衣装, the women continue to wear their characteristic 黒人／ボイコット smock over their Burmese jacket and "longyi" (skirt).
The Sgaw and Pwo women, after arriving at the age of puberty, wear a smock ("hse") and a shirt ("ni"). Little girls wear a 選び出す／独身 "hse," 落ちるing from their neck to their ankles, at least when it is new. In some villages they wear a white "hse," without any ornament or color, but in other places they wear a 黒人／ボイコット 衣料品 ornamented with colored yarns at the neck and around the armholes. In some localities the maidens wear the long white "hse," reaching to the ankles, until they are married; but it is more ありふれた for them to put on the skirt and wear a shorter "hse" at about the time they arrive at 成熟.
The women's dress 変化させるs from one tribe to another, and in some instances each village has its particular weave. There is かなりの general similarity of the Karen designs to those in the Malay countries, in Borneo, and in the Philippines; but the particular Karen design, の中で the Sgaw women at least, is that supposed to be derived from the python. The story is that "Naw Mu E," one of the mythical characters of 古代の times, was kidnapped by a fabulous White Python and carried off to his den. Later, her husband, 審理，公聴会 of her 苦境, （機の）カム and 救助（する）d her by sacrificing himself at the mouth of the den, whereon the woman was 解放（する）d and enabled to return to the upper earth again. さまざまな 見解／翻訳／版s of the story 存在する, one of which is that she was compelled by the python to weave patterns on its 肌 that still remain, but on 存在 解放（する）d showed her contempt for it by weaving skirts for herself of the same pattern, thus giving it the gravest 侮辱 she could （打撃，刑罰などを）与える. This pattern soon became general の中で Karen women.
Other patterns, of which there are many, are called by さまざまな 指名するs, as seeds, little pagodas, cowries, etc 特に beautiful is the pattern or weave worn by the Mopgha women which consists of a variety of 人物／姿／数字s in magenta, yellow, and green on a 黒人／ボイコット ground. I have been told that the weaving of the designs for these skirts has become a lost art, 非，不，無 of the young women of the few villages of the Mopgha tribe having learned to weave these 衣料品s. The Bwe women usually wear a 黒人／ボイコット "ni" or skirt with a few 水平の （土地などの）細長い一片s of white and red running through the middle.
Women's 衣料品s
{(1) A "hko peu" or 長，率いる-dress of a Sgaw Karen. (2) A smock ("hse") and a
skirt ("ni"), Sgaw Karen, from the Pegu Hills, Toungoo 地区, The
smock is embroidered with colored yarns and "職業's 涙／ほころびs." The middle of
the skirt shows the python pattern. (3) A Sgaw Karen smock and skirt from
Shwegyin 地区. This smock is trimmed with red braid, except the lower
part which is fancily woven ("u").}
The women of all these tribes wear the simplest 肉親，親類d of a skirt; it is a straight slip which, instead of 存在 gathered about the waist, is drawn tight across the 支援する, 倍のd across the 前線, and the fulness tucked in at the waist line, thus 許すing the 活動／戦闘 of the 膝s. The 衣料品 remains in place remarkably 井戸／弁護士席, although no belt is used. When the women bathe--those on the plains doing so with much more regularity than their sisters in the hills--they bring the 最高の，を越す of the skirt up under the armpits and fasten it over the breasts in the same manner as about the waist.
The jackets or smocks of the women 現在の a variety of designs. The most ありふれた is the plain 黒人／ボイコット or dark blue "hse" with little or no ornament on it. いつかs it is decorated with small rosettes or 星／主役にするs of colored yarns or, の中で the Pwo, with fern-like 人物／姿／数字s. The prettiest decorations are made with the hard white seeds of さまざまな 形態／調整s of the 工場／植物 called 職業's 涙／ほころびs (Coix). The variety mostly used are those 似ているing barberries, called "bwe" in Sgaw Karen and 設立する all over the hills. These are sewed on the finished 衣料品 in 平行の 列／漕ぐ／騒動s, in 列／漕ぐ／騒動s forming V-形態／調整d 人物／姿／数字s, or in the forms of 星／主役にするs or rosettes and 辛勝する／優位ing the arm, and neck 穴を開けるs. Red yarns or pieces of red cloth are also sewed on to 追加する to the ornamentation. In Shwegyin we often see a "hse" that is woven with (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する designs of red and green on a 黒人／ボイコット ground, red tape 存在 sewed in vertical lines on the 団体／死体 of the 衣料品 and in 水平の lines over the shoulders. The 長，率いる-dress of the women is called "hko peu ki" and の中で the Sgaw women consists of a piece of cloth about two yards long and a foot wide. The middle part is plain white. At either end there is a fancy woven ("u") 部分 about twenty インチs long, red in color and cross at intervals of two インチs by transverse lines. In the middle of these colored ends is a white ジグザグの line 代表するing a serpent. The other lines are in pairs, those equidistant from the ジグザグの above and below 存在 alike and having their special 任命s. These 指名するs are, however, in archaic form, and their meaning is not 井戸／弁護士席 known. There are long white fringes on the ends of the 長，率いる-dress and shorter colored ones at the ends of the cross lines. When worn, it is 新たな展開d about the 長，率いる in such a way as to form a 頂点（に達する） over the forehead with the colored fringes hanging 負かす／撃墜する about the 注目する，もくろむs and the long white fringes 負かす／撃墜する the 支援する. In a few villages in the Pegu Hills the women wear circlets ("hko hhlaw") of bamboo or silver, around which they coil their hair. The metal circlets are made of beaten silver a scant インチ in width and long enough to go once and a half around the 長，率いる, 存在 held by a fancy clasp at the 支援する, which keeps the 禁止（する）d in place. Such silver circlets are valued at about ten rupees or more, によれば the work on them.
The Karen make 一面に覆う／毛布s of the same cloth that they use for their 衣料品s. They use two （土地などの）細長い一片s of white 辛勝する／優位d with red selvedges, each piece 存在 four yards long. These are sewed together lengthwise, and then one outer 辛勝する／優位 is sewed up to 供給する a half-open sleeping-捕らえる、獲得する. The fringes of the open end are drawn up over the 長，率いる.
Women's 長，率いる-dress
On the whole, the Karen are very careful about exposing their persons. The women have always worn the の近くにd skirts and not the open "tamein," which was 以前は in vogue の中で the Burmese. They seldom go without their jackets, though in the hills older women now and then leave them off. Little children run about more or いっそう少なく naked. Boys often find their 衣料品s a bother and thrust them aside, but men usually are very careful about keeping their loins covered. When working, the men, who wear the "hse" or smock, pull the 権利 arm inside the armhole and 延長する it again through the wide neckhole, so that the 権利 arm and shoulder are 完全に 解放する／自由な for chopping or doing any other work at 手渡す. They いつかs lower the whole 衣料品 to the waistline, where they knot it up in Burman fashion and thus leave the upper part of the 団体／死体 解放する／自由な. The Brecs are the poorest tribe of Karen and wear the scantiest 着せる／賦与するing consisting of short trousers. Often these are much the worse for wear. These people have rough small 一面に覆う／毛布s, which they throw around themselves in 冷淡な 天候. But more often they appear without them. The Karen on the palins bathe daily, doing so in their skirts ("longyi"), as do the Burmese. After the bath they slip the fresh 衣料品 over the wet one, which they 許す to 落ちる off as they fasten the other in place.
Karen Skirts and 捕らえる、獲得するs
{No. 1 is a Mopgha Karen skirt, a 黒人／ボイコット ground with silk embroidery in
magenta, yellow, green, and red. The younger women have lost the art of
weaving these 衣料品s. No. 2 is a Tavoy Sgaw Karen skirt woven in
imitation of a popular Burmese pattern. The 捕らえる、獲得するs, Nos. 3 and 4, are Sgaw
Karen, and No. 5 is Bwe.}
The wet 衣料品 is then 続けざまに猛撃するd on a 石／投石する or soused up and 負かす／撃墜する in the water a few times, and that is about all the laundering it gets. White jackets are washed out with soap and, in the towns, are given to the Indian washermen ("dhobies") for proper "doing up."
For 保護 from the rain the Karen use the wide-spreading fronds of the palm, which are nature's models for the paper umbrellas of the Chinese and Burmese. 労働者s in the 米，稲-fields make raincoats out of thatch woven on 柔軟な bark fibre stays, which they tie across their shoulders. Three or four 層s of the thatch make a 保護 that reaches to the 膝s. For a hat they tie a bit of palm leaf over the 長，率いる, or wear a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する umbrella- 形態／調整d hat like those made by the Shan and Burmese out of the sheathes of the Cocoanut-palm or of bamboo. While 移植（する）ing rice on the plains a rain cover is made of these same sheathes or of 堅い large leaves covered with a 網状組織 of thin bamboo splints bound with rattan. These covers are scoop-形態／調整d and hang from the 長，率いる 負かす／撃墜する the 支援する, 原因（となる）ing a company of cultivators, bent over their work while wearing them, to look like long-legged tortoises wading in the mud.
Every Karen carries a 捕らえる、獲得する ("hteu") slung over his shoulder as a part of his outfit. It is his pocket, in which he carries everything from money to the small game he has 発射. The 捕らえる、獲得する is woven in two parts. One, which forms the ひもで縛るs, consists of a （土地などの）細長い一片 from four to six インチs wide and five or six feet long. Both ends are fringed. The other piece is from six to eight インチs wide and from two to three feet in length. Each end of the long piece is 倍のd lengthwise in the middle and sewed together, thus forming the corners of the 捕らえる、獲得する. The short piece is 倍のd crosswise in the middle and sewed to these corners or ends, thus forming the 味方するs of the 捕らえる、獲得する. The hemmed ends of the short piece from the 辛勝する／優位s of the mouth of the 捕らえる、獲得する. The cloth woven for these 捕らえる、獲得するs is usually red with lengthwise （土地などの）細長い一片s of white, yellow, or 黒人／ボイコット. Different tribes have their different patterns and shades of color. The Karen do not ornament their 捕らえる、獲得するs so 高度に as do the Kachin tribes in Upper Burma. Every Karen woman and girl has some sort of a necklace. It may be a few seeds of the 職業's 涙／ほころびs strung together, or some glass beads 購入（する）d from wandering peddlers, or silver beads made by Burmese silversmiths who visit the Karen villages during the 乾燥した，日照りの season to 選ぶ up 半端物 職業s. A ありふれた variety of beads is made by 続けざまに猛撃するing out little disks of silver and 一連の会議、交渉／完成するing them into beads, によれば the 形態／調整 of the disk. Some of these finished beads are an インチ in length and half an インチ in 直径 at the middle, 次第に減少するing off to almost a point at the ends. When strung, they いつかs form chains so long that they encircle the neck several times and hang 負かす／撃墜する over the bosom.
Bracelets of silver are, like the beads について言及するd above, 続けざまに猛撃するd out of coins (rupees) for the girls and young women, who not infrequently wear anklets of the same 構成要素. Even little boys いつかs wear silver bracelets and ankelts.
Disks of silver, with rude 人物／姿／数字s of peacocks, elephants, and other Burmese 人物／姿／数字s, are often seen hanging from strings around the necks of children. Coins are also used in the same way. These are usually said to be 簡単に for ornament, but I have occasionally wondered whether they might not have some magical 目的 同様に.
の中で all the Karen tribes the most peculiar adornments are those of the Padaung women. These are （犯罪の）一味s of 厚かましさ／高級将校連 wire about a third of an インチ in 直径, worn around the neck for the 目的 of 軍隊ing up the chin and lengthening that member. As the 過程 of elongation is slow, only a few （犯罪の）一味s are used at first; but as time goes on others are 追加するd, until the high metal collar thus formed consists of from twenty to twenty-five （犯罪の）一味s. The greater the length of the neck, the greater the beauty they think. The 外見 of these women is grotesque, for their 長，率いるs appear abnormally small above their long necks; and their 団体／死体s, around which flap their loose 衣料品s, also seem disproportionate.[6-2] They can sleep only with their 長，率いるs hanging over a high bamboo pillow, on which they 残り／休憩（する） their 厚かましさ／高級将校連-装甲の necks. These （犯罪の）一味s are like those forming the 厚かましさ／高級将校連 corsets worn by the Iban women of Borneo, only the latter wear them lower 負かす／撃墜する.
The Red Karen women wear, besides a profusion of beads around the neck, a girdle or many girdles of seeds and beads of さまざまな 肉親，親類d and coils of lacquered rattans. These rattans are also worn as （犯罪の）一味s around the 脚s just above the calves. They often bulge out an インチ or two from the 脚 and 原因（となる） the women to walk with a stride "like a pair of compasses" and to experience some difficulty in sitting 負かす／撃墜する. Indeed, it is necessary for them in sitting to stretch out the 脚s straight in 前線 of them.[6-3] It is not uncommon to see 類似の garters, if one may call them so, worn by many of the Karen, but usually they are made of a few 立ち往生させるs of rattan interwoven in a neat 禁止（する）d of about a half an インチ in width. Some say that they wear these 簡単に for ornament, and others think that they find them useful in walking long distances. In fact these 脚-禁止（する）d 成し遂げる somewhat the 機能（する）／行事 of the rubber 在庫／株ing of the West.
A Padaung Couple, the Wife with Neck-（犯罪の）一味s and 脚-（犯罪の）一味s
{A large 株 of Padaung wealth is lavished on feminine attire. The
厚かましさ／高級将校連 （犯罪の）一味s around their 脚s and necks often 重さを計る twenty 続けざまに猛撃するs. This
lady is not very stylish, for her neck has not been stretched enough. The
longer the neck, the more attractive the lady.}
の中で some of the Karen tribes to the east 厚かましさ／高級将校連 or other wire （犯罪の）一味s are worn on the 脚s, either from the ankles up over the calves, or from the 膝s up the thighs, or with only one or two （犯罪の）一味s at invertals on the 脚s. The 武器 are also more or いっそう少なく laden with 厚かましさ／高級将校連 circlets, as may be seen from Scott's description.[6-4]
Earrings are worn by both Karen men and women, but are usually in the form of plugs instead of （犯罪の）一味s. The silver ear plug of the Sgaw 似ているs a spool with one end ゆらめくing out more 広範囲にわたって than the other. The larger end may be nearly two インチs in 直径 at the 縁, 次第に減少するing 負かす／撃墜する to a little いっそう少なく than an インチ in 直径 where it joins the cylindrical part which fits the 穴を開ける in the ear-高く弓形に打ち返す. The men wear plugs that have the ends covered over with a plate of silver, while the plugs worn by the women are left open. Through these 開始s leaves or flowers are often 挿入するd. いつかs plugs made of a rolled （土地などの）細長い一片 of palm leaf fill the 穴を開けるs in the ear-高く弓形に打ち返すs, these 穴を開けるs 存在 rarely more than an インチ in 直径. When the 穴を開けるs for the ear plugs are in 過程 of 存在 大きくするd, the little rolls of palm leaf are as tightly wrapped and as large as possible when 挿入するd. They then tend to 緩和する, and in so doing stretch the 高く弓形に打ち返す. Sections of a 茎・取り除く of bamboo are いつかs worn by hill people in the 高く弓形に打ち返すs of their ears or in the absence of anything else, a buttonaire of orchids or other flowers 設立する in the ジャングル. More than once have I seen orchids that would bring fancy prices in a Western city fringing the dirty 直面する of some half-naked urchin.
Women's Earrings
Karen men not uncommonly wear beads or strings about their necks, besides other ornaments on their 武器 and 脚s. But perhaps the ornament peculiar to them consists of the boar's tusk 徹底的に捜す, such as their ancestor, "Htwa Meh Pa," made after he had killed the mythical boar. This is worn behind the ear, hanging 負かす／撃墜する as a sort of earring. The 徹底的に捜す, which is not unlike the ordinary Karen 徹底的に捜す, is made of （土地などの）細長い一片s of the outer 爆撃する of the bamboo, each about two インチs long, and held together by a 調印（する）ing-wax produced from the gum of a tree. The upper or pointed end of the 徹底的に捜す is made small enough to be 挿入するd into the open end of the tusk, where it is 直す／買収する，八百長をするd in place with wax. (See Frontispiece, which shows how a 徹底的に捜す is worn.)
A Boar's Tusk 徹底的に捜す
Karen Girls In Burmese 衣装
{This illustrates the way in which the women 安全な・保証する their skirts by
製図／抽選 them tightly to one 味方する and then 倍のing 支援する the slack and
tucking it in on the opposite 味方する.}
THE SEASONS AND THE MONTHS
The seasons in Burma are 明確に distinguished, the year 存在 divided into two parts by the 季節風, which is the periodic 勝利，勝つd of the Southern Asiatic tropics that for six months, between April and November, blows from the 南西 off the Indian Ocean, bringing clouds and moisture which produce the never-failing 雨の season, as the Karen 指名する for it, "ta su hka," signifies. In November the 季節風 転換s to the opposite ４半期/4分の1 and the 乾燥した，日照りの season or "ta yaw hka" follows, 存在 again six months in duration. This latter period is subdivided into the 冷静な／正味の season or "ta hku hka," from the middle of November to the first of February, and the hot season or "ta ko hka," during which the sun is waxing hotter and hotter until the beginning of the rains in May. The 雨の season has a 公正に／かなり even 気温 with a mean of about eighty degrees, Fahrenheit, while the 乾燥した，日照りの season is 示すd by variations 範囲ing from about fifty to over one hundred degrees.
The Karen 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 for year is "ni" and for a 世代, their longest 部隊 of time, it is "so." Eternity is 指定するd by reduplicating the root "so," for example, "so so," or, with this couplet, "so so xa xa."
によれば Karen reckoning, the year is divided into twelve lunar months, a month of twenty-nine days 補欠／交替の／交替するing with one of thirty. Thus, they have six months of twenty-nine days each which total one hundred and seventy-four days, while the six 介入するing months of thirty days each total one hundred and eighty days. These two totals 追加するd together give but three hundred and fifty-four days. This 協定 of the calendar necessitated the 新規加入 every three year of an extra or intercalary month to make the reckoning of time 訂正する But the calendar was so 貧しく kept that 混乱 arose, and the people do not agree の中で themselves as to the proper order of the months, or the beginning of the year, or even as to the 訂正する 解釈／通訳 of the 指名するs of the months in all 事例／患者s.[7-1] However, the 指名するs in the 一般的に 受託するd order are as follows:
1. Th' le, the searching month, when the 村人s 追跡（する） for a new village 場所／位置. It corresponds to the Burmese month, Pyatho, and to the moon of January.
2 Hte ku, the cutting month, when the Karen 削減（する） the ジャングル 準備の to cultivation. It is 同等（の） to the Burmese Tabodwe and to the moon of February.
3. Thwe kaw, the brewing month, when the women 準備する the mash for brewing アルコール飲料. By some it is said to signify the month of burnings, for at this time they 燃やす over the ground that was 削減（する） in the previous month. It is 同等（の） to the Burmese Tabaung and to the moon of March.
4. La hkli, the month of yams, because at this season the people were often 減ずるd to the necessity of eating the tubers of the wild yam. It is 同等（の） to the Burmese Tagu and to the moon of April.
5. De nya, the lily month, when the wild lilies bloom. 同等（の） to Kasone of the Burmese and to the moon of May.
6. La nwi, the seventh month, corresponds to the Burmese Nayone and to the moon of June.[7-2]
7. La xo, the eighth month, is 同等（の） to the Burmese Waso and to the moon of July.
8. La hku, the shut-in month, when it is difficult to go about on account of the 強い雨s. It corresponds to the Burmese Wagaung and to the moon of August.
9. Hsi mu, the month of a little 日光, when after the heaviest rain there is a little 好天. It corresponds to the Burmese Tawthelin and the moon of September.
10. Hsi hsa, the month of a little starlight, when the 星／主役にするs 存在 to show themselves occasionally. It corresponds to the Burmese Thadingyut and to the moon of October.
11. La naw, the month of the "naw," when from the seeds of this small 工場／植物 is 抽出するd an oil much like sessimum oil. It is 同等（の） to the Burmese Tezaungmon and to the moon of November.
12. La plu, the month of （太陽，月の）食／失墜s, when the moon dies and hence the month for funeral 儀式s. It corresponds to the Burmese Nadaw and to the moon of December.
It will be noticed that in the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） as given above the seventh and eighth month are number 6 and 7, それぞれ. Two suggestions have been made to explain this incongruity. One of these is Dr. Mason's suggestion to the 影響 that 初めは the first month was La plu (December), which would not only 訂正する the incongruity, but also make the Karen calendar correspond to that of Tibet, which begins with December.[7-3] The other explanation was given to me by a Karen teacher, who says that the month of La hkli (April) is the one that is repeated every three years ーするために 訂正する the calendar, and that the periodic interposition of this extra month is 責任がある the 指名するs of the seventh and eighth months and the 不一致 of those 指名するs with their serial numbers in the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）. To me this explanation seems very 疑わしい. One Karen writer 試みる／企てるs to 訂正する the incongruity between the seventh and eighth months and their serial numbers by 提案するing to 移転 La hku (August) from its 一般に 受託するd position in the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） to a place before the seventh month, but, of course, this is not a feasible change. As many Karens associate the month for funeral 儀式s (La plu) with the end of the year, they do not think it should be 転換d into first place in the calendar.
THE DAYS OF THE WEEK
Few of the Karen people can tell the days of the week, except によれば Burmese or Christian nomenclature. Severl old men have given me 指名するs for the days, which, they say, were in use a long time ago. There are seven of these, as may be seen in the に引き続いて 一覧表にすること:
ENGLISH KAREN TRANSLATION Sunday Li naw The eagle's beak Monday Htaw meh The long tooth Tuesday To mu The slanting sun Wednesday To kyaw The leaning oil tree Thursday Thi thwa The big 徹底的に捜す Friday Mu daw hpa The divided sun day Saturday Mu htaw k'hpu The pig's stomach day
I have 設立する no traditions or other （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） relating to these 指名するs.
The Karen divide the day into the に引き続いて seven parts or sub-分割s:
(1) mu hse wah taw, 夜明け; (2) mu heh htaw, sunrise; (3) mu heh htaw hpa htaw, the sun is high; (4) mu htu, noon; (5) mu xe 法律, the sun 拒絶する／低下するs; (6) mu haw 法律, evening; and (7) mu 法律 nu, sunset.
The night also has its 分割s, such as mu yaw ma, meaning that the sun is 深い 負かす／撃墜する; hpa hpaw mu, midnight or literally 中途の between the suns, and hsaw o, cock crow or 早期に morning, of which they distinguish three 行う／開催する／段階s. In conversation a Karen 示すs the time of day or night by pointing to the sun's position as it was at the time to which he is referring, pointing 上向き or downward as the occasion 要求するs. More than once in the narration of some story I have heard the different members of a group 論争 about the exact angle at which the sun stood when the 出来事/事件 occurred, the difference between the angles 示すd 存在 not more than a degree.
MEASUREMENT OF SPACE
When a Karen speaks of some 反対する, he is likely to 示す its size by comparing it with some part of his person. For example, he will 述べる a bamboo as 存在 as large around as his arm, or the 四肢 of a tree as 存在 the size of his thigh. 適用するing the same 原則, he has 工夫するd a system of rough 部隊s of 測定, such as the length of the forefinger, called t' su mu; the distance between the end of the thumb and the end of the forefinger, t' hpi; the distance between the end of the thumb and the knuckle of the little finger when the 握りこぶし is 二塁打d up, t'so; the interval between the end of the thumb and the end of the middle finger, t' hta; the cubit or the distance from the 肘 to the tip of the middle finger, t' pla, and the reach of the outstretched arm, t' hkli. Inasmuch as all of these 部隊s of 測定 変化させる with the size and 割合s of the individual, allowance is 一般に made for such variations. The cubit is 一般的に 雇うd in all building 操作／手術s, and men with long 武器 make the proper 是正 by 手段ing from the 肘 to the first 共同の instead of to the tip of the middle finger. Contrariwise, small men 追加する to their cubit the width of a finger or more to bring it to the 基準 length of a half-yard, which it is nowadays made to equal.
Two Sgaw Karen Maidens
{One from Tharrawaddy and the other from Tavoy 地区. The Tavoy girl
(on the 権利) is wearing a smock made of 黒人／ボイコット velvet 購入（する）d in a
bazaar and trimmed with embroidery of colored yarns. She also has on a
長，率いる-禁止（する）d such as is worn in that 地区.}
測定s for longer or shorter distances are 明示するd in 親族 条件, borrowed from one form or another of physical exertion. Such 測定s are: the pace, t'hka; the 石／投石する's throw, t' kwi leu; a call (that is, as far as one can hear a shout), t' kaw. An 不明確な／無期限の distance of a mile or two, which one might walk without stopping, is a 行う／開催する／段階, t' taw leh; a half-day's 旅行, t' mu htu leh; a day's 旅行, t' ni leh, and so on. The Karen may on occasion speak of a month's or a year's 旅行 to very distant places. Another method of 指定するing distances by intervals of time during which physical 成果／努力 is 要求するd is to 明示する the number of betel chews or quids that would be 消費するd during the trip. For instance, a Karen is apt to 知らせる one that a 確かな village is three or four betel chews distant. As it 要求するs from fifteen to twenty minutes to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of a quid of betel, the village in question may be 概算の as 存在 three or four miles away.
THE KAREN'S KNOWLEDGE OF ASTRONOMY
It often happens that the Karen find their way through the ジャングル at night by means of the 星／主役にするs. The more brilliant 星座s, called hsa t' so, are 井戸／弁護士席 known and have their particular 指名するs. Of these, the 広大な／多数の／重要な 耐える (Hsa k' htaw, literary the Elephant) and the Southern Cross (Meh la ka) are referred to the most frequently, because they signify north and south, それぞれ. These two 星座s were supposed, によれば an old legend, to have been brothers, 存在 thought to 似ている each other in 外見; but on account of a quarrel they separated and went to the opposite ends of the heavens. Orion is known by the 指名する of the Stealthily 狙撃 星／主役にするs (Hsa kwa hka). A legend relating to the three 星／主役にするs of Orion's belt, which are 指名するd Hsa yo ma (星／主役にするs that 掴むd wives), recounts that these 星／主役にするs kidnapped the daughters of the Pleiades, which are regarded as the 広大な／多数の／重要な ones of the heavens. Later the three 犯人s were caught and 減ずるd to the degraded position of servants to their parents-in-法律. The Archer --Sagittarius of the 古代のs--is called the 屈服する-長，率いる 星／主役にする (Hsa hkli hko, literally, the 長，率いる of the 屈服する where it is joined to the バーレル／樽 of the crossbow). The Pleiades are 指名するd Hsa deu mu, a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 signifying a collection of people closely 関係のある to one another; while three 星／主役にするs just east of the Pleiades, which look as though they had broken away from the 初めの group, are called Deu mu 法律 hpa (those separated from the company). Three 星／主役にするs south of the Pleiades, which form a triangle, 耐える the 指名する of the ぼんやり現れる (Hsa hta hko), because the geometrical 人物／姿／数字 示すd by their positions 示唆するs that enclosed by the 床に打ち倒す, which forms the base; the 塀で囲む, the vertical 味方する; and the inclined warp, the hypotenuse, of the ぼんやり現れる in the living-room of a Karen home. It せねばならない be 追加するd that the rising of the morning 星／主役にする, Hsa tu ghaw, 示すs the time for the Karen to get up in the morning; while the 外見 of the evening 星／主役にする, Hsa tu ha, 知らせるs him that the end of the day's work has come and with it the time for going home.
The Karen take 公式文書，認める of 狙撃 星／主役にするs, which they speak of いつかs as Hsa yu or 飛行機で行くing 星／主役にするs and いつかs as Hsa hpo tha, youthful 星／主役にするs. Catching sight of them, people say that they are going to visit the maidens. They give to 惑星s the obvious 指名する of tailed 星／主役にするs, Hsa meh htaw, and are not different from other superstitious races in believing that their coming brings calamity. The 惑星s have impressed them as "wandering 星／主役にするs," while they leave the 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 星／主役にするs without 指名するs, except the 政治家 星／主役にする, which they call the Mouse, and a 星／主役にする 近づく the moon, which they 述べる as the 星／主役にする that draws the moon, Hsa mo la. The 乳の Way reminds the Karen of their flowering fields of 米，稲 and receives the poetic 指名する of the 米，稲 flower 星／主役にするs, Hsa bu hpaw.
Like the Chinese and other Oriental peoples, the Karen せいにする the （太陽，月の）食／失墜 of the sun or moon to some monster that devours the luminary. The Karen, however, do not discover this monster in the dragon, but believe that dogs do the devouring. によれば the legend, a 確かな personage, who 所有する the elixir of life, had four dogs. On one occasion when he was absent from home, the moon descended to earth and stole his wondrous cordial. On his return, finding the elixir had 消えるd, he 建設するd a ladder of rice-straw and 機動力のある aloft with his dogs. But just as he was stepping upon the moon his ladder broke, 原因（となる）ing him and one of his faithful beasts to 落ちる to earth and lose their lives. The other three dogs were so fortunate as to find 安全な・保証する 地盤 on the firmament. Now and again they become enraged at the recollection of the umtimely 運命／宿命 of their master, attack and swallow the moon, and その為に produce the （太陽，月の）食／失墜. One of these faithful dogs is 黒人／ボイコット, and for some unknown 推論する／理由 is unable to swallow the moon entire and so 原因（となる）s only a 部分的な／不平等な （太陽，月の）食／失墜; but the yellow one devours it 完全に, and it can be seen 向こうずねing through his hide, which accounts for the color of the luminary during a total （太陽，月の）食／失墜. On escaping through the animals' bowels, the moon 回復するs its former brightness.[7-4]
The Gateway of aoA Village Stockade
{This is a 保護 not only against bad characters, but also against
wild animals.}
The Karen on the plains live in houses of Burmese construction, which are therefore outside the 範囲 of this work. In the Pegu Hills we find the 選び出す／独身-structure village, which seems to have been the characteristic Karen dwelling from 早期に times. It might be 述べるd as a bamboo apartment-house on stilts, 融通するing on the 普通の／平均（する） from twenty to thirty families. It is spread out on one 床に打ち倒す, and each family 占領するs not one "flat" but a room, called in Karen "deu," which 直面するs a central 回廊（地帯） running the length of the barrack.
Such a village, "th' waw," is usually rebuilt on a new 場所／位置 each year. The new 場所 is sought by the 地元の 長，指導者 during the hot season, after 会議／協議会 with the 年上のs and after the 刈るs have been brought in. The place selected by the 長，指導者 is 公正に／かなり level, 隣接する to the area to be 削減（する） over the coming year, and 近づく a spring or stream that will not 乾燥した，日照りの up during the hot 天候. In the old days it was also necessary to choose a 場所／位置 that would be high and easily defended agains （警察の）手入れ，急襲s. Before the 決定／判定勝ち（する） is finally made, the 長，指導者 must 協議する the 後援 in the form of chicken bones, and if these are propitious and no laughing-bird (Lanius) calls "chet, chet," the men begin to 削減（する） bamboos with which to 建設する the village.
The bamboos selected for 地位，任命するs are twenty or more feet long and usually from four to six インチs in 直径. They are 始める，決める in the ground at intervals of four or five cubits (six to seven and a half feet). 穴を開けるs are chopped through these large upright at a 高さ of from six to eight feet above the ground and pins are thrust through on which bamboo girders of the same size are fastened by means of withes. At 権利 angles to these girders and 残り／休憩（する）ing on them, other bamboo 政治家s, わずかに smaller in size, are tied at 正規の／正選手 intervals of about a cubit to form the 床に打ち倒す joists. The 床に打ち倒す is made of large bamboos, 分裂（する）, flattened out, and 安全な・保証するd to the joists by means of withes of the same 構成要素. It is six or eight feet above the ground, springy, and seamed with 割れ目s, through which rubbish and wash water may be 性質の／したい気がして of. As the 床に打ち倒す of the 回廊（地帯） is 支配するd to much heavier wear than that of any 選び出す／独身 room, it is made of 一連の会議、交渉／完成する bamboos securely tied together.
Part of a Mountain Karen Village, Tharrawaddy 地区
Stockade and Gateway of the Village, Re Tho, Tharrawaddy 地区
Some six feet or いっそう少なく above the girders--my 長，率いる has いつかs 設立する that it was not fully six feet--another 始める，決める of 穴を開けるs are 切り開く／タクシー／不正アクセスd into the 地位，任命するs or uprights, through which pins are run ot serve as supports for the "塀で囲む-plates," as the English 居住（者）s of Burma call them, which run 平行の with the girders below, and are 安全な・保証するd in the same way. Other bamboos, 平行の with the 床に打ち倒す joists, are tied on the 塀で囲む-plates at intervals of three or four feet. These beams give 安定 to the building. The 最高の，を越すs of the 地位，任命するs may be only a little above the 塀で囲む-plates, or they may run up several feet to the roof-plates, which are 安全な・保証するd by pins and bamboo withes like the beams below. There may or may not be a roof-tie running across above the 塀で囲む-plates. On the roof-plate 残り／休憩（する） the purlins or rafters that carry the interlocking half-sections of bamboo of which the roof is formed. This 肉親，親類d of roof may have 供給（する）d the model for the native 一連の会議、交渉／完成する tiles used so extensively in 中国 and throughout the East. The bamboos to be used in the construction of the roof must be straight and three or four インチs in 直径. They are 分裂（する） 負かす／撃墜する the middle. The halves are laid の近くに together with the concave 味方するs uppermost, and the 割れ目s between their 辛勝する／優位s are covered by a second 列／漕ぐ／騒動 of halves laid with their convex 味方するs uppermost. This overlapping of the concave by the convex halves give a tight roof, the rain running 負かす／撃墜する the 気圧の谷s formed by the concave halves and off at the eaves. if one 始める，決める of interlocking or overlapping bamboo "tiles' is not long enough to make the roof, a second 始める，決める fits far enough under the higher 始める，決める to catch the drip from above. いつかs the roof covers the whole structure, 含むing the 回廊（地帯）. In that 事例／患者 it has a 山の尾根 in the middle; さもなければ the 山の尾根 may be over the 列／漕ぐ／騒動 of 地位，任命するs next to that standing at the 回廊（地帯）. If the village-house stands in a 風の強い 場所, where the rain would いつかs be driven up the roof, a small bamboo （土地などの）細長い一片 is tied at 権利 angles across the upper ends of each 始める，決める of "tiles." This is the more necessary because the roof is never 法外な, having a slope of not more than twenty degrees.
The 塀で囲むs of the village-house are 建設するd of flattened bamboo lengths nearly long enough to reach from the 床に打ち倒す to the 塀で囲む-plates. Three 水平の bamboo 政治家s of small 直径 are run through the 地位，任命するs, 穴を開けるs having been made for the 目的, and the flattened bamboo （土地などの）細長い一片s are woven between these. Such a 塀で囲む 含む／封じ込めるs 非常に／多数の 割れ目s and apertures, and may be easily 除去するd to 許す a 死体 to be carried out. 類似の partitions divide the sleeping apartment from the 残り／休憩（する） of the family-room.
>計画（する） of Shataw Village, Tharrawaddy 地区
A smaller box of ashes in the 中心 of the room 供給（する）s a fireplace for the warming of the family when the 空気／公表する is chilly of nights and mornings. It is then comfortable to sit about the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, as one visits and tells stories.
The Karen have little use for 人工的な light. They get up with the sun and go to bed with the chickens. Often the ゆらめくing light of the bamboo 燃料 in the fireplace serves for light, while they entertain 訪問者s or do 半端物 bits of belated work. When they need something more than this, they use a cup 含む／封じ込めるing 天然のまま earth-oil (石油 is 設立する in large 量s in Upper Burma) with a wick sticking out, or they make たいまつs from the resinous oil of the "xaw" (Dipterocarpus) tree. These enormous trees when tapped 産する／生じる a good run of oil. After each run of 次第に損なう they scorch the 穴を開ける and get another run. The oil is mixed with bits of 乾燥した，日照りの 支持を得ようと努めるd or punk and moulded into sticks about a cubit long and an インチ in 直径 by putting it into 共同のs of small bamboo. When it has 乾燥した，日照りのd, it is wrapped in palm or pineapple leaves and tied up with bark fibre. When needed for use, one end is 緩和するd and 適用するd to the fireplace for lighting. It is then 始める，決める on a rough stand fashioned out of 支持を得ようと努めるd, on which it 残り／休憩（する）s in an oblique position and in this manner 燃やすs to the best advantage. Nowadays little tin lamps made by Burmese tinsmiths after the pattern of the old European lamps are in ありふれた use. These 持つ／拘留する a cotton wick and give a little light and some smoke, as they have no chimneys.
A たいまつ with its Stand
Usually beyond the cooking place a small partition 延長するs out about four feet from the 塀で囲む, forming a little alcove and hiding from 見解（をとる） the family sleeping-room. The latter is a small apartment not more than eight or ten feet each way and is 供給（する）d with either a few 急ぐ mats, such as the Burmans are in the habit of sleeping on, or a 選び出す／独身 large bamboo mat, besides a 量 of old 着せる／賦与するs, 一面に覆う／毛布s, pillows, and rags scattered about or hanging from the rough ends of the 塀で囲むs. At either the 前線 or 支援する of the large outer room, whichever is toward the east--the place of 栄誉（を受ける） in a Karen house--is a raised 壇・綱領・公約 called the "hso hko." This is about a cubit's 高さ from the 床に打ち倒す and has a mat on it worn shiny with much sitting. It is the place where guests are received, 特に if they are people of 公式文書，認める. Here against the 塀で囲む are a few pillows, which may be half-一連の会議、交渉／完成する bamboos of 巨大（な） size, that is, from eight to ten インチs in 直径, or cloth pillows filled with fibre from the cotton tree (Bombax heterophylla). The guest is 招待するd to sit on the 壇・綱領・公約 and to partake of the contents of the fragrant betel-box, which is sure to be hospitably 押し進めるd in 前線 of him. The cradle usually hangs from the crossbeams in the middle of the room, 存在 held up by fibre ropes, although occasionally elephant chains are called into use to give 十分な 手段 of 安全. The cradle itself may be a 一面に覆う／毛布 swung up at the four corners, or it may be part of the trunk of a large hollow tree. A basket-work cradle is scarcely ever 設立する in old Karen homes.
計画（する） of a Karen Family-room
At the 支援する of the family apartment the bamboo joists and 床に打ち倒すing 事業／計画（する） several feet beyond the 塀で囲む, forming a 原始の 支援する veranda where 着せる／賦与するs are hung to 乾燥した，日照りの; rice (米，稲), fish, fruit, and vegetables are 始める，決める out in the sun, and other 国内の 操作／手術s are carried on in 私的な.
In a few Karen villages a young men's club- room ("blaw") is still 持続するd, but not in most. Where such a room 存在するs, it does not 異なる in general 外見 from a family-room, except that it has no partitions. The hearth in the middle of the space serves as a social fireside on 冷淡な mornings and evenings. At the east end a raised 演壇 延長するs the width of the room, 存在 used both for 歓迎会 and for sleeping 目的s. Guests, unless closely 関係のある to some family in the village, usually sleep here, except when, as a 示す of 尊敬（する）・点, they are 招待するd to sleep in a room apart on the "hso hko" with the men of the house. Women guests sleep in the family sleeping-room together with the women folk and children.
The old type of Karen village-house, such as we have been 述べるing above, is 存在 修正するd by 接触する with the Burmese way of building, and every 行う／開催する／段階 of 進化 from the village-barrack to separate family houses may be 観察するd in Karen villages today.
When an 疫病／流行性の breaks out in a bamboo village-house, the inhabitants are not held there by the considerations that ordinarily 妨げる the dwellers in 持続する towns and cities from taking their 誘発する 出発. At best the Karen village-house is habitable only for a year or two, was built by the 連合させるd 成果／努力s of the men of the little community from 構成要素 of which the 供給（する） is abundant, and can be 取って代わるd quickly. When, therefore, 病気 begins to spread の中で the 隣接する families, they scatter to the four windows with their most necessary 所持品. Soon they gather and build another village on a new 場所／位置 and, having 除去するd the last of their 所有／入手s from the old 感染させるd structure, leave it to decay or 始める，決める it on 解雇する／砲火／射撃.
When a village community is 除去するing from one 場所／位置 to another, the women 準備する food and アルコール飲料 for the 旅行, pack up their 所持品 and leave them in the ジャングル 近づく the path, if they do not wish to take them to the new place at once, and, finally, 準備する the offerings to be left behind. These offerings consist of four balls of cooked rice, one white, another made 黒人／ボイコット by 存在 mixed with charcoal, and the other two colored red and yellow, それぞれ, by the admixture of colored pigments. These balls are placed on a large winnowing-sieve that has been woven by the women for the 目的 at the very last. This tray and its offerings are carried to the central part of the house, where it is visited and spat upon by every member of the village. They then repeat the に引き続いて lines:
"Let all sickness and 苦痛 出発／死. 出発／死 all 冷淡なs. Go eat your 黒人／ボイコット rice, your red rice. Go eat your betel and its leaves. Go eat with your wife and your children. Go stay in your house."
After thus 演説（する）／住所ing the spirits, the 村人s （問題を）取り上げる their 重荷（を負わせる）s, （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 their 派手に宣伝するs and gongs, and 始める，決める out for their new abode--a sight, indeed, for a 動議 picture camera.
On arriving at the new house, they do not enter it at once, but wait until some one has plucked from 隣接する trees seven twigs growing upright, and with these has swept out the rooms. As the 掃海艇 goes through the house he repeats the に引き続いて incantation:
"Go away, all evil spirits. 出発／死, all devils. We and our children are going to stay here. Do not remain 近づく. Go. Go."
The members of each family then （問題を）取り上げる the さまざまな 世帯 仕事s, 含むing the building of the fireplace. If this is not 完全にするd the same night, they tied up their wrists to keep their "k'las" from wandering away and finish it the next morning. This is done の中で the Karen of Siam.
In the precedding pages of this 一時期／支部 I have 試みる／企てるd to give a description of the Karen village-house. I do not say "home," for the Karen language has no word for home. The house is, however, something more than the eating and sleeping place of the village families: it is the 中心 of their 国内の life and worship and as such 所有するs a 確かな 量 of sanctity. From what has been said above, it is （疑いを）晴らす that the village structure 陳列する，発揮するs no 試みる／企てるs at artistic decoration, and is not made attractive by any of the touches that give so rich a meaning to the word "home" の中で Christians. The Karen bamboo house, 位置を示すd in a 熱帯の 気候 as it is, affords a 確かな 量 of physical 慰安; the 微風s blow through its airy 塀で囲むs, and one may lounge and gossip within during the heat of the day and not experience 広大な／多数の／重要な 圧迫. At night, when the 冷静な／正味の 空気／公表する begins to make itself felt, the 射撃を開始する with its cheerful 炎 attracts the story-teller, while out in the 影をつくる／尾行するs the youthful lover strums his harp, and the children and the dogs play about in 十分な quietness not to 乱す their 年上のs.
Everywhere ありふれた dogs are kept by the Karen. These are the ordinary smooth-haired pariah hounds, which are familiar to the 旅行者 in all parts of the 半島. Besides these there are the 追跡（する）ing-dogs, について言及するd in the 一時期／支部 on 追跡（する）ing and Fishing.[8-1] Only in 最近の days have the Karen shown any inclination to raise cats. In the 早期に days they professed not to eat these felines; but I can 証言する that, whatever their former 反感s to the cat tribe may have been in this regard, they no longer hesitate to eat the wild varieties of cats that are to be caught in the ジャングル. They also find ネズミs palatable.
Pigs and fowls are the most ありふれた 国内の animals の中で the Karen. Dr. Mason speaks of the pigs as 存在 of the "small Chinese variety."[8-2] They are the 所有物／資産／財産 of the women and know their mistress's 発言する／表明する. When a woman dies, her pigs are killed in order that their "k'las" may …を伴って her into the next world. The fowls are of a variety not unlike the wild ジャングル-fowls 設立する all over the country.
On the plains buffaloes have been extensively bred for use as 草案 animals and in cultivating the 米，稲-fields. As they are slow-going creatures the small native oxen, often 誤った identified with the "sacred ox" from having a hump like the cattle supposed to have been used in 古代の イスラエル, have 大部分は superseded them for 草案 purpoes. In the Toungoo Hills oxen are 雇うd to some extent as pack-animals, 特に by the Paku tribe. Both the Paku and their neighbors, the Mawnepgha, raise a few goats, while the Red Karen are 子孫を作る人s of ponies to some extent.
Sideview of a Bamboo Karen House, Kaindagyi
The dietary of the Karen 含むs almost everything edible in the way of vegetables that grow in their country. A 広大な／多数の／重要な variety of fish, birds, and animals are also partaken of; but it should be said at once that three-fourths, if not seven-eighths, of the 量 of food they 消費する is rice, of which they raise many varieties. Next to rice they 訴える手段／行楽地 in time of need to millet, maize, and roots, 特に yams of different 肉親，親類d. Besides gourds, sqaushes, eggplant, roselle, 甘い potatoes, and the edible fruits, the Karen eat the tender shoots of many 工場／植物s and trees, 含むing the bamboo.
All 肉親，親類d of fish and eels, some varieties of crabs, snake, locusts, and grasshoppers, snails and other mollusks, and even 確かな varieties of ants are 構成するd in the menu. Flesh of all sorts from that of the elephant to that of the ネズミ is eaten with relish.[9-1] In the realm of feathered creatures the variety is 平等に 包括的な, 範囲ing from the sparrow to the peacock, not even omitting the crow. Fish-paste, called in Karen "nya u"[9-2] but 一般的に given its Burmese 指名する of "ngape," is 大いに prized by the Karen, who think that it 追加するs a very savory flavor to their frod. On the plains they buy it from the Burmans from whom, it may be, they have 可決する・採択するd its use, but いつかs those living 近づく streams or lakes make it for themselves.
Notwithstanding their inclusive diet, the Karen have no idea of what we call a balanced ration and, after all, are more or いっそう少なく undernourished. They also practice 絶えず the habit of betel chewing, which benumbs their sense of taste. For these 推論する／理由s they crave 高度に seasoned foods. Chilies or red peppers are considered a necessity, while meats and 砕くd condiments of spices, tumeric, and chilies are used only to make the pungent curry sauce with which the cooked rice is flavored. Salt, which is 得るd at the bazaars, is also used in seasoning.
Inasmuch as rice is the 長，指導者 article of diet の中で the Karen, a few words should be said about its 準備. "米，稲," which is the 穀物 before it has been cleaned for cooking, is brought home from the 貯蔵所s in which it has been 蓄える／店d and spread out on mats to 乾燥した，日照りの in the sun. It is then 続けざまに猛撃するd in 迫撃砲s to rub off the outer husk. A second 続けざまに猛撃するing 除去するs the inner 肌 covering each 穀物 and polishes the rice pure white. As cleaned rice does not keep 同様に as 米，稲, the natives 続けざまに猛撃する only enough to last a week or two. The kernels are washed in a basket with a sieve-like 底（に届く） and are then 注ぐd into a マリファナ of boiling water. They are 許すd to cook vigorously for ten minutes or いっそう少なく, until they swell and become soft enough to 鎮圧する easily between the thumb and finger. The water is then 注ぐd off and the マリファナ 始める，決める 支援する in the hot ashes to 乾燥した，日照りの out any remaining water. When the rice is served, it remains whole, 会社／堅い, and わずかに hard. Soft boiled rice is most unpalatable to the Karen, who think it not so 支えるing as the いっそう少なく cooked cereal. Nowadays the cooking is done in most places in earthen マリファナs, which are bought from Burmese or Shan 仲買人s. These マリファナs are of red unglazed clay, cost but a few annas, (one anna is equal to about two cents or an English penny), and last with care for some time.
Besides the rice used for ordinary meals there are many varieties of glutinous rice that are cooked or steamed on the plains for an 早期に morning meal or for special feasts. The steamers are made like the Burmese マリファナs, but with a number of small 穴を開けるs in the 底（に届く）. These are placed over 大型船s of boiling water, the steam of which rises through the 開始s and permeates the 穀物. I have been told that when a rare feast is 願望（する）d, the rice is steamed over a 大型船 in which a chicken is boiling, and the rice becomes flavored with the fowl. Steamed glutinous rice is いつかs mixed with sessimum seeds and 続けざまに猛撃するd in a 迫撃砲 until it becomes a sticky paste. This mixture is called "to me to pi."
It is 報告（する）／憶測d that long ago, before the Karen had as much 取引，協定ing with the Burmese as they do now, they cooked their rice in 共同のs of bamboo. At any 率, this is their 現在の practice when out in the forest. The hunter or wayfarer in the ジャングル puts his rice into a large 共同の of bamboo, which he stands at the 辛勝する／優位 of a little 解雇する／砲火／射撃 until the contents are 十分に boiled. The hard silicious sheathing of the bamboo easily withstands the heat of a 選び出す／独身 cooking. Once used, the 共同の is throw away, for there are plenty more to be 削減（する） as occasion 需要・要求するs. いつかs cooked rice for a 旅行 is carried in the same 共同の in which it was boiled. 確かな 肉親，親類d of bamboo, such as the 厄介な variety "wa hsgu," which grows in low lands, impart a special flavor to the rice that is cooked in them. Rice deriving its taste from the 厄介な bamboo is thought to be one of the most delicious viands that can be 得るd and is called "me taw." When 確かな 肉親，親類d of bamboo 耐える fruit, which is at long intervals, their seeds are often cooked and eaten in place of rice.
続けざまに猛撃するing 米，稲 in a 迫撃砲
The larger vegetables, like pumpkins, yams, etc., are 削減（する） up and boiled until soft. Green fruits and shoots are also cooked, although many spicy 肉親，親類d of shoots and 熟した fruits are 一般に eaten raw.
There are intervals when a village community lives only on rice eaten with a little salt, fish-paste gravy, and red peppers. After a fishing or 追跡（する）ing 探検隊／遠征隊, however, or when some feast is held, the people gorge themselves with as many 肉親，親類d of meat or fish as they can 得る. Larger fish and the flesh of animals are 削減（する） up and cleaned before cooking. No part of an animal is wasted. The intestines, when 適切に 洗浄するd and 用意が出来ている, are considered 特に toothsome. The best-liked meats are pork and venison. Birds, pigeons, and ducks are also regarded as good eating. Small birds are often cooked without other 予選s than a 迅速な plucking of the feathers. Meats are ordinarily cooked with the oil 圧力（をかける）d from sesame seeds and flavored with condiments more or いっそう少なく in the manner of Indian curries. For this 目的 a larger or smaller 量 of the に引き続いて spices are used: tumeric, ginger, cloves, cardamon seeds, and cinnamon bark, besides tamarind, lime-juice, and the 必然的な salt and chili. Fisherman and hunters like to roast small game, fish, or （土地などの）細長い一片s of meat from larger animals between splints of bamboo hung 近づく or over a （軍の）野営地，陣営 解雇する／砲火／射撃. The Polynesian way of baking such foods is often 雇うd, the fish, flesh, or fowl 存在 wrapped in plantain leaves and buried in a 炭坑，オーケストラ席, which is lined with 石／投石するs made hot by having had a roaring 解雇する／砲火／射撃 on them. Meat in 超過 of 即座の needs is 削減（する） into 狭くする （土地などの）細長い一片s and 乾燥した，日照りのd on a rack over a 解雇する／砲火／射撃. The （土地などの）細長い一片s are then covered with salt and 蓄える／店d away for 未来 use. Fish are 乾燥した，日照りのd in the same way. Such 保存するd foods are eaten by the 労働者s in the fields or help to furnish 前へ／外へ the repasts on a 旅行. In the hills, so far as I have 観察するd, the Karen does not fry his food; but on the plains, where he has more or いっそう少なく taken up Burmese ways, cooking food in fat has become somewhat ありふれた. This is usually done outside the house, however, because the Karen, like the Burmese and Shan, have a superstitious 恐れる of the smell of cooking.
The Fireplace in a Hill Karen House
{The housewife is watching the マリファナ boil. 調印するs of approaching
civilization are 明らかな, such as the enamel plate and the kerosene oil
tin.}
While cooking is preeminently the women's work, it seems that nearly every man can cook and does on occasion 準備する his own food. I have eaten many a tasty meal 用意が出来ている by Karen men, who considerately took 苦痛s to have clean utensils and to use only such condiments as they knew white men were likely to relish.
The serving of food の中で the Karen is a simple 事柄. The rice is emptied into a tray, the meats or vegetables are put in little bowls, and all are 始める，決める on a mat on the 床に打ち倒す. The members of the 世帯 squat around this "family board" and eat with the 手渡す. They 注ぐ gravy from the meat, fish, or other 味方する-dishes on the rice, work it in with the fingers, and 伝える the food in compact lumps to their mouths. の中で the more 原始の large plantain leaves often serve as trays and plates. The Karen on the plains use separate dishes of 磁器 or enamel-ware, which are readily 得るd in the bazaar. These are 始める，決める on a low （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する, standing no more than six インチs above the 床に打ち倒す. This manner of serving is in vogue の中で the Burmese. There is not much sociability about a Karen meal. Each person …に出席するs to his eating until he has finished, when he rises, rinses off his 手渡すs, quenches his かわき with a drink of water, and 身を引くs to sit 負かす／撃墜する or leaves the house without 形式順守. The members of a family 一般に eat together; but if guests are 現在の, the women usually wait until the men are served. Large 量s of food are 用意が出来ている for wedding and funeral-feasts, which, as a 支配する, the men and women partake of 分かれて without particular order or 協定.
The safety-match is nowadays the ありふれた means 雇うd by Karens in producing 解雇する／砲火／射撃; but 以前は the flint and steel were used as they were all over the world in the 早期に days of the nineteenth century and before. A simpler, and probably indigenous, method was by the 摩擦 of two 乾燥した，日照りの pieces of bamboo. One piece was sawn 支援する and 前へ／外へ through a groove 削減（する） crosswise on the crest of another, the latter 存在 a half-section of large bamboo laid over a 量 of shavings or punk. The heat thus 生成するd in a minute or two produced smoke and a 炎上, and the tinder caught the 炎. A 世代 or two ago Karens carried 解雇する／砲火／射撃 pistons, when on a 旅行, to light their 麻薬を吸うs. The description of this simple 機械装置, which has been given to me, is that it was a bone or metal cylinder with a small 穴を開ける at one end into which a tight-fitting piston was driven by a sharp blow and then quickly 孤立した. The 空気／公表する within was thus 十分に compressed and heated to 点火（する） a bit of tinder at the 底（に届く） of the cylinder.[9-3]
Milk does not form a part of the diet of the Karen people any more than it does of some other Oriental races. There is little with which to 料金d babies whose mother can not nurse them. However, it is a comparatively rare thing for a mother not to be able to nurse her child. The first solid food given to babies is rice that has first been masticated by the mother. The 肉親，親類d of food eaten by the parents is given to their children as soon as they cry for it. This, I think, is one of the most 実りの多い／有益な sources of the high death 率 の中で Karen 幼児s.
The people in the hills eat three meals a day, one soon after rising, one at 中央の-day and the third in the evening after the work is done. On the plains an 早期に "chota hazri" of glutinous rice is いつかs, but not always taken.[9-4] The 正規の／正選手 morning meal comes somewhere between eight and ten o'clock and the afternoon repast between three and five. Tea is coming to be much used の中で the Karen, either the native pickled tea which is 輸入するd by the Burmese from the Shan 明言する／公表するs, or the Chinese and India teas which are now sold all over the country. The Karen drink their tea without milk and often put in a little salt in place of sugar. Coffee is used to some extent in the Karen hills and is drunk without milk, unless some one has brought home a can of condensed milk from town, this 準備 存在 considered a most delicious sweetmeat.
アル中患者 （水以外の）飲料s are brewed or distilled の中で the Karen. A 肉親，親類d of rice beer is made by 許すing boiled rice to stand in jars of water and ferment. Old fermented rice is left in a jar, and fresh rice water is 注ぐd upon it. After standing several days, it acquires the 願望（する）d strength or 百分率 of alcohol. Distilled アルコール飲料 is 得るd by boiling the fermented （水以外の）飲料 in a の近くにd 大型船, from the 最高の，を越す of which 問題／発行するs a bamboo 麻薬を吸う that leads to another 大型船 in which the steam condenses. A more concentrated 解答 of alcohol is thus 安全な・保証するd. On the plains the glutionous rice, which is raised there, is much more 一般的に used in making アルコール飲料 than the ordinary 穀物, because it 含む／封じ込めるs a higher 百分率 of sugar. The plains 所有する another source of intoxicant in the "toddy-palms." The juice of these palms, which exudes from the 削減（する） 茎・取り除くs of the fronds, is collected and 許すd to ferment, thus producing a アルコール飲料 that is 責任がある much of the 罪，犯罪 committed by the 田舎の people of all races.
In former days, in the more backward Karen 地区s and in Siam, the 準備 of drink 構成するd a かなりの part of the work of the women. It was used with every meal and was regarded as a necessary part of the native diet. Large 量s of アルコール飲料 were 供給するd for every festival. But its use is 少なくなるing の中で the more 進歩／革新的な natives and is 速く disappearing の中で the Christian Karens.
The use of betel and タバコ is 流布している の中で the Karen people. Inded, one might say that it is almost 全世界の／万国共通の の中で them. The betel-box is always carried on a 旅行 and is ever at 手渡す where work is 存在 done. When the guest arrives, the first 行為／法令／行動する of 歓待 is to 押し進める the box, 補充するd with its masticatories, in 前線 of him. Betel, in the estimation of the Karen, forms a part of his food. Small bits of the areca-nut are laid on a fresh green leaf of the piper betel vine; lime is also smeared on the leaf, and perhaps a few cloves or shreds of タバコ leaf are 追加するd; the betel leaf is then 倍のd into a wad and put into the mouth. In the 過程 of chewing this "quid" the saliva is turned to a 有望な red, 存在 secreted in such 量 that たびたび（訪れる） expectoration is necessary. Wherever this spittle 落ちるs it leaves a red stain. The 内部の 塀で囲むs of the houses, 特に in the corners, and the 床に打ち倒すs 近づく the 割れ目s are much stained with red. It is not 安全な to stop under a window or beneath a house, unless one is sure that nobody is within. An 早期に missionary, who traveled with a white pony, was surprised one morning to find his animal wonderfully streaked with red, which 産する／生じるd only to a vigorous washing. Betel chewing stains the teeth 黒人／ボイコット, though it does not materially 負傷させる them, except that the hard usage wears them 負かす／撃墜する or 原因（となる）s them to break off 未熟に. Karens often speak of a short space of time as 存在 about a betel-chew which, 厳密に speaking, would mean fifteen or twenty minutes. The women in the hills, instead of chewing the quid, 許す it to remain on the tongue and jul lit for hour at a time, much to the annoyance of any one trying to follow them in their conversation, which they keep up 合間.
Karen Tobacoo 麻薬を吸うs and a Piston for Breaking Betel-nut
{Nos. 1 and 2 are sections of bamboo decorated with etched designs; Nos.
3 and 4 have monkey-bone 茎・取り除くs, and No. 5 is a bamboo root decorated with
silver bead-work.}
The areca-nut is 削減（する） up with a 肉親，親類d of scissors or a sickle. Some use a section of deer's horn about six インチs long in breaking up these nuts. The horn is perforated by a 穴を開ける large enough at one end to 収容する／認める a whole nut, but かなり smaller at the other end. In 存在 driven through this orifice the nut is broken into bits, which 問題／発行する from the smaller 開始. This nut-breaker is not used as much now as 以前は. The areca-nuts and other 供給（する）s for betel chewing are kept in the ever 現在の betel-box, which in the hills may be nothing more than an end of bamboo or, の中で those having 予定 regard for the social amenities connected with the practice, is likely to be a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する laquer receptacle or, in rare instances, even a 厚かましさ／高級将校連 box. These more pretentious コンテナs are fitted with one or two trays, on which the 供給（する）s are conveniently 性質の／したい気がして.
The habits of タバコ smoking is almost as 流布している の中で the Karen as that of betel chewing. It is indulged in by both sexes and all ages. The 乾燥した，日照りのd leaf is rolled into a rude cigar and smoked without その上の 準備. 麻薬を吸うs of さまざまな 肉親，親類d are also used. The Karen analogue of the American corn-cob 麻薬を吸う is the simplest form, consisting of a short section of a small bamboo with a 茎・取り除く of the same 挿入するd in the 味方する. An approach to our brier-root 麻薬を吸う is made of a curved root of bamboo, nicely smoothed off and fitted with a 茎・取り除く of monkey-bone or silver. The bowl of this latter 肉親，親類d of 麻薬を吸う is いつかs 供給（する）d with a silver lining and has a silver wire wrapped around it by way of ornamentation. The ordinary straight 麻薬を吸う may be etched with geometric 人物／姿／数字s in 罰金 lines and with 国境s of saw-tooth and 星／主役にする designs. Designs incised on bamboo are 設立する throughout the Malay countries, Borneo, and the Philippine Islands.[9-5]
Offerings and 罠（にかける）s on the 辛勝する／優位 of a Field
{The bamboo 壇・綱領・公約 and basket 含む／封じ込める the offerings of the "ta maw a
hku" 儀式. Two 肉親，親類d of ネズミ 罠（にかける）s are seen at the left. On the 権利
is a "wa hkaw" or spear 罠（にかける）, the point of which is under the offerings
at the 開始 there.}
The Karen's 長，指導者 占領／職業 is the cultivation of the most important article of his diet, すなわち, rice. Throughout the Orient this 穀物 is called "米，稲" during all the 行う／開催する／段階s of its growth and curing, until it is husked and polished ready for cooking. The method of cultivation in the hills is 広範囲にわたって different from that on the plains. We shall consider the former first, as it is more 原始の and, until recently, was practiced by far the larger number of the people. In Burma this more 原始の method is often spoken of as the "ya" cultivation, from the Burmese word 指定するing it. It is characteristic of this cultivation that a new hill field, called "hku" in Karen, has to be selected, （疑いを）晴らすd, and buried off each year. The 工場／植物ing of the 穀物 must follow すぐに after all seeds and all roots have been destroyed by 解雇する／砲火／射撃, or no 刈る can be raised with the 原始の 器具／実施するs in use, on account of the 早い resuscitation of the ジャングル. The ashes from the 消費するd vegetation 行為／法令／行動する as a fertilizer, without which the 刈る would scarcely be 価値（がある） the 得るing. At the 現在の time the 政府 so 限界s the areas open to the Karen for cultivation in some 地区s that a 十分な interval does not elapse between plantings is to 許す the growth of enough 木材／素質 for the 生産／産物 of the ashes necessary to fertilize the 国／地域 適切に. Hence, 刈る 生産／産物 is 拒絶する／低下するing in these 地区s. At least seven years should 介入する before a 陰謀（を企てる） is （疑いを）晴らすd and 工場／植物d a second time, and even this period is too short for the 生産／産物 of the best 刈るs.[10-1]
When a 刈る has been 収穫d, the village 長，指導者 and 年上のs choose the ground to be 削減（する） over the に引き続いて year. Each village has its 井戸／弁護士席-認めるd farming areas, beyond which are the lands of the 隣接地の village. Each member of the community then 選ぶs out his particular 陰謀（を企てる） for cultivating, takes home a lump of the earth, puts it under his pillow, and sleeps on it. If he has an auspicious dream, he 協議するs the chicken bones for a 確定／確認 of the good omen. 安全な・保証するing this 確定／確認, he regard his choice as 直す／買収する，八百長をするd. さもなければ, he selects another 陰謀（を企てる） and repeats the 儀式s. Once his 選択 is 認可するd by the 後援, the 位置／汚点／見つけ出す is called a "du la," and he （疑いを）晴らすs a little space on the land, after which he 演説（する）／住所s the spirits as follows;
"出発／死 all you evil spirits ('ta we ta na').
We are going to work here for our food,
To get sustenance for our wife and children.
Let no sickness come upon us.
We are going to work until it is finished."
Next he places a lump of 国／地域 on the （疑いを）晴らすing and, having wrapped the chicken bones in the leaf of a creeper ("ki ku"), he touches the lump with them, raises them に向かって the sky, and again touches or strikes the clod with the mystic bones. He now breaks these apart and 捨てるs them until he can 挿入する splints of bamboo into the 穴を開けるs of the bones. If this 行為／法令／行動する of divination is also successful, he is ready for work.
A Hillside 陰謀（を企てる） 削減（する） Ready for 燃やすing
A 米，稲-貯蔵所 for 蓄える／店ing 穀物 in the Field
{The bamboo clappers in the foreground are for 脅すing away the
birds.}
In the 早期に days, when much of the primeval forest was still standing, the Karen would （疑いを）晴らす out the 小衝突 and bamboos from の中で the 巨大（な） trees on the hillside they were 準備するing to cultivate. Then they raised 壇・綱領・公約s at the foot of the trees from which they could 削減（する） them above the 幅の広い-spreading buttresses at their base, leaving enough of the trunk 損なわれていない to keep them from 落ちるing. When the whole hillside tract had been 削減（する） over in this manner, they felled the uppermost tree so as to 衝突，墜落 負かす／撃墜する on those just below, and these in turn would bring 負かす／撃墜する others until the whole mountain 味方する seemed to be swept by a mighty 雪崩／（抗議などの）殺到, which resounded far and wide across the valleys, 溺死するing the shouts of the people who were wild with excitement at seeing the culmination of the labor of weeks. The fallen 木材／素質 and heaps of 小衝突 had still to 嘘（をつく） for a fortnight or more in the hot sun until 乾燥した，日照りの enough to 燃やす.
The 燃やすing-off 過程, which is always a necessary part of （疑いを）晴らすing the land as について言及するd above, is に先行するd by its appropriate ritual, in order to 妨げる any wandering shades or "k'las" from 存在 消費するd. As a means of 区ing off evil, the ritualist 関係 up his wrist and, as he does so, invokes the "k'las" as follows:
"Pru-u-u k'la, come 支援する. Remain not in the forest, Nor in the places where the ジャングル is newly 削減（する）. Do not stay with evil demons. We are about to 燃やす our cutting. Come 支援する and stay in the house. Come 支援する."
In lighting the 炎, they do so with 解雇する／砲火／射撃 from bundles of twigs that have first been ぱらぱら雨d with the 血 of a fowl. The 燃やすing is carefully watched, so that the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 may be kept from spreading to the surrounding forests. When bamboos are 燃やすd, the 空気／公表する in the hollow 共同のs 拡大するs and bursts the 茎・取り除くs with sharp 報告（する）／憶測s. A 燃やすing field sounds like the fusillade of a 殴打／砲列 of machine guns and affords as much delight to the Karen as a packet of 爆竹s to a small boy.
When the rains have begun, the 村人s begin their 工場／植物ing. With a sharp stick or the point of a long knife ("dah") they make tiny 穴を開けるs in the soft ground about a foot apart and 減少（する） into each two or three seeds of 米，稲. The field is now called a "hku." About this time also each family builds the little hut in its 陰謀（を企てる） of ground that is to serve both as a 避難所 and home until the 収穫 shall have been gathered. It is a rude 事件／事情／状勢 made of a few bamboos, either saved when the field was （疑いを）晴らすd or newly brought from the ジャングル, and consists of a 壇・綱領・公約, roof, and loosely fitted 味方するs.
When the 米，稲 has sprouted and tinged the hillside with green, another 儀式 ("theh a khu") must be 成し遂げるd. Offerings of アルコール飲料 and a fowl, which has been cooked at home, are placed upon an altar with a 壇・綱領・公約 and roof, built upon six 地位，任命するs. The 壇・綱領・公約 consists of two parts, the upper, enclosed like a miniature hut and the lower, open like a porch. いつかs a second altar is 築くd upon four 地位，任命するs and is called "ta th' mo." の近くに by the first altar a ゆらめくing basket ("ta theh") is 始める，決める up, which is made of splints woven through the 分裂（する） end of a bambo, the other end of which is 工場／植物d in the ground, and a 類似の "ta theh" is placed in 前線 of the latr. A cup 含む／封じ込めるing some rice mixed with chaff, from which 事業／計画（する）s a little bamboo 支店, is put upon the altar. The little banch is a 'hto bo" or 政治家. Water is now 注ぐd over the offerings, and the cup of アルコール飲料 brought from the house is placed at the foot of the altar 地位，任命するs. Along the path 主要な to the altar sharp bamboo spikes are 始める，決める, に引き続いて a custom said to have been 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する from earlier times, to 妨げる wild elephants from 乱すing the offerings. When all these 準備s have been 完全にするd, the spikes and the altar are smeared with the 血 of a fowl, and the spirits are again 演説（する）／住所d:
"Let this 冷静な／正味の you and please you, O Lord of the hills, O Lord of the land, Lord of 解雇する／砲火／射撃, Lord of heat and 冷淡な. I am making you 冷静な／正味の and comfortable. Therefore, 穏健な the heat of the 国／地域 and make the 米，稲 good. Make the rice good. Do this until the field is 十分な."
If there is a second altar, its 地位，任命するs are smeared with the 血 of another fowl, while the suppliant prays:
"I am 申し込む／申し出ing you that which is good, that which is 慰安ing. Therefore make the rice and 米，稲 good, and 原因（となる） it to fill the whole field."
An 申し込む／申し出ing of a live chicken, with its 脚s tied together, is laid in the basket 近づく the larger altar, while the に引き続いて words are uttered:
"I have 用意が出来ている this for you. I am doing you good. I am making it comfortable for you. When the eagle 飛行機で行くs, the crow is afraid. When the laughing-bird laughs and the barking-deer barks, let us not 恐れる their bad omens."
The suppliant now 燃やすs the feathers off of the dead fowls; lasy 負かす／撃墜する five yam leaves; 削減（する）s bits of the tip of the 法案 from each, 扱う／治療するing the nails and extremities of the wings in the same way; carefully 分配するs the different clippings from each fowl on each of the leaves, together with a morsel of rice and, finally, 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるs one of the leaves upon each of the three 申し込む／申し出ing-places について言及するd above, besides one upon the roof of the hut and one upon a stump in the field. Then he 下落するs a cup of アルコール飲料 and, 持つ／拘留するing it aloft, 注ぐs out a libation, 説 as he does so:
"Come partake of your アルコール飲料 and your rice. Make the rice and 米，稲 better. May we work and eat in 慰安 and 楽しみ. Let us not be overtaken by illness. May we work until the 仕事 is finished and eat to the end."
Off for the Fields with Baskets and 捕らえる、獲得するs
{The Karens always travel 選び出す／独身-とじ込み／提出する. This picture shows four patterns
of smocks trimmed with white seeds.}
After 診察するing the bones of the sacrificial fowls to learn their omens, the suppliant and his family cook and eat the chickens. He then weaves a basket with large meshes and on a leaf laid in the 底（に届く） places a 黒人／ボイコット pepper and ぱらぱら雨s some salt. He takes a small 支店 from an upright-growing 工場／植物 and, moving about in the growing grian, strikes both the 穀物 and the basket, which he is carrying, and recites this 祈り:
"O Guradian Bird of the field, do not let anything eat the 米，稲 in the 陰謀（を企てる） where you watch. Do not let men come in or go out. Do not 許す any one who may get in to redeem himself with money, but 原因（となる） him to expiate his transgression by 増加するing the 産する／生じる of 穀物."
Then, cutting off the 長，率いる of another fowl, he smears its 血 on the basket, which he 始める，決めるs 負かす／撃墜する in the path 近づく the 辛勝する／優位 of the field, and returns to his house.
In many places these 儀式s are not now so carfully 観察するd as the above account 暗示するs. いつかs the larger altar is dispensed with altogether, and the offerings are placed upon the little altar and in the ゆらめくing baskets. Where the (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する 儀式の is dying out, a 選び出す／独身 fowl may be used in place of several as an 義務 十分な to please the spirits and 安全な・保証する a plentiful 収穫. In the illustration "申し込む／申し出ing and 罠（にかける）s" from a photograph taken in the Pegu Yomas, are shown the さまざまな offerings, 含むing the live chicken that has been left on a 地位，任命する to die. The ゆらめくing baskets with the other offerings are also shown. The bamboo reaching above the other things was 始める，決める up to 示す the 高さ which, it was hoped, the 米，稲 might 達成する.
Having sought the 好意 of the unseen 力／強力にするs that 統括する over the growing 刈る, the cultivator has soon to turn his attention to the 非常に／多数の enemies that prey upon his field from the 隣接地の ジャングル. Elephants, wild pigs, and a number of small animals, 含むing ネズミs, eat the tender 工場／植物s and later 料金d on the ripening 穀物. Birds and wild fowl of さまざまな 肉親，親類d are also destructive from the time the 穀物 is in the milk. Supplication on the the 後見人 Bird of the field does not relieve the rice-grower from the need of 盗品故買者ing his 陰謀（を企てる） with reeds and bamboos, setting 罠（にかける）s and snares, and 築くing scarecrows and clappers to keep devouring creatures from his 穀物. Little hoeing is done, but the Karen and his whole family 占領する themselves in watching the growing 米，稲, operating the clappers, and （疑いを）晴らすing the 罠（にかける）s. When wild elephants appear in the field, those on guard are unable to do more than produce affrighting noises from a 安全な distance, in the hope that the 広大な／多数の／重要な animals will be 脅すd away before they have destroyed the entire 刈る.
As soon as the rains are over in October the hill rice ripens very quickly, and the 収穫-time is 近づく. の中で some of the people it is the custom of the eldest member of the family to 得る a little of the 穀物 as the first fruit, as it were, of the season's produce. After this has been done, the whole family 参加する the 得るing. The 器具／実施する used is a sickle ("xeh"), the long 扱う of which bends backward from the 支配する, the 道具 as a whole having the 形態／調整 of the letter S. The outer end of the sickle 延長するs under the arm of the reaper, enabling him to 削減（する） with greater 緩和する than if he depended only on his wrist muscles. The 穀物 is 削減（する） about half-way 負かす／撃墜する the stalks and is tied in small sheaves no larger than can be easily しっかり掴むd with one 手渡す. Even though all the 米，稲 in the 陰謀（を企てる） could be 削減（する） in one day, a fraction is left for 得るing until the next morning, ーするために have the 刈る good and make it last longer. The sheaves are thrown into piles, and then collected 近づく the hut, where they are beaten out. In some places the sheaves are beaten over the 辛勝する／優位 of a 気圧の谷 improvised from half of a hollow スピードを出す／記録につける, and in others they are beaten over a 水平の 政治家 tied by withes to two bamboo 地位，任命するs, the 政治家 存在 about three feet above the ground a large bamboo mat is spread 負かす／撃墜する under the 政治家 or the 気圧の谷, as the 事例／患者 may be, to catch the 穀物. Those who engage in the （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing are careful to tie up their wrists and call in the "k'las" or wandering shades. They also みなす it necessary to 完全にする the threshing before they leave the place. Both men and women or either alone serve as threshers. When the 米，稲 has all been beaten out, it is winnowed by hoding it aloft in a tray or basket and letting it 落ちる, while the 勝利，勝つd carries the chaff to one 味方する and the 穀物 落ちるs on the mat. The 穀物 is now ready to be 蓄える／店d in a 貯蔵所 built in the field or along the path 主要な to the village. In the 地区s 住むd only by Karens these 貯蔵所s are to be 設立する along the ジャングル 追跡するs a mile or more from any village or house. Stealing is very uncommon in these 地域s and is 厳しく punished if （悪事，秘密などを）発見するd.[10-2] In the Pegu Hills 近づく the Burmese the same 安全 does not 存在する, and the 米，稲 is 蓄える／店d within the village stockade. The 穀物 is carried in baskets on the 支援するs of the beaters and is 注ぐd slowly into the 貯蔵所 so as not to settle compactly. Should a basket slip and 落ちる into the 貯蔵所 or its contents be dashed in, a fowl must be killed and an 申し込む／申し出ing made. The 蓄える／店ing of 穀物 must be finished as speedily as possible; but if it can not be done in one day, the 労働者s may 残り／休憩（する） over night.
骨折って進むing a 米，稲 Field in Lower Burma
Women 移植（する）ing 米，稲
{They 簡単に 押し進める the 工場／植物s into the soft mud, and they grow without
その上の attention.}
The 仕事 of 蓄える／店ing finished, they bring an 申し込む／申し出ing for "Hpi Bi Yaw,"[10-3] consisting of a clod of earth, a morsel of rice, and a small cup of アルコール飲料. These are placed on the 米，稲 in the 貯蔵所, and a 祈り of thanksgiving is said to her. After these 儀式s the cultivator feels at liberty to take 穀物 from his 蓄える／店 and carry it home for food.
A small 供給（する） of 米，稲 is always put aside in a special basket for seed, each family 保存するing its own, which is supposed to date 支援する to a time when its forbears had an 異常に good 刈る in some 都合のよい year. Only in the last extremity will a Karen eat his seed-穀物. There are many varieties of rice having their special 指名するs, each 心にいだくd by particular localities and families. Hill rice is 大いに prized as 存在 more delicious than plains rice.
The Karen raise different 肉親，親類d of vegetables in their rice- fields, such as 確かな varieties of gourds, beans, yams, a 肉親，親類d of 甘い potato, and peppers of さまざまな sorts, 特に the red chili so 一般に used for condiment. Cotton is also grown in the fields along with the rice, standing until long after the 米，稲 has been 得るd. The cotton is usually considered to be the women's 刈る. They tend it, gather the bolls, and carry them home. The other 製品s of the field seem to belong to all members of a family alike. The tips of さまざまな 工場／植物s are used for greens. These must be plucked with the fingers and not 削減（する） off with a sharp 器具, inasmuch as the spirits dislike their 存在 dissevered with a knife. A few 工場／植物s of cockscomb are grown in the field, the red variety ("hpaw ghaw") 存在 preferred to the yellow because they are supposed to dazzle the 注目する，もくろむs of the demons and 妨げる their 害（を与える）ing the 刈る. In the lower hills sesame is often raised for its seeds, which are threshed out and sold to the Burmese, who 圧力（をかける） the oil out of them. This is serviceable in cooking and lighting. It is said to be not unlike linseed oil in 確かな 尊敬（する）・点s, but 供給（する）s a large 量 of the fats 要求するd in curries.
In the Toungoo and Shwegyin Hills 広大な／多数の／重要な 量s of betel-nuts are grown. These 地域s furnish, I believe, the greater part of the 供給（する） of these nuts for all Burma. The trees 耐えるing them are tall slender palms (Areca Catechu), which 繁栄する in moist mountain valleys where they are shaded by larger trees. The nuts grow in clusters just below the 栄冠を与える of leaves. A tree may produce as many as four hundred nuts a year, which are sold in baskets at three or four rupees a basket. There are several gardens that number these palms by the thousands and many others by the hundreds.
Plantain gardens are cultivated on the 底（に届く）-lands 近づく the rivers, where there are rich alluvial deposits. Plantains or 気が狂って, of which many varieties 存在する, are 構成するd in the genus Musa. The 茎・取り除く grows from four to fifteen feet in 高さ and produces sprouts, which are 始める，決める out at the end of the 雨の season and begin to 耐える by the next year. The new 工場／植物s send out sprouts in their turn, these growing from the 味方するs of the herb and continuing its life 無期限に／不明確に. Some varieties of the plantain in the hill-country hear very delicious fruit, which I have almost never seen on the plains. As far as I know it is raised for home 消費, although it may be sold in a few 事例／患者s to Burman and Shan 仲買人s for a small price.
In the Toungoo and Moulmein 地区s oranges are extensively grown. The groves are along the 井戸／弁護士席-watered valleys, and the fruit is 熟した in late September and in October. Nothing has been done, so far as I am aware, to 改善する the varieties, but a ready market is open to the fruit produced. The Karens bring the 供給（する） 負かす／撃墜する to Toungoo in dugouts, and sell it to 仲買人s on the river bank at prices 変化させるing from one to three or four rupees per hundred, によれば the size and 質 of the fruit.
A few years ago coffee was 広範囲にわたって 工場／植物d in the Toungoo distircit; but a blight 廃虚d the greater pat of the groves, and the 産業 中止するd to develop. A little is still raised here and there, but it is of an inferior grade.
タバコ is grown along the sandy banks of the rivers, not in large 量s but 十分な for home 消費 and petty 貿易（する）ing. It is cured in the most 原始の way and 消費するd in many forms.
I have been 知らせるd that in the 早期に days the Karen trained the vines of the betel leaf creeper (Piper Betel) to run up a 確かな 肉親，親類d of rough - barked tree, which a few vines would 完全に cover with their glossy green foliage, 供給（する）ing a large 刈る of leaves and その為に a かなりの income for the posseror of such a vine-覆う？ tree, which was called "pu la". Wanderers of other 国籍s, happening to discover such trees, dispoiled them of their treasure by cutting the vines. Thus, but very few "pu la" remain.
Dr. Mason tells such that "Karen boys and maidens engaged in 収穫ing these leaves with 広大な／多数の／重要な zest and it was not uncommon for young men, in 捜し出すing companions to 問い合わせ who were the most agile 登山者s of 'pu la' or betel leaf tree."[10-4]
The Karen in Toungoo have always raised more or いっそう少なく silk and woven the 構成要素 for their best 衣料品s from it. The silkworms are of a native variety and spin a thread far inferior to that of 改善するd 種類. Not many years ago the 試みる／企てる was made to introduce a worm of larger size, but it met with ill success, because the creature made a peculiar creaking sound in chewing the leaves of the mulberry tree. The superstitious people thought the new worms were 所有するd of some strange demon and killed them, ーするために 区 off an unknown danger.
Many of the inhabitants of Karenni gather stick-lac, which is the deposit of an insect on 確かな trees 設立する in the ジャングル. They also 増加する the 供給（する） by 大（公）使館員ing the insects to other trees. The deposit is used extensively in making red dyes[10-5] and is marketed in Toungoo on the twigs to which it is 大（公）使館員d.
The Karen is 技術d in all ジャングル-（手先の）技術. He knows the 支持を得ようと努めるd and what may be 設立する there. He has learned, の中で other things, that bees 設立する their 蜂の巣s high up in the 支店s of the oil-tree (Dipterocarpus lociis). When he finds a new 蜂の巣 he 示すs the tree by putting a tuft of grass at its foot. Others will 認める the 示す and 尊敬（する）・点 his cliam. To climb the fifty or seventy-five feet to the lower 支店s of these 巨大（な） trees is no 平易な 仕事. However, it is 遂行するd by means of pegs driven into the trunk and a rope encircling it. Often a honey-gatherer makes his ascent at night, lest he grow dizzy in looking 負かす／撃墜する from such a 高さ. Once at the 蜂の巣, he smokes the bees out with a smudge and collects the honey into 共同のs of large bamboo. The Karen 村人s in the 周辺 of Thandaung used to be called "Wild Bees" by the Burmans of Toungoo, on account of the 供給（する）s of honey which they brought in from their hills.
Besides the 追跡s already について言及するd, the Karen of the hills いつかs engage in other 占領／職業s, such as 輸送（する）ing produce and luggage from the town into the hill-country or to 貿易（する）ing 中心s. They cover long distances, and before the 最近の war they received about eight annas (about tewnty-four cents) a day for such work. In a few villages they raise oxen, which they train as pack-animals to carry 穀物 and other produce of the hills to Toungoo or other markets. WIth two baskets slung on either 味方する of a rough pack-saddle, these oxen can carry not more than one hundred and fifty or two hundred 続けざまに猛撃するs each.
Karen men are 専門家s at catching and training elephants and often become most excellent drivers for these intelligent beasts. Several 旅行者s 証言する that Karen drivers seemed to be more gentle with, and careful of, their elephants than Burman drivers and 認める the 楽しみ which they derived from seeing the Karens 扱う their 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s. Owners of elephants are usually 雇うd by the Goverment Forest Department to draw スピードを出す／記録につけるs out of the ジャングル to the streams, by the 現在の of which they are floated 負かす／撃墜する during the 雨の season. This is a lucrative 商売／仕事, but the 危険 伴う／関わるd is large, because the elephants often sicken and need attention to 回復する them to working 条件.
In some localities forest officers have 雇うd Karens living in the hills to tend the 隣接する forest reserves. But the Karen has a distaste for 安定した work under 監督, 特に if the 即座の overseer is a Burman. The latter usually does not hesitate to 展示（する） his feeling of 優越 and to 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる an undue 株 of the rewards. Only in a few instances have I known 満足な results to be 得るd through such an 協定; but the few officers who did 安全な・保証する 満足な results had a good word to speak for the Karen.
ON THE PLAINS
The Karen on the plains in Burma practice methods of cultivation life those of the Burmese, which have often been discribed. When the 雨の season is about to 存在 in May the cultivator, if his land is at a distance from the village, carries thither a few bamboos and some thatch and builds a hut in his field. Here he lives during the cultivating season. The rains having 軟化するd the hardy clay 国／地域, he may 訴える手段／行楽地 to the very 原始の practice of 運動ing a few cattle or buffaloes around over a muddy place until they 削減（する） the ground with their sharp hoofs and thus 準備する it, after a fashion, to receive the seedlings. Or he may use the method of scratching the ground with a 原始の 木造の 骨折って進む, called a "hteh." During 最近の years, however, アイロンをかける points have been 輸入するd which make these 器具／実施するs more 効果的な. If there is かなりの water, he has still a third 代案／選択肢, すなわち to use a 肉親，親類d of rough harrow, 指名するd a "hto tu."
以前, and as 早期に as possible, the cultivator has 用意が出来ている as all lot in which he has sown his 米，稲 seed. When the 工場／植物s have reached about a cubit's 高さ, they are pulled up, tied in sheaves, and carried to the water-soaked field to be 始める，決める out. This work is done either by the members of the family or by women 雇うd for the 目的. It 要求するs about five person to 移植（する） an acre in a day, their 補償（金） 存在 だいたい eight annas a day each. The 過程 of 移植（する）ing consists 単に in sticking the 工場／植物s into the mud, usually by 手渡す but いつかs with a forked stick.
After this has been 完全にするd, little remains but to 規制する the 量 of water on the fields by 開始 or の近くにing the small dikes enclosing the 陰謀（を企てる）s. Later, when the 穀物 is in the milk, brids are often rapacious, and I have seen Karens 脅すing them off their fields with a 肉親，親類d of slingshot. With this 装置 they throw mud balls ("naw blu tha") from which a stalk of grass 追跡するs, ぱたぱたするing and whirring as it とじ込み／提出するs, to the 混乱 of a flock of sparrows or weaver-birds. Larger balls, moulded and riced beforehand, have a 穴を開ける through the middle. The 空気／公表する whistles through this when the ball is in swift 動議, and big flocks of birds are 不正に 脅すd by it. The slingshot, with which these two sorts of ミサイルs are cast, consists of a bamboo of four of five feet in length with a rope 大（公）使館員d, the ミサイル 存在 投げつけるd from the end of the rope. It 飛行機で行くs with amazing swiftness and to a 広大な／多数の／重要な distance.
得るing 米，稲 with Sickles
A Threshing-床に打ち倒す on the Plains
{Oxen and buffaloes treading out the 穀物}
In October the 雨の season is at an end, the ground begins to 乾燥した，日照りの, the 米，稲 turns a golden yellow or, as the Karen says, "becomes red," and by the first of December is about ready to be 得るd. If it is not already leaning over, a man walks through it with a long 激しい bamboo and 押し進めるs the stalks all in one direction to an angle of about forty-five degrees, so that it will be easier to 削減（する）. With sickles like those used in the hills, the members of the family 得る in the direction in which the stalks are bent and 貯蔵所d the 穀物 in sheaves about a foot in 直径. The 普通の／平均（する） reaper will 削減（する） one hundred and fifty sheaves a day, but the best 労働者s have a 記録，記録的な／記録する of two hundred and fifty. Nowadays the sheaves are usually collected on the same day they are 削減（する）, and carried to the threshing-床に打ち倒す, which is 近づく the hut or, in the 事例／患者 of the fields lying 近づく the village, is just outside the village gate. If they should be left in the field, they might not be there next morning. The pile of sheaves is always guarded, some of the men spending the night on it. They also take the 警戒 to hang up a gourd with a 穴を開ける in it which, with a breze blowing, 放出するs sounds like mumbled 発言する／表明するs.
The threshing-床に打ち倒す is a 陰謀（を企てる） of ground perhaps a hundred feet square, or larger in 割合 to the 量 of 穀物 to be trodden out, which has been packed hard and flat by 主要な cattle around on it, or by using a cart or a drag for the 目的. A smoother surfae is 安全な・保証するd, not unlike that of a dirt tennis-法廷，裁判所, by covering the 床に打ち倒す with a 塗装 of cow-dung. The 指名する 適用するd to the threshing-床に打ち倒す is "t' 法律," which is a 汚職 of the Burmese word "talin." The 米，稲 sheaves are piled up in tiers around the "t' 法律" so as to shed water, should untimely にわか雨s 落ちる before they are trodden out. For the threshing, however, the sheaves are 分配するd 平等に over the 床に打ち倒す to a depth of two feet with the 長，率いるs of the 穀物 on 最高の，を越す. Banks of sheaves support the 味方するs of the 層s. The 過程 of separating the 穀物 from the 長，率いる is a tedious one. From two of a dozen cattle are tied together, and a boy or girl or, if neither of these is at 手渡す, a woman takes the nose rope of the nail nearest him and stands in the 中心 of the 床に打ち倒す. The threshing often begins soon after midnight and continues until sunrise, the cattle 存在 絶えず prodded on their 明らかに endless 一連の会議、交渉／完成する. At the 結論 of the tiresome 仕事 the other members of the family appear, 除去する the 本体，大部分／ばら積みの of the straw, sweep up the smaller fragments, and begin to winnow the 穀物. This is 遂行するd either by 持つ／拘留するing it aloft in a basket and letting the 勝利，勝つd blow off the chaff as it 落ちるs, or by 注ぐing the 穀物 and chaff from a 壇・綱領・公約 four or five feet into a loosely-woven tray swung from a tripod of bamboos. To insure that all the chaff and dust are driven off, men and women fan the 穀物 with closely-woven trays as it 落ちるs upon the pile. The winnowing 過程 存在 finished, an 申し込む／申し出ing for "Hpi Bi Yaw'[10-6] (the Karen Ceres) is placed on the apex of the pile. Lest any one should try to help himself to the 穀物, little tufts of charred straw are put at の近くに intervals around the pile, after which those who have been doing all this dusty work unwrap their 長，率いるs, 修理 to the village 井戸／弁護士席 or 戦車／タンク and indulge in a refreshing bath.
Winnowing 米，稲
{The 穀物 is 注ぐd through a sieve ーするために scatter it as it 落ちるs,
so the 勝利，勝つd can blow off the chaff more easily.}x
Fanning The 米，稲
{The man on the 最高の，を越す of the pile throws a trayful of 広範囲にわたるs from the
threshing 床に打ち倒す into the 空気／公表する and those below fan it as it 落ちるs and thus
運動 away all the chaff.}x
In these days it is the usual practice to sell the 穀物 to the 仲買人s 直接／まっすぐに from the threshing-床に打ち倒す. いつかs it is 蓄える／店d for a few months in the hope of an 前進する in price, but most of the smaller cultivators are compelled by their poverty to sell at once. The 買い手s may be Burmans, but in these later years are more often Chinese. A few Karens have done some 貿易（する）ing in 米，稲, although they are 一般に not so succesful as the 仲買人s of the other 国籍s.
The 穀物 kept for family use is 蓄える／店d in 貯蔵所s of bamboo made in the 形態／調整 of 広大な／多数の／重要な baskets or "weh." These "weh" 変化させる in size from those having 二塁打 the 直径 of a bushel-basket up to the 抱擁する ones of ten or twelve feet in 直径 and of equal 高さ. They are 始める，決める upon 壇・綱領・公約s several feet above the ground and 隣接するing or の近くに to the house. The planks forming the 底（に届く） are 堅固に 安全な・保証するd together and coated with cow-dung. After a 貯蔵所 has been filled, the 最高の，を越す is covered with a 層 of straw, 井戸／弁護士席 packed in, and a 厚い 塗装 of cow-dung is spread over it to 調印（する） the 穀物.
It is not my 目的 in this work to enter into a 詳細（に述べる）d 経済的な 熟考する／考慮する of Karen 農業. Here I have but a few 観察s to 申し込む／申し出. Under the 条件s 得るing just before the World War, the 経済的な 見通し for the Karen cultivator was 非，不，無 too good. The Karen people are no more provident than the Burmese. At the beginning of the season they borrow money, for which they must 支払う／賃金 one hundred baskets of 米，稲 for fifty rupees of money.[10-7] If they have no oxen or buffaloes of their own they must 雇う them, 支払う／賃金ing from fifty to sixty rupees a yoke for the former and ten rupees 付加 each for the latter. To 雇う a man to work in the 雨の season and to 骨折って進む costs about the same as 支払う／賃金ing for the use of a team of oxen. If he is 雇うd until the threshing is finished, he costs another fifty rupees. The 産する／生じる per acre 変化させるs all the way from twenty-five to seventy baskets, によれば the 質 of the land and whether a little manure has been used or not. For many years the price of 米，稲 remained の近くに to one hundred rupees for one hundred baskets, 存在 いつかs a little below and at others are few rupees above that price. Before the war 競争 and 憶測 had 軍隊d the price up 徐々に, until it reached a 最大限 of one hundred and thirty-five rupees. No one can 推定する to 予報する the 結果 of the 現在の unsettled 条件s. We can only hope that better days are in 蓄える／店 for the cultivators, whether Burman or Karen.
If, before the war, a man owned his field and cattle without encumberance or other 負債s, he could til some twenty acres and make a comfortable living for himself and family. If however, he was under the necessity of borrowing money and 雇うing men and cattle, he could hardly keep his 長，率いる above water.
There are some Karens who own large fields. They may have acquired them by careful 管理／経営, by 購入（する）, or by foreclosing 貸付金s. Many of these proprietors make a 商売／仕事 of 雇うing out their fields to men who cultivate them at a 賃貸しの of from ten to fifteen baskets of 米，稲 per acre, the cultivator 供給（する）ing his own 構成要素s and help. In 事例／患者 the owner has oxen, he rents them at the usual price. 'In 新規加入, he usually makes a 貸付金 of cash to his tenant, on which he gets a big return, すなわち, a hundred baskets of 米，稲 for the sum of fifty rupees for six months. If the tenant borrows from a money-貸す人, he has to 支払う／賃金 anywhere from fifteen to fifty パーセント a year for it.
On the plains the cultivator is almost 完全に 扶養家族 on his 選び出す／独身 刈る of 米，稲. If high water has washed out his first settings, there is not time enough left to raise other produce after the water has disappeared. Under these circumstances they いつかs 工場／植物 sesame, but it 要求するs only a little いっそう少なく time to 円熟した than 米，稲. The 欠如（する） of water in the 乾燥した，日照りの season （判決などを）下すs cultivation impossible without 広範囲にわたる irrigation.
Along the river-底（に届く）s may be 設立する a few plantain groves, patches of タバコ, sugar-茎, or vegetables; but these are unusual sights. They may 追加する a little to the cultivator's income. But very few persons derive their 長，指導者 support from such gardens.
The Karen on the plains do not 観察する the old 宗教的な customs of the hill people. Many times they 訴える手段／行楽地 the Burmese soothsayers to prognosticate the proper times for 工場／植物ing, 得るing, and other 仕事s. Not a few, however, follow the old 儀式s in greater or いっそう少なく apart. A 儀式の 類似の to "theh a hku" in the hills[10-8] is 観察するd on the plains where it is 指定するd "mo a si." It is 成し遂げるd when the 米，稲 is 始める，決める out. Offerings are seldom seen along the paths in this 地域, but when the 米，稲 has been winnowed an 申し込む／申し出ing is made to "Hpi Bi Yaw" by transferring the 縁 of earth around a crab's burrow to the 首脳会議 of the pile of 米，稲. A few 米，稲 長，率いるs or even a few leaves of the ginger 工場／植物 may be 挿入するd in the burrow as a talisman to make the 供給（する） of 米，稲 last the year out. The oblation on the threshing-床に打ち倒す or a 類似の one is then put on 最高の，を越す of the 米，稲 in the 貯蔵所.
Sgaw Karen Women Carrying 穀物 in Large Baskets
{Tharrawaddy Hills}
Karen Houses on the Plains
The Karen who is untouched by outside 影響（力） does not like to take up any other 占領／職業 that that of raising 米，稲. He regards his other 追跡s as 時折の and 従犯者, 含むing the 集会 of forest 製品s, such as stick-lac and wild honey and the sale of fruit from the few mango trees he may posses. He has not been 設立する 満足な as a day-労働者 or coolie for any continued work; he 避けるs 雇うing out as a cartman and does not 後継する as a petty 仲買人. In more 広範囲にわたる 商売／仕事 he has 達成するd success in only a few instances. With the advantages of education, however, a few have 栄えるd in commerical life and other caliings. Many have entered 政府 service and risen to positions of 信用. A large 百分率 of those who have passed through the schools are clerks and teachers. One of the largest department 蓄える／店s in Rangoon 雇うs Karen clerks with satisfaction, besides Europeans. Educated Karen girls take 雇用 nas teachers and nurse-maids, and recently a few have been engaging in clerical work.
Turning the Buffaloes Out to Graze
{These 激しい animals are easily managed by Karen children, but are easily
脅すd by the presence of strangers.}
There is nothing in which a Karen delights so much as to 追跡（する）, unless it be the gastronomic 楽しみs that follow a successful chase. Schoolboys spend their Saturdays in the ジャングル with their slingshots and blowpipes. Teachers and clerks spend their holidays in the same way. The 村人 may go by himself to stalk deer or shoot birds and other game along the 滑走路s; but the sport that he enjoys most is the 運動 for game, which is abundant in the hills of Burma, 参加するd in by all the men of the village 武装した with their 武器s and 逮捕するs. A 約束ing place is chosen, such as the open end of a ravine, where some of the hunters stretch and make 急速な／放蕩な their 逮捕するs and retire into an ambsuh 近づく at 手渡す,. The others of the party go to the far end of the area 含むd in the 運動 and begin to （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 the bushes with their spears and knives, while shouting and making a 広大な／多数の／重要な nosie 一般に. The game is thus driven from cover to the 逮捕するs, where it usually gets entangled and is soon 派遣（する）d by the spears and crossbows of the men waiting there. Nearly all 肉親，親類d of game are caught this manner, from rabbits to tigers and elephants. Pigs and deer are, however, most 一般的に 追跡（する）d in this way. This is men's sport, and the women never 参加する it, so far as I know. The game is divided の中で the hunters, each 株ing more or いっそう少なく 平等に. If any parts of a carcass are supposed to 所有する medicinal value, they are appropriated by the one who killed the animal and 分配するd by him as he thinks best.
Besides the ordinary 武器s used in 戦争 and 述べるd in the 一時期／支部 取引，協定ing with that 支配する, the Karen 雇う in the chase the blow-gun, the crossbow, the 屈服する, and the spear. The blow-gun is 類似の to that used in Malaysia, Borneo, and the Philippine Islands, but is not decorated as are those of the Malay tribes. The 器具／実施する consists of a ten or twelve-foot length of a わずかな／ほっそりした variety of bamboo, the tube or bore of which is the size of a small pencil. The length is first straightened by 存在 hung from a tree with a 負わせる of 石／投石するs or スピードを出す／記録につけるs to the 底（に届く） end. The transverse membranes at the 共同のs are then 演習d out with a sharp stick of hard 支持を得ようと努めるd, and small arrows are 形態／調整d and smoothed to fit 正確に the bore of the blow-gun, the 後部 end of each arrow 存在 tufted with a circle of feathers. A quick 追放 of the breath against one of these ミサイルs 挿入するd in the long tube 運動s it with 十分な 軍隊 to kill small birds and game at a distance of a few yards. To use the 器具／実施する 効果的に one must be able to stalk the game noiselessly and to bring the 武器 to 耐える on it unawares. This gun may have been copied from Burman guns, for I do not find it in the hills.[11-1] The Karen hunters do not seem to be as skilful in its use as are the tribesmen of the Philippines, Borneo, and the Malay 明言する／公表する.
The crossbow ("hkli") is one of the favorite 器具／実施するs for 追跡（する）ing の中で the Karen, but never seems to have 設立する 好意 with them as a fighting 武器.[11-2]
The 在庫／株 is made of some 会社／堅い 支持を得ようと努めるd and has small 扱う, like that of a cheek-gun.[11-3] Its entire length is not more than three feet. The 屈服する is 形態／調整d out of cutch 支持を得ようと努めるd ("nya"), which is very 堅い and resilient. It 変化させるs in length, but is usually about four feet. The string is 新たな展開d fibre, 一般に that of the roselle 工場／植物 (Hibiscus sabdariffa). The 屈服する is so strong that いつかs it takes two men to bend it, the string 存在 held 支援する by a rough 誘発する／引き起こす. The arrows consist of straight pieces of bamboo sharpened and わずかに charred in the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 at one end to harden them, while they are tufted with feathers or fitted with a slip of 乾燥した，日照りの palm or plantain leaft at the other end, which is bound around with string. いつかs the arrow tips are barbed or 供給（する）d with flat アイロンをかける points, and いつかs they are smeared with a 厚い gum taken from the Upas tree (Antiaris ovalfloria), which is indigenous to Burma. This 種類 of tree is 類似の to that from which the Malay and Bornoe tribes 得る 毒（薬） for their arrows. The 乳の juice exudes from incisions made in the bark of the tree and 乾燥した，日照りのs into a dark viscous gum, which is very bitter. This 毒（薬） is supposed to be more virulent if gathered at 確かな times of the year. After 存在 smeared with the poisonous 実体, the arrow-tip is 許すd to 乾燥した，日照りの for a short time; but if kept too long it loses its noxious 質.
The crossbow will send an arrow thirty or forty yards with かなりの 正確. Those 技術d in the use of the 武器 can shoot to a greater 範囲. The arrow will pierce the 団体／死体 of a man or a tiger and いつかs protrude on the other 味方する. When 負傷させるd by a 毒（薬）d dart the Bwe may 貯蔵所d up the 負傷させる with the juice from young bamboo shoots, but he すぐに tries to 得る what he considers a good antidote, すなわち, the hog-plum (Spondius mangifera), which he eats either 乾燥した，日照りの or green. Failing to find this 治療（薬）, he 訴える手段／行楽地s to alum. The Paku tribesmen eat a little of the poisonous gum itself, thus producing vomiting, which seems to 中和する／阻止する the 影響 of the 毒（薬） in the 負傷させる. They いつかs 適用する alum to the 負傷させるd part and 貯蔵所d it up. The Burmese, who 大いに 恐れる the consequences of 存在 感染させるd with the 毒（薬）, poultice the 負傷させる with white 甘い potato, which they chew into a paste for the 目的.[11-4]
The Karen have a 肉親，親類d of 屈服する that 似ているs in general the long 屈服する used in the English Army 支援する in the fourteenth century. It is called "hki p'ti" and is fashioned of bamboo with elastic ends, 存在 fitted with two 平行の strings held an インチ apart by little shruts of bamboo. A tiny mat is plaited between the strings at the 中心 to 持つ／拘留する the pebbles or mud balls that are used instead of arrows. A 封鎖する of hard 支持を得ようと努めるd, some four インチs long and an インチ and a half wide, is 攻撃するd to the middle of the 屈服する. This serves as a 扱う by which a 新たな展開ing 動議 is imparted to the 屈服する when it is sprung, thus enabling the ball or pebble to pass to one 味方する of the 屈服する-軸. This 武器 is much used by children in 狙撃 birds and small animals.
The 罠（にかける） is one of several (a)自動的な／(n)自動拳銃 contrivances which the Karen fashion and leave in places たびたび（訪れる）d by birds or animals for their 逮捕（する）. Besides the spring 罠（にかける）, there are the box 罠（にかける） and the 落し穴. As the 指名する of the last contrivance 示唆するs, the 落し穴 is a large 穴を開ける that has been dug 深い enough to 妨げる an animal from jumping out, once it has fallen in. All traces of the digging are obliterated, and the 最高の，を越す is covered with 支店s and twigs and then disguised with leaves. The unsuspecting animal, going in search of water, steps on the insecure 地盤 and 落ちるs through. As its 成果／努力s to escape are unavailing, it is soon 設立する and 派遣（する）d by the spears and arrows of the hunters.
The box 罠（にかける） is a rude box-like structure 変化させるing in size from those built to catch ネズミs to one, which I saw, designed to put an end to the prowlings of a tiger. They are laid up like a miniature スピードを出す／記録につける cabin, with an 開始 either at one end or on 最高の，を越す. A dog or some other live bait is tied inside of the larger 罠（にかける）s, and when the wild animal jumps in to 掴む the おとり, he must needs touch the string 大（公）使館員d to the 誘発する／引き起こす that support a 罠（にかける）-door 負わせるd with 石／投石するs or スピードを出す／記録につけるs. The door is thus 解放（する）d, 落ちるs, and の近くにs the 開始. Oftener the door of such a 罠（にかける） is made from a tree with 厄介な bark, and the game only 負傷させるs itsef by struggling to get out. There is usually little chance to escape for an animal caught in one of these 罠（にかける）s.[11-5]
The spring 罠（にかける）, 一般的に called in Karen "wa hkaw," [11-6] is built across in 開始 in a game-run or in a 盗品故買者 around a 米，稲-field. It is fitted with a 選び出す／独身 spear. The 指名する "meu" is 適用するd to a larger tap of this 肉親，親類d, which has a 列／漕ぐ／騒動 of bamboo spears. A description of the former will 十分である to show the 計画（する） and 操作／手術 of the 罠（にかける）, which, we will assume is built across a game-run. At some 位置／汚点／見つけ出す in the ジャングル, where the 滑走路 can be 狭くするd to a mere 開始 by 運動ing a few bamboos into the ground on either 味方する, the spring 罠（にかける） is 始める，決める up. It consist of a bamboo spear some five feet long 事業／計画（する）ing horizontally through a 穴を開ける in a bamboo 地位，任命する, its point but afew インチs from the 開始 through which the animal must pass. The 軸 of the spear reaches 支援する several feet to the end of a stiff bamboo 政治家, also in 水平の position and nearly at 権利 angles to the spear. The 機能（する）／行事 of this 政治家, which is rigidly fastened to a tree or 激しい 地位，任命する at its butt end is to thrust the spear 今後 at the 権利 moment. The 解放する／自由な end of the 政治家 moves along a 水平の rack or 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 and, when pulled 支援する, is held by a catch. A stout string fastened to this catch is stretched across the 開始 in such a way that the animal 現れるing will run into the string, 解除する the catch, and その為に receive the thrust of the spear in its 団体／死体.
Setting a Spring 罠（にかける） ("Wa Hkaw"), Pegu Hills
{This 罠（にかける） was 始める，決める to catch a barking-deer.}
A Box 罠（にかける） for Catching Birds
{The 選挙立会人 hides in the piles of straw seen at the 権利 and pulls the
string to 減少（する） the lid. One hundred and seventy-six parroquets were
caught at one 減少（する） in this 罠（にかける）. A 気圧の谷 used for （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing out 穀物
stands nearby.}
Small animals, such as squirrels and ネズミs, are killed by means of a 激しい 政治家, one end of which is propped up from the ground just inside a tight 盗品故買者 enclosing or partly enclosing a field. Lengths of large bamboo lead the rodents through 穴を開けるs in the 盗品故買者, and as they 現れる on the inside they have to 押し進める by a string which 解放（する）s the little 支え（る） under the スピードを出す／記録につける. Such 罠（にかける）s are called "tu."
A small 罠（にかける） for catching ネズミs consists of a 共同の of large bamboo fitted with a 誘発する／引き起こす like that on English steel 罠（にかける）s, the 誘発する／引き起こす 存在 connected with a 屈服する of bamboo that fits over the open end of the section. The 屈服する is opened, bait is placed inside, and the 誘発する／引き起こす is 始める，決める. The ネズミ enters, touches the food, the 屈服する springs 負かす／撃墜する over the open end, and he is 拘留するd inside.
Birds are caught in a box 罠（にかける）, but of はしけ construction and larger dimensions. In the 見本／標本 shown in the illustration of "罠（にかける）s" one hundred and twenty-seven pigeons were taken at one 落ちる, I was told. It was 始める，決める 近づく the 米，稲 threshing-mat, and a line of 穀物 led the birds into it. The man who was watching the 罠（にかける） lay 隠すd in a pile of straw a few yards away and, when he saw the box 井戸／弁護士席 filled, pulled the string 大（公）使館員d to the support upon which the end of the cover 残り／休憩（する）d. The 逮捕（する）d pigeons were killed by spear-thrusts through the 割れ目s of their cage.
Pigeons are also taken by means of bamboo cages individed into two compartments. A young bird, caught before it can 飛行機で行く, is placed in one of the compartments as a おとり; and the cage, covered with green leaves, is hung 近づく a tree in fruit to which the birds 訴える手段／行楽地 for food, or it is 始める，決める 近づく a field that is known to be a favorite feeding-ground of the pigeons. The calls of the おとり attract usually an 積極的な male into the open compartment, the 誘発する／引き起こす snaps, and the door 飛行機で行くs shut. Birdlime, made from the 次第に損なう of 確かな varieties of the banyan, is smeared on twigs to catch small birds.
Besides birdlimes, cages, and box 罠（にかける）s, さまざまな 肉親，親類d of snares are 利用するd in 逮捕（する）ing birds. A noose, made of 堅い fibre or hair, is hung over a path in the 厚い grass just high enough to catch the 長，率いる of a pheasant or ジャングル-fowl as it walks along. いつかs a 一連の standing snares or 宙返り飛行s are used. A chain of twenty or thirty bamboo splints, each fitted with its own slip-noose, is 火刑／賭けるd on the ground by means of a spike of horn or bamboo 大（公）使館員d to one end of the chain. The nooses form a succession of wickets encircling perhaps a clump of grass or an open space in the ジャングル. Two or three such chains may be connected to 述べる a larger circle. In either 事例／患者 the circle is left open in the direction from which the birds are 推定する／予想するd to approach. 穀物 may be scattered along the path and into the circle or a おとり cock may be tethered there. If a おとり is not used, a boy hides 近づく at 手渡す running by coming into the open. さもなければ, they wander and 選ぶ about until startled by the おとり or something else. In trying to scurry away at least some of the flock thrust their 長，率いるs through the open 宙返り飛行s and pull them tighter and tighter by their struggles to escape. It only remains for the hunter to come and carry off his catches.
In the Toungoo Hills the Karen 追跡（する） with doegs, which they know under the 指名する of "htwi maw seh" and train for use in the chase. These dogs are small, smooth-haired, and 連合した to the terrier, and follow game with 広大な／多数の／重要な tenacity. They are 高度に valued by the Karen, the price of a good one equaling that of an ordinary pony or buffalo. Deer are said to be so afraid of them that they lose strength when 追求するd by one of these curs and thus become an 平易な prey for the hunter. While in 追跡 the dogs yelp continually. The hunter has only to follow them to be sure of his game in the end. They do not hesitate to 追跡する a 種類 of large snake, which is considered palatable eating by the Karen, but will not attack it. They will pull 負かす／撃墜する a deer and 始める，決める upon a 耐える or boar, but stand in 恐れる of tigers and ヒョウs. Indeed, they turn 支援する from the 跡をつける of a tiger, if they come upon it.
Elephant 追跡（する）ing, to which the Karen were much given in the old days, has been 生き返らせるd to a かなりの extent in 最近の years の中で the Karen of Tavoy and the Tenasserim 分割. Their practice is to build a large V-形態／調整d stockade and 運動 the animals into it. At the apex of the stockade they 築く a high-盗品故買者d enclosure into which tame elephants are sent to mingle with the wild ones. 追跡（する）ing elephants 単に as game is no longer 許すd by the 政府; but when that practice was 許容するd, beaters drove the animals along an elephant-run, while hunters, who were adepts at spear-throwing, stood in wait behind trees and speared the 広大な／多数の／重要な creatures as they 急ぐd past. The 成果／努力 of the spearmen was either to thrust the elephants through the heart or to hamstring and 無能にする them with their long knives, in order that they might be put to death later.
>A Large Fish-罠（にかける）
{This 罠（にかける） is used by Burmese and Karen in large streams. The bait is
fastened to a string which, when pulled, 減少（する）s the door. A smaller "beu"
or Karen 罠（にかける） is seen at the 権利.}
Climbing the Toddy-palm
{The trees that are tapped have a bamboo ladder 大（公）使館員d, so that the
登山者 can more easily 得る the 次第に損なう for making アルコール飲料.}
The Karen 追跡（する）s まず第一に／本来 ーするために 得る food, although he certainly enjoys the excitement of the chase 同様に. But he is not a sportsman, in the proper sense of that 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語. He does not 差別する in his 虐殺（する） of wild creatures. He does not look far enough ahead to 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる the necessity of sparing the 女性（の）s の中で the game animals, even those that are with young. He is apt in imitating the calls of many animals and birds. Almost every Karen can entice the barking-deer within short 範囲 by imitating the cry of its fawn. He does ths by putting a green leaf between his lips and blowing through it. The sound thus emitted often brings the doe bounding through the ジャングル, only to be 発射 負かす／撃墜する.
FISHING
The rivers and smaller streams of Burma are 十分な of fish of many 肉親，親類d and sizes. The Karen is fond of fish for his daily fare, and on the plains the fermented fish-paste of wide repute is a part of his 正規の／正選手 diet. Fishing is not 限定するd to the men. Indeed, I have いつかs thought that the women do more of it than the men; but this, if true, is explicable by the fact that many times, while their men folk are at work, the women go to catch a 供給（する） for the next meal.
The Karen on the plains use much the same methods in fishing as the Burmese, which they have probably copied from the latter. In this 一時期／支部, however, I shall 限定する myself to an account of the practices that have come under my 観察 along the hill streams. 逮捕するs, large and small, baskets, 罠（にかける）s, jars, weirs, the hook and line, and spears are the more ありふれた 肉親，親類d of 器具／実施するs 雇うd by the highland folk in 得るing their aquatic food.
In shallow water many fish are taken by means of the "thwe," which is an oval hoop a foot or more in its longest 直径, on which a 逮捕する of cotton 立ち往生させるs is woven. The fisherman wades through the water with his 逮捕する in 手渡す, 急落（する），激減（する）s it 負かす／撃墜する over the fish within his reach, and scoops it up and out toward him. In the shallow water of 潜水するd fields what may be called a 押し進める-逮捕する of closely woven 構成要素 ("hti hsaw") is used in catching minnows. It has two 扱うs that cross and form the 味方するs of the spreading scoop, and is 押し進めるd ahead by the one 扱うing it. A longer scoop of 類似の construction is called a "paw," a 指名する probably derived from the Burmese 任命, "pauk."
Cylindrical Fish-罠（にかける）s
瓶／封じ込める-形態／調整d Fish-罠（にかける）
The "Pu" is a basket 形態／調整d like an Egyptian vase and has a 穴を開ける 近づく the 底（に届く） fitted with a 罠（にかける）-door. It is baited and 始める，決める in the water. The fish entering this contrivance are 妨げるd from getting out not only by the 罠（にかける）-door, but also by a circle of sharp points converging inwards around the door. There are many forms of basket and cage 罠（にかける）s, all built on the 原則 of the lobster - マリファナ or "pu" just 述べるd, either with 罠（にかける）-doors or inward converging bamboo splints through which the fish enter to nibble at the tempting bait. かなりの ingenuity is shown in the construction of some of the basket 罠（にかける）s. One type has the 形態／調整 of a long-necked ワイン 瓶／封じ込める, but かなり larger. A 罠（にかける） of this 形態／調整 is made from a 共同の of bamboo, which is about two インチs in 直径. At one end the 共同の is 分裂（する） into six or eight segments about two-thirds of its length. These are spread far enough open to form the 団体／死体 of the "瓶／封じ込める," 存在 kept in that 形態／調整 by the interlacing of transverse （土地などの）細長い一片s in circles that get smaller toward the neck of the 罠（にかける）. The 底（に届く） or open end of this 瓶／封じ込める-形態／調整d basket consists of bamboo （土地などの）細長い一片s that converge inwards, and as the basket is 火刑／賭けるd 負かす／撃墜する on its 味方する in a 狭くする and shallow place in the stream, the fish 伸び（る） their 入り口 through the elastic funnel 供給するd for them. The fisherman 抽出するd his catch by spreading open the segments forming the neck of the basket. Another type of the basket 罠（にかける） is cylindrical in 形態／調整, three and a half or four feet long, and some four インチs in 直径. It, too, has the inward- converging （土地などの）細長い一片s of bamboo at one end. Once inside the long and 狭くする tube, the fish is unable to turn around or, indeed, to do anything except move 今後 to the 前線 end of the cage in which it finds itself. いつかs a jar is 始める，決める low in the shallow 狭くするs of a stream through which the fish are running and, in jumpng for the deeper water above or because the watching fisherman purposely 脅すs them, they 落ちる into the jar ("t' leu"), from the 狭くする mouth of which they are unable to leap to freedom.
Jars, basket and cage 罠（にかける）s, scoops, and small 手渡す-逮捕するs are familiar to the Karen fishermen, as we have seen. The hook and line are also in ありふれた use, for fish-hooks are a 商品／必需品 readily obtainable in the bazaars, and earthworms are to be had for the digging. Men and women, to say nothing of children, are, therefore, much given to angling and always seem able to draw fish from any little pool that may be 近づく. Eels are much prized, and 二塁打-pointed アイロンをかける spears afford the readiest means of their 逮捕（する）. On occasion nowadays the 棒s of an old umbrella are turned into these 器具／実施するs. Seins have been used extensively の中で the Burmese and by the Karen on the plains, but not much in the hills.
The large catches resulting from seining are 得るd by more 原始の methods の中で the Karen. For example, a number of men, 供給するd with baskets ("hsaw") wide and open at the 底（に届く）, form a line across a shallow stream and work the 底（に届く） foot by foot up the course. The fish either move ahead of the line of 前進する, or are caught in the baskets. In the latter 事例／患者 the fishermen 除去する their catches by 手渡す through the 一連の会議、交渉／完成する 開始 in the 最高の，を越す of each basket. いつかs nearly the whole 全住民 of a village, old and young, male and 女性（の）, 参加する a fishing 探検隊／遠征隊 in the 乾燥した，日照りの season. As the stream is low, it is barely more than a succession of pools connected by tiny rivulets. Accordingly, they build a dam and throw into the water above it sheaves of a poisonous 工場／植物, which they call "xaw hter." This benumbs the fish, without （判決などを）下すing them inedible or impregnating the water to the detriment of the waders. さまざまな members of the （人が）群がる, 特に the boys and little girls who （土地などの）細長い一片 for the 目的, busy themselves in stirring up the water and mud to bring the fish to the surface, where some are already floating 明らかに lifeliess. The older people 占領する themselves with 手渡す-逮捕するs, scoops, etc., in dipping out their helpless 犠牲者s. As the water in these mountain streams is often 冷淡な and the 村人s soon become dripping wet, a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 is built on shore by which they may 乾燥した，日照りの and warm themselves. Many of the persons in the water wear at the waist a small- necked basket in which to 減少（する） the fish 選ぶd up or, 欠如（する）ing this convenience, 投げ上げる／ボディチェックする them to their neighbors, who collect them into ordinary baskets on the bank. When the place has been 完全に "徹底的に捜すd,' the 供給（する） is 分配するd の中で the 村人s, every family getting its 株.
I have been 知らせるd that there are several 肉親，親類d of 工場／植物s that may be used to 毒（薬） fish; but as 確かな ones are dangerous to man and beast, the people in the Pegu Hills prefer the "xaw hter." Surely, this method of taking 量s of fish by means of 毒（薬） would not commend itself to the sportsman and is 類似の to the dynamiting of fish, a thing that has been done in rare instances in parts of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, although it is not countenanced by public opinion or the 法律.
When the fish are beginning to spawn in the creeks, bunches of straw are sunk in the creek pools for their spawning beds. Later the young fish are taken from their hiding-places in the straw, or the bunches are carefully 除去するd from the water and shaken over a cloth spread on the bank.
On the plains when the streams are 洪水ing the fields and the fish are running up to spawn, the people build weirs of 急ぐs across the shallows of the water courses and 挿入する long trumpet- 形態／調整d tubes ("hk'ya") of basket-work in them at intervals. These tubes are perhaps three feet long and only a few インチs in 直径, the 幅の広い end 存在 pointed 負かす／撃墜する-stream and left open, while the small end is plugged with grass or twigs. The fish 捜し出す to pass beyond the 妨害するing weirs through these tubes, only to find themselves unable either to 支援する out or turn around. The plains people make their fishing 探検隊／遠征隊s to shallow lakes or, better, to pools left standing after the subsidence of the rains, or to the creeks that 横断する the alluvial 国／地域 of Lower Burma. In part they use 逮捕するs like those in vogue の中で their brethren of the hills, but they also have a cast-逮捕する of circular form and a square dig-逮捕する. The former is about five yards in 直径, with 負わせるd 辛勝する／優位s that 沈む on all 味方するs, thus covering and enclosing the fish nearer the 中心, where the rope is 大（公）使館員d by which it is slowly drawn out.
I. SPINNING
In the 一時期／支部 on 農業 (一時期／支部 VIII) I have already referred to the fact that the cotton 工場／植物s are tended by the women, who also 選ぶ the bolls, pack them in their 深い baskets, and carry them home on their 支援するs. The seeds are rmoved by a machine like a small mangle or 着せる／賦与するs-wringer, with two closely fitting rollers of hard 支持を得ようと努めるd. The 繊維s pass through between the rollers, leaving the seeds behind divested of every filament. This Karen cotton-gin is like that of the Burmese, the people of Borneo, and the Filipinos.[12-1] (See illustration of "Ginning Cotton")
After ginning the next 過程 is whipping the 繊維s into a workable 集まり, much like cotton batting. This is done with a 屈服する whose 扱う is straight and 激しい, while the thin tip is bent in a sharp curve when the 屈服する-string is drawn tight. The women and girls engaged in whipping the cotton, which corresponds to carding in a cotton-mill, move the 屈服する with the left 手渡す in small circles thumb, which is 保護するd by a cloth wrapping, until a 層 of 繊維s encircles the string in a more or いっそう少なく 平行の and compact order. When the space between the string and the belly of the 屈服する has become filled, the aggregation of 繊維s is 除去するd and flattened out on a mat. The twanging of a room 十分な of oscillating 屈服するs sounds like a 殴打／砲列 of unmuffled モーターs, at the same time filling the 空気／公表する with 飛行機で行くing bits of cotton as though one were in a snow 嵐／襲撃する. (See illustration of "Batting Cotton")
Ginning Cotton in the Pegu Hills
Batting Cotton into Smooth 層s with a 屈服する
{This Burman woman, who lives in the village of Ngape Eh, was more ready
to 提起する／ポーズをとる for this phto than her Karen sisters.}
The 層s of cotton 繊維s are next divided into 狭くする （土地などの）細長い一片s, and rolled on the mat or the thigh into small rolls of about a cubit's length and of the thickness of one's thumb. From these rolls the yarn is spun by means of the spinning-wheel, which is like those 設立する all over Burma. This contrivance is of the simplest form, consisting of a 運動ing-wheel about two feet in diamater with spokes and 縁 of bamboo, the axle of which is fitted in an ornamental flat 地位，任命する rising from one corner of a 厚い 底（に届く） board, which is three and a half feet long and a foot or more wide. 近づく the middle of the other end of this board a shorter 地位，任命する rises, to the base of which is affixed a little wheel, with a grooved 縁, in line with the 運動ing-wheel, the two wheels 存在 connected by a slender belt. There is a 扱う on the large wheel and a 水平の アイロンをかける spindle fastened in the 中心 of the little one. The spinner sits on the 床に打ち倒す, with her machine drawn up to her 膝s in 前線 of her, the 運動ing-wheel at her left 手渡す and the point of the spindle at her 権利. She 大（公）使館員s some 繊維s of a roll to a spun thread tied to the spindle, and 始める，決めるs this to 回転／交替ing 速く by turning the large wheel with her left 手渡す, 合間 continuing to 支払う／賃金 out the 繊維s from the roll with her 権利 手渡す. After the spindle has 新たな展開d the loose filaments into a tight yarn, the spinner 料金d the newly spun yarn on to the spindle and repeats the 過程 with another roll of 繊維s, until the spindle is 十分な.
II. DYEING AND WEAVING
The next 行う／開催する／段階 in the work is that of dyeing. The colors imparted to the skeins of cotton yarn are shades of blue to 黒人／ボイコット, red, and yellow. In producing the blue shades the skeins are soaked in a 解答 of the bark or leaves of the wild indigo 工場／植物, called "naw xaw" in Karen, the depth of the color depending on the duration and repetition of the soaking, until a blue 黒人／ボイコット has been 得るd. The red dyes are derived from the stick-lac so 一般的に 設立する in the Toungoo Hills. During the years just 先行する the World War a good 取引，協定 of foreign dyestuff was introduced の中で the Karen people, and yellow （機の）カム to be used in 新規加入 to the other colors.[12-2]
The weaving of the yarn into cloth comes next in order. The threads that are to form the warp of the cloth must first be got ready for the 手渡す-ぼんやり現れる ("hta"). This is done by unwinding the skeins and stringing the thread around a few pegs driven into a leveled and cleaned space of ground, until enough has been laid 負かす／撃墜する to fill the ぼんやり現れる. If there is no convenient place out-of-doors for this 目的, the long threads are strung on pegs around the family living-room or along one 味方する of the 回廊（地帯） of the village-house. The Karen ぼんやり現れる is a 原始の 事件／事情／状勢 much like those to be seen の中で the hill tribes in Burma, the Kachin, for example, or to be 設立する in Malaysia and the 隣接する 地域s. The Karen ぼんやり現れる has no でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる, 異なるing in this 尊敬（する）・点 from the Burmese ぼんやり現れる. It consists of little more than a bamboo 政治家 five and a half or six feet long, over which the warp-threads are passed, this 政治家 存在 held in place four feet or so above the 床に打ち倒す against the 支援する partition of a living-room, two of whose large bamboo uprights have 穴を開けるs in them for 挿入するing the 政治家. From this support the warp 延長するs at an incline some ten or twelve feet to the （競技場の）トラック一周 of the weaver, who 持つ／拘留するs it taut by means of a ひもで縛る around her waist, while she sists flat on the 床に打ち倒す with her feet を締めるd against a section of large bamboo. The threads of the two 層s are kept in place by 存在 passed through heddles consisting of small 宙返り飛行s 大（公）使館員d to bamboo 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業s, 補欠／交替の／交替する threads 存在 thus strung on one or the other of one or more pairs of 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業s. On a 往復（する） of bamboo the filling or woof-thread is 負傷させる. It is passed by 手渡す from 味方する to 味方する between the separated 層s of the warp, is pulled taut, and then 軍隊d tight against the last of the interwoven threads by a piece of Burmese ebony 支持を得ようと努めるd, 形態／調整d like the 大きくするd blade of a pocket-knife. As the work 進歩s, the finished cloth is rolled away on the 棒 in the weaver 's （競技場の）トラック一周, only a yard or two 存在 the 製品 of an ordinary day's work. On the plains the younger 世代 of Karen women use the Burmese ぼんやり現れる and can 遂行する more with it. (See illustrations of ぼんやり現れる and weaving, below)
Variations in color are 得るd by introducing different colors of thread. When a colored pattern is woven for a skirt or the 国境 of a 一面に覆う／毛布, this 過程 is called "u," meaning まず第一に／本来 "挿入するing the fingers" in 言及／関連 to 選ぶing up 確かな threads under which the filling threads must be passed ーするために produce the 願望（する）d pattern.
After its 除去 from the ぼんやり現れる the cloth is 急落（する），激減（する）d into water and spread out to 乾燥した，日照りの. Knots are tucked in and straggling ends 除去するd, but no other finishing is thought necessary. Such cloth is very 会社／堅い and almost indestructible. The width of a （土地などの）細長い一片 as it comes from the ぼんやり現れる is from eighteen to twenty インチs. Between three and four yards are 要求するd for a skirt. This length is 削減（する） in half. By sewing the two resulting pieces together 味方する by 味方する the proper dimensions for a skirt are 安全な・保証するd. The ends of this larger （土地などの）細長い一片, which is nearly two yards long and about forty インチs wide, are sewed together, and the skirt is finished. The cloth for a man's 衣料品 is 削減（する） and sewed in much the same way.
A Karen Girl at a Burmese ぼんやり現れる
{This ぼんやり現れる, which has a でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる and is more easily operated than the Karen
ぼんやり現れる, is in ありふれた use の中で the Karen women on the plains.}
The Karen ぼんやり現れる
{This ぼんやり現れる is 簡単 itself. The airy construction of the Karen
family-room is shown in this picture.}
III. MAT-MAKING AND BASKETRY
The making of mats and baskets is almost wholly 限定するd to men, who 準備する the 構成要素s out of rattan and bamboo and spend their leisure hours weaving them. ありふれた mats ("klau"), such as are used as 床に打ち倒す coverings in their houses and to sleep on, and the large ones that serve as winnowing and threshing-床に打ち倒すs in the hills,[12-3] are woven of bamboo （土地などの）細長い一片s about half an インチ wide in checker-board pattern. The （土地などの）細長い一片s do not run 平行の with the 辛勝する／優位s of the mat, but diagonally at an angle of forty-five degrees. The better and stronger mats are made of （土地などの）細長い一片s with the silicious outer surface 損なわれていない, giving them a smooth and glossy 外見. The softer 急ぐ mats of Burmese 製造（する） are often 設立する in Karen houses, but are not made by any of the occupants, except such as have learned the art from their neighbors.
The people distinguish between several different 肉親，親類d of baskets, for which they have particular 指名するs and special uses. The large baskets ("ku") for carrying 米，稲 and other produce from the fields to their houses are 形態／調整d like an elongated egg with a truncated smaller end and are slung on the 支援する with a bark-繊維 ひもで縛る which passes over the forehead and 大（公）使館員s to 宙返り飛行 on either 味方する a little above the middle of the basket. When thus carried, the receptacle reaches below the waist and a third of its own length above the shoulders. If the 持参人払いの is ひどく laden, he or she partly relieves the 負わせる on the ひもで縛る by hooks of horn or bamboo root, hung from the shoulders and supporting the 底（に届く） of the basket. These large receptacles are woven in diagonal pattern with small 立ち往生させるs of rattan, those of the upper half 存在 いっそう少なく than a ４半期/4分の1 of an インチ in width while those of the lower half are a little wider. The 底（に届く） of such baskets are square and flat, and its 辛勝する／優位s are bound with 一連の会議、交渉／完成する rattans. From the corners rattan stays are run vertically to the large oval mouth of the basket, which is finished off with a large rattan around the 辛勝する／優位. A midrib 負かす／撃墜する each 味方する from 最高の，を越す to 底（に届く） 追加するs strength and durablity.
Cotton and vegetables are carried in loosey woven and large meshed baskets, called "seh," meaning rough or flimsy. A man will 削減（する） a green bamboo, divide it into （土地などの）細長い一片s, and weave one of these in a few minutes, and then discard it after he has reached home.
Inasmuch as the people of the Toungoo country have higher hills to climb and longer distances to travel than those dwelling lower 負かす／撃墜する in the Pegu 範囲s, they carry their produce in smaller baskets than do the latter. These Toungoo baskets have the 形態／調整 of an inverted pyramid with the apex blunted. いつかs they are woven of rattan and nicely finished, いつかs loosely made of bamboo splints. In the houses of the Toungoo Hills I have seen enormous spreading baskets for the 貯蔵 of 穀物 and other things.
The hill people make small, closely woven receptacles for carrying ordinary articles and also for keeping things 乾燥した，日照りの during the 雨の season. They （判決などを）下す these baskets water-tight by 塗装 them with gum and afterwards with "thitse" (Burmese lacquer). Probably the Karen have copied this type of basket from the Burmese or the Shan, who make 広範囲にわたる use of them. On the plains the small 一連の会議、交渉／完成する basket, 持つ／拘留するing about three つつく／ペックs, is in constant service. It is Burmese in origin, as is one of its 指名するs, "taw" (from the Burmese word, "taung"). Its other 指名する is "na."
A Karen Matron Weaving under Her House
早期に 旅行者s noticed the presence of large bronze 派手に宣伝するs in the Karen houses in Karenni and in the Toungoo Hills; but it is only recently that these 派手に宣伝するs have been made the 支配する of careful 熟考する／考慮する. In the latter part of the nineteenth century Europeans first began to 診察する 類似の 反対するs that were brought from 中国. It has been discovered that these 反対するs are scattered through a 広大な area 延長するing from Mongolia on the north to the Celebes Islands on the south but that their place of origin was probably in the old Cambodian kingdom of the Indo-Chinese 半島. Four or five classes of such 派手に宣伝するs are distinguished, of which the Karen 派手に宣伝するs form one group.[13-1]
The Karen 派手に宣伝するs are characterized by a nearly straight cylinder or 団体／死体, which has a わずかに 狭くするd waist. The cylinder is encircled by 禁止（する）d of conventionalized designs between 始める，決めるs of straight lines forming the 国境s of the 禁止（する）d. In some 事例／患者s there is a line of molded 人物／姿／数字s of elephants and snails 負かす／撃墜する one 味方する of the cylinder. The flat circular metal 長，率いる 延長するs a little beyond the 団体／死体, forming a 縁. In the 中心 of the 長，率いる is a large 星／主役にする enclosed by a concentric circles between which are narrower or wider zones filled with 人物／姿／数字s of different patterns. 分配するd at equal intervals around the outer 辛勝する／優位 of the 長，率いる are four or six frogs in 救済. いつかs these frogs are in 始める，決めるs of two, one on 最高の，を越す of the other; いつかs in 始める，決めるs of three, superimposed one upon another. The two pairs of small 扱うs are 据えるd on opposite 味方するs of the 団体／死体 of the 派手に宣伝する 井戸／弁護士席 toward the 最高の，を越す, and 現在の the 外見 of neatly braided ひもで縛るs. These bronze 派手に宣伝するs 変化させる in size from about eighteen インチs across the 長，率いる to about thirty インチs.
関心ing their origin much that is 伝説の has been written. In the Karen Thesaurus we are told in 実体 that these 派手に宣伝するs ("klo oh tra oh") are very expensive and are owned in Lower Burma by a few very 豊富な persons, who make offerings of food and アルコール飲料 to them 毎年, 恐れるing an 早期に death if they fail to do this. The 派手に宣伝するs are said by some to have been brough from the "K' wa" country and by others from the "Swa" tribe.[13-2] Those who went to buy these 反対するs paid によれば the number of frogs on them, the price of one with two frogs 存在 twenty rupees. The 買い手 put 負かす／撃墜する the price and took away the 派手に宣伝する, after which the owner （機の）カム and got his money. If the 買い手 did not leave the money, he 危険d losing his way and 存在 overtaken and eaten by the owner. The 派手に宣伝するs are used in making a noise like that of a gong.[13-3]
Dr. Francis Mason, 令状ing at Toungoo in1868, speaks of these 派手に宣伝するs under the 指名する of "kyee-zees," and is better 知らせるd than the writer in the Thesaurus in 説 that they are 得るd from the Shan. He also 明言する／公表するs that the Karen distinguish ten different 肉親，親類d of 派手に宣伝するs によれば sound and have a different 指名する for each 肉親，親類d. Dr. Mason tells us that the best-sounding 派手に宣伝するs are 価値（がある） a thousand rupees apiece, while the poorest bring only one hundred each. Dr. Mason continues: "The 所有／入手 of Kyee-zees is what 構成するs a rich Karen. No one is considered rich without one, whatever may be his other 所有／入手s. Everyone who has money 努力するs to turn it into Kyee-zees, and a village that has many of them is the envy of the other villages and it is often the 原因（となる） of wars to 得る 所有／入手 of them."[13-4]
Some of the Karens have told me that in the beginning these 派手に宣伝するs were 得るd from the "Yu" people, who seem to have been the Jung or Yung who 占領するd Yunnan in 古代の times.[13-5] Indeed, さまざまな 指示，表示する物s point to the probability that the 派手に宣伝するs 存在するd or were in use in Yunnan when the ancestors of the Karen passed through there from their hone in western 中国 into Burma, where they settled.[13-6] This is the 見解（をとる） of the origin of the 派手に宣伝するs held by Heger and others.
確かな Karen traditions associate the 派手に宣伝するs with "Pu Maw Taw," one of the mythical characters of 古代の times. This man was at work in his field and, seeing a flock of monkeys 現れる from the forest, feigned death. Thereupon, the monkeys sent several of their number 支援する to bring their 派手に宣伝するs for the proper 業績／成果 of the funeral 儀式s. Of the three brought, one was silver, one, gold, and the third, white in 外見. The last one fell into a pool of water and was lost. "Pu Maw Taw" suddenly interrupted the funeral 儀式s and the monkeys ran away, leaving the other two 派手に宣伝するs in the field. The old man took them home and they at once became the most sacred 所有／入手 of the people, 存在 consecrated every year with very 広大な／多数の／重要な 儀式, until at last the Pwo Karen grew tired of making their 年次の 旅行 for this 目的 and carried them off. They were 指名するd "Gaw Kwa Htu" and "Gaw Kwa Se"[13-7] and are still believed to have been deposited in a 洞穴 近づく Donyan in Thaton 地区. Each 派手に宣伝する had two sticks and a striker, all made of bronze. The smaller stick, which produced a rolling sound was in the form of a centipede. The striker had a quilted surface, in 外見 like the 規模s of a cobra. Unfortunately these 派手に宣伝する 器具／実施するs had been left behind with the Sgaw, of Loo 雪解け Ko village in the Papun 地区. Almost every year the Sgaw （機の）カム 負かす／撃墜する and 需要・要求するd that the 派手に宣伝するs be given 支援する to them, but without success. Gaw Le Bay and Gaw Ser Paw were the two Pwo Karens who committed the sacrilege of stealing away the 派手に宣伝するs, 存在 punished for it with sore 注目する，もくろむs, from which thier 子孫s in Donyin 苦しむ even unto this day.
All the 年上のs believe that the bronze 派手に宣伝するs connect the Karen people with a remote past. But few of these 反対するs that are still in 存在 can be traced 支援する more than a century or two. にもかかわらず, I have heard of some that are という評判の to be much older, 特に one in a Mopgha village, 近づく Toungoo, which is said to date 支援する "nearly a thousand years." This 派手に宣伝する has a 指名する, and innumerable offerings have been made to it year after year.
It was 以前は thought that the Red Karen were the only tribe who 所有するd 派手に宣伝するs, but it now appears that these 器具s were known の中で all the tribes. In many poaces, however, they are no longer used. It is in the remoter hill 地域s, where the Karen are いっそう少なく 影響する／感情d by outside 影響（力）s, that the use of the 派手に宣伝するs has been the most 長引かせるd.
There is かなりの difference of opinion の中で the people of the さまざまな sections of the country about the 分類 of the 派手に宣伝するs. A writer in the Rangoon Gazette divides them into two general groups, the older and the later. He regards the older, more melodious, and more 高度に prized group as 構成するing those which have four 選び出す／独身 frogs, snails, or elephants on their 長，率いるs. He subdivides this group into three 分割s, すなわち, (1) "Klo ka paw," (2) "Klo ma ti," and (3) "Klo gaw ple." The 派手に宣伝するs in the first of these subdivisions are the oldest and best-sounding. The second general group, 構成するing the later and poorer 派手に宣伝するs, may be subdivided, によれば this writer, into five classes, which he 指名するs as follows; (1) "Raw 涙／ほころび," (2) "Raw la," (3) "Raw ser," (4) "Raw saw," and (5) "Raw boo." These have four 始める，決めるs of 二塁打 or ３倍になる frogs or elephants on their 長，率いるs. Each class has its characteristic design, for example, ears of 米，稲 供給（する）ing the decorative 人物／姿／数字 on the "Raw boo" and Karen 手渡す-捕らえる、獲得するs that on the "Raw 涙／ほころび."[13-8]
In the Pegu Hills the 派手に宣伝するs with the 選び出す／独身 frogs on the 長，率いる and no 人物／姿／数字s 負かす／撃墜する the 味方する are known as the "hot" 派手に宣伝するs, that is, those which are beaten on occasions of death or 災害. The others, with the superimposed frogs and with elephants and snails 負かす／撃墜する the 味方する, are called "冷静な／正味の" 派手に宣伝するs these 存在 used on festive occasions. In Toungoo, however, the people do not appear to make the distinction just について言及するd, but use both 肉親，親類d of 派手に宣伝するs indiscriminately for festive and sad occasions, such as weddings and funerals, それぞれ.
That the 派手に宣伝するs are regarded as sacred 反対するs can not be 疑問d. In the 支援する 地区s, where the old customs are still perpetuated, offerings are everywhere maded to them. I was 知らせるd that during the month of March, 1918, a feast was to be held in 栄誉（を受ける） of 確かな 派手に宣伝するs in the village of Pyindaing, Tharrawaddy 地区, and that offerings were to be made to them, the customary period of seven years having elapsed since the last feast and offerings. I held myself in 準備完了 to …に出席する the 祝賀, but was finally told that the 儀式 had been 延期するd 無期限に／不明確に. The account in the Karen Thesaurus speaks of the offerings as having been 現在のd 毎年. Other sources of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） 示す that they might be made at any time, 特に on occasion of calamity or 疫病／流行性の. As far as I am able to ascertain, these offerings usually consist of food and アルコール飲料. In the 早期に times, at least, to 保留する such oblations from a 派手に宣伝する was to 招待する the 降下／家系 of illness and misfortune upon the owner.
Karen Bronze 派手に宣伝する, Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy 地区
{A 派手に宣伝する of almost 黒人／ボイコット metal, used for weddings and other festal
occasions.}
A "Rubbing" Showing the Pattern of the 長，率いる of the Nabaain 派手に宣伝する
Of the さまざまな 派手に宣伝するs which I have had an 適切な時期 to 検査／視察する, I wish to 述べる two with some fullness, one of these 存在 a "hot" 派手に宣伝する and the other a "冷静な／正味の" one. The latter is shown on {派手に宣伝する illustration}, and was 得るd in 1918 from the Nabaain village tract by Thra Shwe Thee. It is a 罰金 見本／標本 of its class and was used on festive occasions. Its 長，率いる is twenty-one インチs in 直径; its 底（に届く） or mouth, sixteen and one-half インチs in 直径; its cylinder, fifteen and one-half インチs long. The surface of the metal, which is 黒人／ボイコット, is much worn. It has four 始める，決めるs of frogs on the 長，率いる, each group 存在 composed of three of the creatures, one above another. The frogs are flat and 従来の in form. In the 中心 of the 長，率いる is a large twelve-pointed 星／主役にする, the angles の近くに in between the rays 存在 connected by several arcs, from the outermost of which radiating lines diverge. The points of the 星／主役にする are encircled by nineteen zones, which fill the space to the 辛勝する／優位 of spaces, but 落ちる into five groups. Counting from the 中心 outward, the first three of these groups 構成する four zones each, each group 存在 separated from the next one by four concentric circles, withil each individual zone is separated from its fellow by three circles in の近くに proximity to one another. The fourth and fifth groups consist of three zones each, four circles separating the two groups and three circles, each zone from its neighbor. The 縁 zone, on which the 始める，決めるs of frogs stand, is broader than the others, and the 辛勝する／優位 of the 縁 is finished with a braided beading.
The ornamental designs 含む／封じ込めるd in the several zones, group by group, are 示すd in the に引き続いて （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する:
Ornamental Designs in the Zones on the 長，率いる of the Nabaain 派手に宣伝する
Group I Group II Group III Group IV Group V
ハッチング ハッチング ハッチング ハッチング ハッチング
Circles Circles Circles Plaiting Plaiting
Plaiting Plaiting ハッチング Bird's 長，率いるs Diamonds
Bird's 長，率いるs {Six diamonds, {Six diamonds,
circles, circles,
three birds} three birds}
Little comment is necessary in regard to these zone decorations. In the fourth zone of Group I and the third of Group IV the birds' 長，率いるs follow in の近くに succession. In the fourth zone of both Group II and Group III three birds are followed by six diamonds or lozenges, each lozenge 存在 separated from its fellow by two circles, while the series is 終結させるd by three circles. The combination of decorative 人物／姿／数字s is repeated over and over around the zone. The birds are 代表するd 味方する 見解（をとる）, standing with their 長，率いるs 延長するd horizontally as if looking for food. The outer zone, on which the frogs stand, has いっそう少なく ornamentation than the other zones. At intervals groups of six circles, arranged like the 味方するs of a pyramid, appear in this zone, the 残り／休憩（する） of the space 存在 left 空いている.
The cylinder of the Nabaain 派手に宣伝する is encircled by 非常に／多数の engraved 禁止（する）d, arranged in three groups. The smallest group, consisting of four 禁止（する）d with indistinct patterns, is at the 底（に届く） or open end of the cylinder, the individual 禁止（する）d 存在 separated by の近くに 平行の lines which number three in two instances and four in the other. Around the waist of the cylinder run two 始める，決めるs of five 禁止（する）d, a space wider than any of the 禁止（する）d separating the two 始める，決めるs. 平行の lines separate the individual 禁止（する）d from one another. Three 禁止（する）d of the lower 始める，決める are ornamented with lozenge-形態／調整d 人物／姿／数字s. The two outer 禁止（する）d of the upper 始める，決める are filled with ハッチング and the other three, with the lozenge patterns. Three or four 平行の lines separate these 禁止（する）d from each other.
The "hot" or "sad" 派手に宣伝する which I shall next 述べる, was 得るd from the village of Kondagyi at the 長，率いる of Thonze Creek in the Tharrawaddy 地区. It has a bronze color and is という評判の to 含む／封じ込める gold and silver in the alloy. As 派手に宣伝するs of the class to which this one belongs were used only on occasions of calamity or death in the owner's family, they were kept hidden away in the ジャングル and were brought out only when necessary. The patterns on the Kondagyi 派手に宣伝する are much worn, and part of one 味方する of it is broken off. It was also once somewhat 負傷させるd at a funeral feast, where a 論争 arose about the tonal 質s of this and other 派手に宣伝するs whose owners were 現在の. Many of the guests regarded the トンs of the Kondagyi 派手に宣伝する as more melodious than those of the other 派手に宣伝するs. The 同志／支持者s of the latter resented this 逆の opinion of their favorite 器具 with such vigor that they left three knife-削減（する）s on the 辛勝する／優位 of the 甘い-sounding 派手に宣伝する before it was 救助（する）d by its owner and his friends. The Kondagyi 派手に宣伝する is said to have come into 所有／入手 of the family from whom I 購入（する）d it in 1917, 支援する in 1757, at the time when the Burmese overthrew the Talain kingdom of Pegu. It was supposed to have come 初めは from "the Eastern country," that is, probably Papun or some locality 近づく the Shan 明言する／公表するs. A few years ago, when the funeral customs were beginning to 落ちる into disuse, the owner 辞退するd three hundred rupees for this 派手に宣伝する. Later, realizing that the old usages were gone, he hobbled over the hills to the house of his son, who knew the place of concealment of the 派手に宣伝する in the ジャングル, ordered him to bring it 前へ／外へ from its hiding-place, and sold it for fifty rupees, although still 恐れるing that he might be dishonoring his ancestors. (See illustrations of Kondagyi 派手に宣伝する)
Bronze 派手に宣伝する from Kondagyi, at 長，率いる of Thonze Creek, Tharrawaddy
地区
{Used At Funerals}
長，率いる of the Kondagyi 派手に宣伝する
The ornamentation of this 派手に宣伝する is not so 井戸／弁護士席 示すd as that on the Nabaain 器具. On the 長，率いる (長，率いる of Bronze 派手に宣伝する) the 星／主役にする in the 中心 has six わずかに 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd points, which do not 延長する more than about three-fourths of the distance from the 中心 to the inner circle of the first zone. The total number of zones is fourteen, arranged in four groups of four, three, two, and four zones, それぞれ. The two inner groups are separated by a 選び出す／独身 circle and the others, by two closely drawn circles. The patterns in the zones are given in the に引き続いて （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する:
ORNAMENTATION IN THE ZONES ON THE HEAD OF THE KONDAGYI DRUM
Group I Group II Group III Group IV
ハッチング {Indistinct {補欠／交替の／交替するing {Two 列／漕ぐ／騒動s of
pattern} groups of two oval dots}
fishes and
three birds}
ハッチング {Indistinct {Same as above} ハッチング
pattern}
ハッチング (Both zones (Each of these Indistinct
are wider than zones are twice
those in Group I) the width of
those in Group II)
Two 列／漕ぐ／騒動s of ----- ----- Two 列／漕ぐ／騒動s of
oval dots oval dots
Two concentric circles enclose the last zone, and beyond thse to the 辛勝する／優位 of the 縁 is an open space. The four 井戸／弁護士席-molded 選び出す／独身 frogs are in the last zone and 直面する to the left, as do the flat patterns also.
The cylinder of this 派手に宣伝する is worn and 天候-beaten, and the 禁止（する）d in low 救済 are some of them indistinct. 近づく the 底（に届く） or mouth, which is 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd off with a molding a little 厚い than the 残り／休憩（する） of the metal, there are two indistinct 禁止（する）d, the upper one having been 明らかに ornamented with hactching. A second group of seven 禁止（する）d encircles the waist of the cylinder. Four of these are below the seam that runs around the 派手に宣伝する at its smallest 直径. The lowest of the four seems to have been filled with ハッチング and the other three, with the lozenge pattern. Of the three 禁止（する）d above the seam two are indistinct, and the third is filled with ハッチング. Between the bulging shoulder and the 縁 are four 禁止（する）d with patterns hardly discernible. There is no line of elephants and snails running 負かす／撃墜する the 味方する. 二塁打 flat 扱うs of bronze 事業／計画（する） from opposite 味方するs. These are 狭くする in the middle and wider at the ends, where they are joined to the cylinder.
Besides the two 派手に宣伝するs above 述べるd, I have seen several others that 適合する in general to one or the other of the two types to which these belong. I have no data at 手渡す, however, from which to give 正確な descriptions of them. On 非，不，無 of them have I seen the 人物／姿／数字s of men, houses, or boats with which the 古代の 派手に宣伝するs of Cambodia are decorated, but all of them 陳列する，発揮する the characteristic usually せいにするd to Karen 派手に宣伝するs, すなわち, 狭くする circular zones on the 長，率いる, 含む／封じ込めるing geometric designs and conventionalized 人物／姿／数字s of fishes and birds and the straight cylinder with a わずかに 狭くするd waist.
>A Bronze 派手に宣伝する Owned by Rev. A. V. B. Crumb
長，率いる of Mr. Crumb's 派手に宣伝する
派手に宣伝するs are still 存在 made for the Karen by the Shan people at the village of Nwedaung, 近づく Loikaw in Karenni. I have never 証言，証人／目撃するd the 過程, but Mr. Franz Heger 引用するs the に引き続いて account of it from a letter written in 1884 by Dr. Anderson, of the Calcutta Museum, who 認めるs his indebtedness for his （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） to a Mr. Lillly, of Rangoon. This （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） agrees with descriptions given by others who have visited the place: "A clay 核心 is first made of the size of the inside of the gong and on this wax is placed and 正確に modeled to the exact 形態／調整 and covered with appropriate ornamentation. When the wax model is finished, 解雇する／砲火／射撃-clay and water are dashed on the 直面する of the wax with a 小衝突. The clay and water, 存在 thrown with 広大な／多数の／重要な 軍隊, 侵入する into the small hollows and angles of the wax. When a 十分な thickness of clay has been 追加するd in this way, a coarse clay is laid on outside to give strength. The wax is then melted out and the mould made nearly red-hot. The metal is then 注ぐd in."[13-9]
Whether the Karen ever cast their own 派手に宣伝するs is a question not yet settled, and one that will be very difficult to 決定する. 確かな it is that their other 所有／入手s are generallly rude and 欠如（する）ing in decoration. If they were once able to produce articles of such artistic 長所 as these 派手に宣伝するs, they must have been more 前進するd than we now find them and have lost 業績／成就s which their ancestors 所有するd in a more vigorous northern clime, before they migrated to their 現在の abode and became 扶養家族 upon their more thrifty neighbors for their 現在の 供給（する）.
If a more careful 熟考する／考慮する of these 派手に宣伝するs and their uses, both の中で the Karen and the other tribes of Indo-中国, can be made, it may yet be possible to throw new light on the relation of these peoples and to 供給（する） historical data that has been long sought.
POLITICAL ARRANGEMENTS
The Karen race does not 所有する what may be 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語d social 団結. It is broken up into many tribes, some of which 異なる かなり from others, as, for instance, the Brecs of Karenni and the Sgaw Karen of Lower Burma. There is, however, enough similarity of dialects and traditions, 同様に as of 宗教 and customs, to make it 確かな that they really belong together and are descended from a ありふれた 家系. Even the individual tribes do not consist of compact groups of 一族／派閥s. To be sure, there is more cohesion の中で the members of one tribe than の中で those of different tribes; but the village rather than the tribe has the greater （人命などを）奪う，主張する upon their 固守. In the days before the British conquest and 併合 of Burma [14-1]--when the country received a stable 政府 that put an end of 反目，不和s and petty warefare--the village was the political 部隊. In the village the houses were 範囲d 味方する by 味方する, or else, as in the Pegu Hills, all the families of the little community lived within what may be called the village-house, each family having its living-room 開始 off of the ありふれた 回廊（地帯）. Everybody was thrown into intimate 接触する with everybody else in the village. 政治上 and socially the village was the 中心 of their ありふれた life. The family group, the natural 部隊 of kinship, although not always 限定するd to the village, was economically and 政治上 subordinate to it.
In the village the 年上のs ("phga tha phga," literally, the old men) were looked up to as connecting the village life with the past, in which all 知恵 and culture were supposed to have been 明らかにする／漏らすd. The older the man, 供給するd he had not begun to show too evident 調印するs of decay, the wiser and more worthy or reverence he was thought to be. These old men repeated to the younger 世代 the "説s of the 年上のs" that has descended to them from former 世代s. They were 協議するd on all occasions, and their advice was usually followed.
Bringing Water for the 訪問者, Nabaain Village, Tharrawaddy 地区
Above the 年上のs was the village 長，指導者 ("th' kaw" or "s'kaw"). He was 現実に the 長，指導者 man in the village. His position was usually hereditary, but he might have no son or 甥 to 後継する him. In that 事例／患者 the 年上のs chose one of their own numbers as his 後継者. In so far as the 村人s obeyed any 当局 at all, they obeyed him. They 一般に 観察するd his 命令（する）s, although he 所有するd no 井戸／弁護士席-defined 裁判権. Ordinary quarrels, 論争s relating to land, questions concering the 所有権 of animals, etc., were referred to him for 解決／入植地. In most instances his 法廷，裁判所 was a 解放する／自由な and informal 会合 of 村人s and 年上のs; and his 決定／判定勝ち（する）, 会社にする／組み込むing the opinion of the latter, would have the 許可／制裁 of the group and be 受託するd by the parties 関心d. He was the patriarch of the village, and often its high priest 同様に. A foray would not be undertaken without his 同意. He was （許可，名誉などを）与えるd the place of 栄誉（を受ける） in the family living-room, which was usually the mat on the 味方する 直面するing eastward. If his 支配する became 極端に displeasing to the 村人s, they 静かに went to a different 場所／位置 from that chosen by him at the time of the 年次の 移住 of the village. Thus, he would be left with only those who remained loyal to him, usually his 親族s. The other families were now 解放する／自由な to select a new 長，指導者 or headman.
The 長，指導者 徴収するd no 税金s. He tilled his field like his fellow 村人s. He often received gifts of choice game, fruit, or 穀物; but these were 大部分は a 尊敬の印 to his personal 人気. If the village was about to engage in a （警察の）手入れ，急襲, he might 査定する／（税金などを）課す the people for the 目的 of fitting out the 探検隊／遠征隊; but this would bring him no direct personal benfit, unless he was the 組織者 of it himself. The Karen had no caste of 長，指導者s, no 王室の family, or even a 特権d social class. Every member of the community 株d alike in the ordinary 仕事s and the privations or 繁栄 of the seasons.
COMMUNITY LIFE
Wealth formed the only basis of social distinctions in the village life. But this made little difference in outward 条件s. The land was 解放する／自由な and belonged to the community. Every man was at liberty to take for his own use as many acres of hillside as he could fell. On this 得点する／非難する／２０ there was little chance for 不平等. However, the accumulation of money, which in the 早期に days was 代表するd by silver 鋳塊s, later by rupees, enabled one to 購入（する） buffaloes or cattle or even an elephant, although the last was more often caught than bought. The 所有権 of a bronze 派手に宣伝する brought more distinction to a family than that of seven elephants. But these forms of wealth brought with them only more or les sprestige within the 選び出す／独身 stratum 構成するing the entire community.
There was little occasion for individual 率先 の中で the Karen, on account of the important part played by the communal activity amongst them. One could （人命などを）奪う，主張する no particular credit for his ddeds of 血 on a （警察の）手入れ，急襲. That belonged rather to the 組織者 and leader of the foray. One never 始める，決める out on a 旅行 or 試みる／企てるd any special work alone. In some sections it was the custom for the 長，指導者 to （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 a gong or blow a horn as the signal to go to the fields. Every one went at the signal. 非，不，無 would go without it. If a 供給（する） of fish was 手配中の，お尋ね者, instead of an individual taking his or her 棒 and going alone to catch them, the whole village, or as many of its members as were 解放する／自由な to do so, would join in a fishing 探検隊／遠征隊, first 集会 the herbs to 毒（薬） the water if the fish were to be taken in that way, or carrying along their funnel 形態／調整d baskets with which to work the 底（に届く） of a shallow stream, or going 用意が出来ている to 訴える手段／行楽地 to whatever other method they thought suitable to the time and place. Likewise 追跡（する）ing was 一般的に 行為／行うd as a 運動 for game in which all might particpate, at least all the men; and a motley variety of 器具／実施するs was brought out for the 目的, 含むing 逮捕するs, crossbows, spears, knives, and perhaps an old rusty gun. Thus they 追跡（する）d and fished together as they often do still. Even those who failed to go were not left out in the 分割s of the spoils if they managed to be 現在の at the proper time, and they usually did.
This communal 株ing was so much the order of the day that personal 権利s were more or いっそう少なく 無視（する）d. If a man got a few seeds and 工場／植物d a garden 近づく his house, he as fortunate as is いつかs still the 事例／患者 in the hills, if he gathered half the 刈る he had 工場／植物d. His neighbors, asking no leave, helped themselves generously without hesitation and perhaps without ーするつもりであるing to steal.
While one's personal 権利 were thus 無視（する）d, they were not 完全に ignored. A man's field or "hku" and his betel gardens were his own; and his 米，稲-貯蔵所s, which may have been built in the ジャングル a mile from the village, were 尊敬（する）・点d. If he 示すd with a bunch of grass a tree in which he had discovered a 蜂の巣 of wild bees, no one would 試みる／企てる to 略奪する it of its honey. Many of the Karen people are like children in their regard for the 権利s of other persons: they understand and がまんする by the 法律 of 設立するd usage, but they are somewhat puzzled by new 状況／情勢s and in such 事例／患者s are apt to give themselves the 利益 of the 疑問. Stealing, such as appropriating 米，稲 from a 貯蔵所 or 主要な off another's ox or taking somebody's money, is 厳しく dealt with の中で the Karen. But carrying away a small trinket that takes the 注目する，もくろむ, either with or without the owner's 許可, is not considered important enough to be noticed.
THE WOMEN
の中で races いっそう少なく 前進するd than the Karen the attention of the men is almost 完全に taken up with 戦争 and 追跡（する）ing, while the work about the house and village is left to the women. The Karen have not 進歩d far enough beyond 原始の 条件s for the men to assume all the 重荷（を負わせる）s of the home life that 適切に 落ちる to the stronger sex. The men still feel their 優越 and remain idle, while the women do work too 激しい for them. Even apart from the care of the children, the women 耐える the 激しい end of the 重荷（を負わせる）. They are, to be sure, 受託するd as necessary and useful members of the family, but, 非，不，無 the いっそう少なく, the men consider themselves dishonored if brought into の近くに 接触する with a women's 衣料品 or compelled to appear in any way subordinate to a 女性（の）. They will not, or would not in the olden days, go under a house, lest they should have to pass under a woman. In this 尊敬（する）・点 they entertain feelings 類似の to those of Burmese men.
As housekeeper the Karen women' work is by no means 限定するd within the 不規律な partitions of her living-room or house. She draws the water, which means in the hills that she must descend to the stream and carry up the family 供給（する） in bamboo 共同のs hung by strings across her 長，率いる. She has been trained to do this from the time she was so small that she could only struggle up the hillside with one undersized bamboo at her 味方する. Usually she has her little girls' help in this daily 仕事. She must 続けざまに猛撃する and winnow the 米，稲 polish it in a 迫撃砲, wash it, and 準備する the meals. Either she brings in fagots of 支持を得ようと努めるd and 分裂（する）s it, or the young women fetch bundles of 乾燥した，日照りの bamboo upon their 長，率いるs and stack them 近づく the ladder of the house. She is as 技術d in the use of the "dah" (long knife) as her husband. When the meal is cooked she 始める，決めるs it out, if she follows the old custom, on a wide 木造の tray or, if she has 可決する・採択するd new ways, on a low （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する. The pile of rice on the tray looks like a heap of snow. The curries or condiments are placed beside the tray in small cups. The members of the family usually eat together. If there are guests the women often wait, either to serve in 事例／患者 the 供給（する） needs 補充するing, or because they are shy about eating with strangers.
Young Women Bringing in Bamboo 燃料, Tharrawaddy Hills
Plains Women Bathing in the Irrawaddy, in the 物陰／風下 of the High-厳しいd Burmese Boat
In 新規加入 to …に出席するing to their 国内の cares, the women take their place beside the men in the fields. It should not be forgotten, however, that the latter can cook and 成し遂げる the work usually 割り当てるd to women more readily than men in the West can. In the field the women and girls 補助装置 in the （種を）蒔くing, 工場／植物ing, and 移植（する）ing of rice on the plains, 同様に as in the 得るing, threshing, etc., doing their 十分な 株 along with the men. They tend the cotton and vegetables and carry the greater part of the 米，稲 to the 貯蔵-貯蔵所s and from these to their homes. The only work I have seen men doing that I have never 観察するd 存在 done by women is 骨折って進むing.
The women mingle in the village 集会s and 参加する the wedding and funeral festivities, their 株 in the latter 存在 特に 目だつ.[14-2] Their position in their own families depends 大部分は on their personal character. If they 所有する strong personalities, they 伸び（る） かなりの prestige and 演習 影響（力） accordingly. The older they grow the more 保守的な they become, and not infrequently the opinions of a grandmother will keep a whole family from bettering its 条件 by engaging in some new 占領／職業. The Karen grandmother 持つ／拘留するs the first place in the family at the "Bgha" feast, when all of the members are gathered together. She is then the "Bgha a' hko." This peculiar position of hers has been discussed in the 一時期／支部 on Feasts to the "Bgha."[14-3] Its 宗教的な sigficance is remarkable and may be as 遺物 of matriarchal 政府, which is still 設立する in Tibet. But it does not appear to have any 影響 on the social postion of the sex, except in so far as it 妨げるs the younger members of the family, both men and women, from breaking with the 宗教的な and social traditions of their forefathers.
In the olden days three classes of people were 非難するd "to live without the （軍の）野営地，陣営." These were cohabiting couples who had not 従うd with the marriage 儀式s, 未亡人s, and 孤児s. A couple whose union had been formed without the 業績／成果 and 許可／制裁 of the 認めるd marriage 儀式s were ostracized to the extent of having to live outside of the village stockade or, if they belonged to a community livng a 選び出す／独身 village-house, they were 要求するd to 占領する a room detached from the main building. The two other classes of ostracized persons, すなわち, 未亡人s and 孤児s, were supposed to have incurred the displeasure of their "Bgha," and it was 恐れるd that their misfortune would become contagious if they were 許すd to remain in the village. That is, the "Bgha" of other families would imitate the "Bgha" of the 未亡人s' and 孤児s' families in eating the "k'las" of other husbands and parents, thus 奪うing the village of more of its members. It was believed that this danger could be 避けるd by 運動ing the bereft ones into the ジャングル to 転換 for themselves. The 追加するd 危険 of the 未来 marriage of these baneful persons was taken into account. This was perhaps ごくわずかの in the 事例／患者 of the 未亡人s, but the 孤児s should not be 許すd to grow up with other children to become in time 適格の for marriage with them. Left to 範囲 through the ジャングル, such 孤児s, if they 生き残るd, 一般に developed a daring and resourcefulness that 奮起させるd the ordinary folk of the village with wonder. Their 行為s （機の）カム to be thought of as 予定 to a supernatural 力／強力にする. In short, they were believed to be magicians. [14-4]
FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS
In the 一時期／支部 on Marriage Customs について言及する is made of the general chastity of the Karen and of their monogamous marriages within the tribe. The 支配する is for a man to have one wife; but now and then a 第２位 wife or concubine, known as a "ma po tha," is supported. It may be that on account of the childlessness of the first wife the new 関係 has been entered into for the sake of offspring, or that the man has 簡単に followed his own inclinations in the 事柄. Such unions are 影響d without the 形式順守 of marriage 儀式s and are not 認めるd by Karen society, 存在 完全に 不規律な.
西部の人／西洋人s, accustomed as they are to doing their own 法廷，裁判所ing, いつかs wonder how happy marriages can be 影響d in the 事例／患者 of young men and women who are strangers and have never met perhaps till they come together in the marriage 議会. We must remember, however, that with a people like the Karen the physical 関係 is more 重要な than the spiritual. 感情 削減（する）s little or no 人物／姿／数字 in the 協定. The parties to a marriage 推定する／予想する to live together and take the 事件／事情／状勢 as a 事柄 of course. At the beginning they have no affection for each other, but through parenthood they become 部隊d in 相互の love, and, as the years pass while their family grows up about them, they are bound together as securely as if they had married in the Occidental and more romantic way.
In a Karen family children are 願望（する）d and 推定する／予想するd. To grow old and remain childless is regarded as a 広大な／多数の／重要な misfortune. Boys are much preferred, but girls are not disliked as much as in 中国 and some other parts of the world where they are abandoned. The child 早期に …を伴ってs its mother to the field or wherever she may go. In 幼少／幼藍期 it is slung in a 一面に覆う／毛布 on her 支援する, but later rides on her hip until long after it is able to walk.
Family 関係s are not neglected の中で the Karen people, although they do not seem to keep genealogical 記録，記録的な／記録するs or to remember ancestor 支援する of their grandparents. However, they are particualr in taking account of, and 陳列する，発揮するing regard for, their 同時代の 親族s. The grandfather and grandmother, both paternal and maternal, are called "hpu" and "hpi," それぞれ. 広大な／多数の／重要な uncles and 広大な／多数の／重要な aunts receive the same 任命s. The father and mother are, それぞれ, "pa" and "mo." Children are called "hpo," the root of this word meaning "little". Sons are "hpo hkwa" and daughters, "hpo mu." Contrary to the Occiental custom of 配合 brothers and sisters によれば sex, a Karen ordinarily groups them によれば whether they are younger or older than himself. Older brothers and sisters are "weh" and younger "hpu." If he 願望（する）s to 明示する whether they are male or 女性（の）, he empoys the usual masculine and feminine 任命s, 一般的に 追加するing one or the other of the words given above for son and daughter. Thus, for 年上の sister he says "weh hpo mu" and for younger brother "hpu hpo hkwa." While there are 限定された words for cousin, uncle, and aunt, すなわち, "t' khwa," 'hpa hti," and "mugha," それぞれ, these are often loosely used. Any man or woman older than one's self may be called uncle or aunt as, for example, の中で the negroes in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. The word "weh," signifying older brothers and sisters, as also the correlative word "hpu," 指定するing younger brothers and sisters, are often used of cousins and more distant 親族s. For instance, a cousin, called "weh," is usually one whose father or mother was an older brother or sister to one of the （衆議院の）議長's parents. "Hpu" would 類似して 適用する to the son or daughter of a younger brother or sister of one of the （衆議院の）議長's parents. Grandchildren are "li," a word that is also used of grandnephews and nieces. In conversations with individual Karens I have almost never heard them speak of 親族s 支援する of their 即座の grandparents, although they use an 同等（の） 構内／化合物 for our 任命, 広大な／多数の／重要な grandfather. They likewise have more or いっそう少なく たびたび（訪れる） need of, and a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 for, 広大な／多数の／重要な grandchild, すなわち, "lo."
関係 by marriage is much esteemed の中で the Karen. It is 指定するd by the general 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "do," which is いつかs 連合させるd with the word "daw." Thus, a "dwa do" is a person 関係のある to one by marriage. This 関係 is often talked of and is remembered to the second and third 世代. It is not an uncommon thing for the usual 条件 for brothers, sisters, and cousins to be 可決する・採択するd for those standing in the "daw do" 関係 to a family.
BLOOD-BROTHERHOOD
In the 早期に days the Karen cultivatrd three or perhaps only two 関係s in 血-brotherhood, that is, brotherhood by the mingling of 血. These three 関係s were called "do," "tho," and "mwi," それぞれ. I should say at once that 本人自身で I have 設立する only the two latter, and I 公式文書，認める that in Dr. J. Wade's Karen Dictionary[14-5] no について言及する is made of the "do" relation. Hence, the query has arisen in my mind as to whether or not there has not been a 混乱 of "tho" used in a different tribe with "do," in somewhat the same way as "th" and "d" are interchangeable consonants in the Burmese language. I 申し込む／申し出 this explanation 単に for what it is 価値（がある） and proceed on the 仮定／引き受けること, until conclusive 証拠 is adduced, that three is the 訂正する number of 関係s in 血-brotherhood.
令状ing 支援する in 1868, Dr. Mason 述べるs the "do" relation 大幅に as follows;[14-6] "The first and st rongest and most sacred of these 関係s is that of 'do,' which is entered into in the に引き続いて way. Of the two persons 願望（する）ing to enter into 関係 the one at home takes a hog or a chickne, 削減（する）s off the snout or 法案, rubs the flowing 血 on the 脚s of the other and, in 事例／患者 a fowl was used, 大（公）使館員s some of its feathers or 負かす／撃墜する to the 乾燥した，日照りのing 血. They then 協議する the chicken's thigh-bones to see whether or not the 後援 are 都合のよい. If they are 都合のよい, they say:
"'We will grow old together; We will visit each other's houses; We will go up each other's steps.'"
"The 訪問者 then kills a hog or a fowl and 成し遂げるs the same 儀式s on the other. On consuting the chicken bones, if the fowl's bones are unfavorable, he says;
"'We will die 分かれて; We will go 分かれて; We will work 分かれて; We will not visit each other's houses; We will not go up each other's steps; We will not see each other but for a short time.'"
If the 後援 are 都合のよい, the two agree that they have entered into this relation of "do." They regard themselves 誓約（する）d to each other as friends and bound to help each other in any manner necessary as long as they shall live. They call each other only by the 指名する "do." In seasons of 飢饉 one 援助（する）s the other to the extent of his ability. In 事例／患者 evil is spoken of one, the other defends him, 説: "That man is my 'do.' Do not speak evil of him. To do so is to speak evil of me. I do not wish to hear it."
以前は it was the custom for many to multiply their "dos" in 非常に／多数の villages, so that they might receive 歓待 wherever they went and, in 事例／患者 of the planning of forays against some village, the "dos" might learn of it from their 可決する・採択するd brethren in other such communities. It is said that "dos" rarely quarreled, but remained faithful to each other. The 会・原則 seemed to 発揮する a 都合のよい 影響（力） on wild Karen society. Finally, Dr. Mason 追加するs; "It may be compared to Masonry with its secrets."
The 関係 指名するd "tho" is formed by two men wishing to become brothers, by each 製図／抽選 a little 血 from his forearm, mingling it in the same cup, and drinking therefrom. 以前は the chicken bones were 検査／視察するd in 関係 with this 儀式の, although nowadays they are not always used. This is a lifelong 関係 and 貯蔵所d each to defend the other. From the time of the 相互の 採択 each calls the other "tho," and each speaks of the other by the same 指名する.
The third 関係, "mwi," is one that may be 相互に assumed by two young men, two young women, or a young man and a young woman. If the 関係 is formed by the latter, they probably have met at a funeral 祝賀 and become 利益／興味d in each other. The 儀式の 要求するs each of the pair to 新たな展開 seven 立ち往生させるs of cotton into a cord to serve as a necklace. The 青年 first puts his cord over the young woman's 長，率いる, taking grat care not to touch her 長，率いる-dress or person. In 類似の fashion the young woman slips her cord over the young man's 長，率いる. Probably a 決まり文句／製法 was 初めは repeated in 確定／確認 of this 二重の 活動／戦闘. If so, it has 消えるd together with any 協議 of the chicken bones that may have taken place. The cords must be worn seven days without 存在 broken or 除去するd, lest the 協定 be made 無効の. Thereafter they 演説（する）／住所 each other only as "mwi." The relation thus 設立するd does not 許す one to take any liberties with the other, but rather tends to the 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限ing of each as if they were brother and sister. The 関係 is supposed to be for life, but doe not, of course, 妨げる the 分離 of the two by a greater or いっそう少なく disatnce. In such an event, when one goes into the 近隣 of the other, a 現在の is taken along for one's "mwi." Often mementoes or gifts are 交流d when the compact is first made. It is 現在の usage for school friends to call one another "mwi" without any 儀式, but 簡単に in 記念品 of kindly regard.
THE GUEST-CHAMBER AND CLUB-ROOM
In the earlier days の中で the Karen of the hills the "blaw" was an important feature of village life.[14-7] It is still 保持するd, although it seems to have lost some of its former significance. It is the guest and club-room reserved in the central part of the village-house. Strangers coming in for a visit or passing by on their 旅行 are entertained here. Such a convenience was やめる necessary in the days when the tabu of the "Bgha" feast was 厳密に 観察するd, and no 部外者 was 許すd to enter the family -rooms. My party and I have been entertained in the "blaw" of villages in the Pegu Hills on the Tharrawaddy 味方する, while on 小旅行する. In one village, which had 可決する・採択するd some Buddhist practices, along one 味方する of the guest-room 延長するd a high shelf upon which stood a small image of Gautama Buddha, with the usual offerings of paper 旗 and wilted leaves and flowers. At the 支援する of the room was the raised 演壇 on which I spread my bed, but I was 妨げるd from enjoying a good night's 残り／休憩（する） by the number of other occupants. My cook 用意が出来ている my meals at the little fireplace in the middle of the room. The 村人s sat about and visited with us. When meal-time （機の）カム the women and girls brought in their generous 供給（する）s of food, consisting of two large trays piled high with snow-white steaming rice, besides smaller trays and bowls filled with several 肉親，親類d of curry, "ngape" water, and vegetables. The 訪問者s were 推定する／予想するd to eat something from every dish. While the meal was in 進歩 the hosts withdrew, except one or two 年上のs, the women returing afterwards to （疑いを）晴らす away the dishes and uneaten food with the polite 発言／述べる that their guests had eaten very little. Many 株d in receiving us; and we were spared the embarassment, not to say the danger によれば our belief, of 侵害する／違反するing the tabu that 妨げるd our 存在 entertained at the time by family in their own ４半期/4分の1s.
Besides serving as a guest-議会, the "blaw" has another important use, すなわち, as the 集会-place for the young men of the village. When a boy becomes a 青年 ("hpo tha hkwa taw"), he is 推定する／予想するd to spend his leisure time in his parents' room, working and eating with them, as seems to be the custom. When evening comes, he 修理s to the "blaw" to be with his fellows and to sleep there. This is a custom that is ありふれた の中で the Kachins of Burma and many other tribes of the Orient. の中で the Kachins the "blaw" is a place of license. The Brecs also 許す a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 of liberty to their young people, and evidently advange of it is taken by them. But の中で the Sgaw Karens, at any 率, the girls remain with their mothers. There is no ありふれた room for the girls, or any place where both 青年s and maidens may 会合，会う for 抑制するd intercourse. No 疑問 の中で the Karen the use of the "blaw" as a club-room is for the 目的 of keeping the young men together and separating them from the young women, thus 妨げるing offence of the "by na," which would bring a 悪口を言う／悪態 upon the 国／地域 and 損失 to the 刈るs.
It has never been possible for parents to 妨げる all social intercourse between young people of the opposite sexes. In fact, it has hardly ever been 試みる／企てるd. As is shown どこかよそで in this 容積／容量, there are occasions の中で the Karen when the sexes mingle, for example on fishing 探検隊／遠征隊s and at marriages, funerals, etc. If, however, a 青年 願望（する）s to visit a maiden, etiquette 定める／命ずるs the way: he must take his harp ("t' na"), appear before her house, and serenade her. Sitting 負かす／撃墜する, he sings to the accompaniment of his 器具. If she replies to his request to be permitted to visit with her, she does so on the jew's-harp ("t' xe"), answering him in 詩（を作る）. He than 開始するs the ladder and they visit together, either singing over "htas" already familiar to them or, if 技術d in improvising, putting their own thoughts into rhyme. If too long an interval should elapse without the sound of either 器具, the 年上のs would very likely put in an 外見 to find out the 推論する／理由.
Carrying Water in Bamboo 共同のs, Pegu Hills, Tharrawaddy
地区
{When the village is on the high bank of a creek, it is no 平易な work to
labor up with six or eight of these bamboos 十分な of water. The strings
持つ／拘留するing the 共同のs are of bark fibre. Both these girls are wearing
Burmese jackets under their Karen "hses."}
SLAVERY
Slavery no longer 存在するs の中で the Karen; but when it did, it was incidental to war. The British 取得／買収 of Lower Burma during the thirty years before 1886 brought with it the 停止 of village （警察の）手入れ，急襲s and 部族の 衝突s in which the 捕虜s taken might, and frequently did, become slaves. Such 捕虜s were 扱う／治療するd によれば the changing whims of their masters. When first brought in they might be harangued by the leader of the v ictorious war-禁止（する）d, in 事例／患者 he chose to 公然と非難する them for starting the war and to recount all the 申し立てられた／疑わしい or real wrongs they and their people had （打撃，刑罰などを）与えるd upon him and his village. The proof of their 犯罪 lay in their 逮捕（する）. While 存在 kept in 捕らわれた they were 支配する to rough 治療, such as （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing and 負傷させるs, which might be 予選 to their 存在 killed. If they were spared and not redeemed within a short time, they were either kept as slaves or sold to 仲買人s, who might be other Karens or Shans. Old people were not marketable, and it was difficult to find 買い手s for them at any price. Men and women in the prime of life, that is, between the ages of thirty and forty years, brought about one hundred rupees each; young men and maidens, だいたい three hundred rupees each, and boys and girls from twelve to fifteen years, who were considered the most 価値のある, sold for four hundred rupees each. Such prices did not always 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる, for Mr. Mason in 1868 報告（する）／憶測d that once, when he was in Karenni, he saw two Shan women brought in and sold for fourteen rupees apiece.
While slavery was a 認めるd 会・原則 の中で the Karen, it does not seem to have become a rigid system.[14-8] When the 捕虜s were redeemed, they returned to their previous status of tribesmen. When they were not redeemed, they appear to have lived on under the 支配（する）／統制する of their masters, but, as time went on, became more and more 受託するd as members of their master's families, while the children of the slaves became ordinary 村人s. In other words, the form of slavery that 存在するd の中で the Karen did not lead to the 永久の 設立 of a slave class in the 部族の organization.
The Burmese were accustomed to telling 早期に 旅行者s in their country that the Karen had no 法律s or 政府. But this 声明 was wrong. The 調査s of Dr. Mason some sixty years ago brought to light a かなりの 団体／死体 of unwritten 規則s that were 保存するd in memory and 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する by word of mouth. The Karen have no knowledge of an 早期に lawgiver の中で their people, unless their traditions of "Y'wa" might be regarded as pointing to him as having 演習d such a 機能（する）／行事. These 規則s, which are 心にいだくd as the 説s of the 年上のs, consist of 限定された precepts that を取り引きする さまざまな social relations and 義務s, the cultivation of 確かな traits of character and the 鎮圧 of their opposites, the 予防 of 罪，犯罪, the 罰 of evil-doers, etc. I have already 発言／述べるd in the 一時期／支部 on Social 条件s that the 部隊 of political and social life の中で the Karen is the village.[15-1] In consequence, the village 長，指導者 is the highest civil 当局 in his little community. In the 早期に days a 長，指導者 of strong personality, such as Saw Lapaw of Bawlake or East Karenni, would 延長する his 支配（する）／統制する over several villages and perhaps weld them into a 肉親，親類d of 明言する／公表する; but, unless this son and 相続人 所有するd an 平等に 支配するing nature, the fabric would 落ちる apart as soon as the controlling 手渡す was 除去するd. The organization of the village was patriarchcal, but the 政府 was really democratic. The 年上のs of the village 構成するd an informal 会議, which heard all communal 商売／仕事 and talked 事柄s over with the 長，指導者, who usually 表明するd their opinion in （判決などを）下すing his 決定／判定勝ち（する）. As a 支配する there was at least one man in every village who was 特に 詩（を作る）d in the 古代の lore, 法律s, and customs, civil and 宗教的な, and who repeated them, together with illustraive stories, to some one of the younger 世代 who was 利益／興味d in learning them. A village without such a 合法的な 当局 was more than likely to be a 固める／コンクリート exampe of the proverb: "Where there is no smith, the axes are soft. Where there is no cock, the rooms are still." The inhabitants of such a community were without proper 指導／手引 in the 行為／行う of their 事件／事情／状勢s. They were left unaided by the experience of the past. The 年上のs in the 適切に 教えるd 村人s were the custodians of the 古代の 法律s, which they were not supposed to change but were 推定する／予想するd to 送信する／伝染させる 正確に／まさに as they had received them.
The form in which these 法律s had been 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する is illustrated by the に引き続いて 説 on love:
"Children and grandchidlren, love one another. Do not quarrel; do not find fault with each other. When we are in the village we are separate persons, but when we got to （疑いを）晴らす the fields we are brethren; and if one is taken sick on the road or in the ジャングル, we must take care of him. We must look after each other. When we 削減（する） the fields we are brethren. If one is sick, all are sick. If one dies, all die; and we must carry his 団体／死体 支援する to his house and lay it in the hall, that his brethren may see and his wife and his children may see that he is dead."
Other 説s of the 年上のs are 表明するd in language 類似の to that just 引用するd and を取り引きする such 支配するs as 産業, indolence, helping the poor, 未亡人s and 孤児s, evil-doers, 義務 to parents, humility, 断言するing, covetousness, partiality, backbiting, 憎悪, quarreling, falsehood, 圧迫, 窃盗, exacting 罰金s, 殺人，大当り, 飢饉s, etc. Each 説 or precept is in the verbose style of the one given above, telling the younger 世代s what they should or should not do. Dr. Mason has recounted these さまざまな 説s at length, as they were 報告（する）／憶測d to him by a member of the Bwe group of Karen tribes. The 説s thus 記録，記録的な／記録するd are 設立する to be 類似の to those 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する の中で the Sgaw and other tribes. It is worthy of 発言／述べる that few of the 年上のs on the plains can repeat them at the 現在の time. Dr. Mason's 記録，記録的な／記録する covers some twenty pages in the 定期刊行物 of the Asiactic Society of Bengal, but I shall content myself with calling attention to a few salient point in the precepts.
The one on 飢饉s has but little of direct 輸入する to say about that 明確な／細部 支配する. It reminds the "children" that the 年上の has seen much of life and its vicissitudes, 含むing 解雇する／砲火／射撃s, floods, 疫病／悩ますs of ネズミs, and 大虐殺s by Burmans and Talaigns. He has seen one man 招待する another to a meal, ーするために 告発する／非難する him of stealing his food and thus have an excuse for selling him into slavery. He has seen a bronze 派手に宣伝する 交流d for a sheaf of 米，稲 and a basket of 穀物 sold for a basket of money. He has seen the people dig unhealthy yams and を煩う eating them. In the last three 声明s the 年上の is 明確に showing the 影響s of a 広大な／多数の／重要な scarcity of 穀物, both on the price on had to 支払う／賃金 for food and on the people who were 減ずるd to the necessity of eating bad food. His 言及／関連 to 解雇する／砲火／射撃s, floods, 疫病／悩ますs, and 大虐殺s seem ーするつもりであるd to 示唆する the 原因（となる）s of some of the 飢饉s that have come under his 観察. Notwithstanding the importance of the 支配する he is 取引，協定ing with, the 年上の 演説（する）／住所s no exhortation to his hearers, except by 関わりあい／含蓄.
The precetp on indolence is 十分な of moralizing. It 非難するs laziness and enjoins hard work ーするために 得る 米，稲. It teaches the people to do their work with cheerfulness and gladness, as also 完全に and 井戸／弁護士席. "We love happiness," says the precept," and our greatest happiness is to （疑いを）晴らす our fields and build our houses. Everything is in the earth. Work hard with the 売春婦 to dig it out, and one can buy 派手に宣伝するs and silver and other things. It is better to work for wealth than to 得る it by （警察の）手入れ，急襲s and forays." This 説 overlooks neither the spiritual nor 構成要素 reward of labor.
The precept on helping the poor, 同様に as those on fornication and 姦通, 含む／封じ込める 言及／関連s to 飢饉, 示すing that periods of extreme dearth of food must have been of たびたび（訪れる） occurrence の中で the Karen. Fornication and 姦通 are dreadful sins because, の中で other 推論する／理由s, they produce bad 刈るs and scarcity of game. In times of 飢饉 the rich should help the poor, but the 義務 of the former to the latter seems to stop there, so far as the 説s of the 年上のs go. The admonition to help the poor is as follows:
"Children and grandchildren, work, every one of you, and be 用意が出来ている for a time of 飢饉. Then, when a time of scarcity or 飢饉 comes, let not the rich and those who have all the rice and 米，稲 拒絶する the poor who have nothing that you may not lose your 栄誉（を受ける） and be 乱用d, but may be 栄誉（を受ける）d and 尊敬（する）・点d. When hard times come and there is 飢饉 amongst you, let the 豊富な help those who have nothing with which to buy and who can not borrow."
In a 類似の vein the people are 勧めるd to care for 未亡人s and 孤児s lest other countries, 審理，公聴会 of their 虐待 of their helpless ones, shall 乱用 them and call them poverty- stricken. Even if there are rich men の中で them, others will not believe it. This precept does not appear to have been 井戸／弁護士席 観察するd in practice.[15-2]
Love of peace is enjoined, because it conduces to happiness, long life, and 繁栄. The daughters of one who loves peace, the people are 保証するd, will 行為／行う themselves with propriety, and his sons will live happily. Evil-doers are doomed to 廃虚 and 災害. Their "派手に宣伝するs will become the 所有物／資産／財産 of others, their daughters will become slaves, and their sons, servants. Their lands will be destroyed, and their country will come to 破壊. Evil-doers do not live to grow old."
Dipping Water from a Shallow Stream
{These little girls are all wearing the 選び出す／独身 white "hse," but the men
have their loins girded up after the Burmese fashion.}
The section relating to 義務s to parents recounts the many cares of parents and 大きくするs on the 支出 of strength and sympathy by the mother in に代わって of her children. The deduction 始める，決める 前へ／外へ is that children should care for their parents when they grow old and 供給する them with food and drink. Those who fail in the 業績／成果 of such filial 義務s will 苦しむ for their sin, and their work will not bring success. They will become sickly, weak, and helpless.
The virtue of humility is extolled at length, as one who knows the Karen people might 推定する／予想する. The people are told that he who does not humble himself but exalts himself, who regards his 親族s with disdain, makes forays, is extortionate, （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域s others for nothing, and, in general, does as he pleases, will die young. Such a man will be punished by the Lord of heaven, losing his 派手に宣伝するs and money, 存在 left wretched and childless, unable to work, without means to 購入（する） anything, and to die without 明らかな 原因（となる）.
悪口を言う／悪態ing is 非難するd, and its retributive consequences are shown in the sotry of a man who was the father of ten children and 悪口を言う／悪態d one of his brethren without a 推論する／理由. The 悪口を言う／悪態 did not 害（を与える） the one on whom it was pronounced, but 反応するd upon the other, 原因（となる）ing the death of every one of his children. の中で the other evils 公然と非難するd and forbidden are covetousness, partiality, backbiting, 憎悪, quarreling, falsehood, and exacting 罰金s for the 違反 of 独断的な 支配するs or for trepass on one's 所有物／資産／財産. The 激しい非難 of such 副／悪徳行為s 同様に as the 激励 of 相互の heplfulness, filial piety, generosity to the 貧困の and helpless, and 恐れる of 罰 by the Lord of heaven, show that the Karen had no mean 基準s of personal 行為／行う. Whether these ideals were lived up to or not is another question. In fact, 悪口を言う／悪態ing a person by whom one had been 負傷させるd was a 認めるd form of 報復 and 罰. It was necessary to go to his house, stand in 前線 of his door, and recite 確かな 詩（を作る）s imprecating him. The person venting his wrath must do this three evenings in succession, taking with him on the third evening an 満了する／死ぬing fagot, an addled egg, and the scrapings from the dish out of which the pigs are fed. On this occasion he の近くにs his imprecation with the words: "May his life go out like this dying fagot. May he be without posterity like this egg. May his end be like the 辞退する of the dishes."
Theoretically, the 原則 of the old Mosaic 法律 of a tooth for a tooth and an 注目する，もくろむ for an 注目する，もくろむ was valid の中で the Karen, but it was tempered in the 説s of the 年上のs as follows: "In order not to 支配する ourselves to 罰金s and 罰, we must 許す others to 扱う／治療する us as they choose. If we are struck, we must not strike again. If one strikes your 長，率いる, strike the 床に打ち倒す. If some one blinds you, do not blind him in return. The long is before; the short is behind. [that is, the 未来 is long; the past is short.] Love of peace gives a wide space; love of evil gives a 狭くする space. If we want evil, it is 現在の even before all the water has run out of a 大型船 that has been upset."
The people were 警告するd not to commit fornication or 姦通. When they married they were to do so 率直に. They were told that if they were 有罪の of fornication, their sons and their daughters would die and the country would be defiled and destroyed on their account. The begetting of 非合法の children was 宣言するd to be displeasing to "Thi Hko Mu Xa," the Lord of heaven and earth, and to be the 原因（となる） of 不正行為 of the rains, bad 刈るs, 失敗 of seeds and vegetables to germinate, 失望 in the 追跡（する）, poverty, and slavery. On the 発見 of illicit relations between two of the 村人s they were brought before the 年上のs, who 要求するd the 有罪の persons to buy and kill a hog and each of them to dig a furrow in the ground with a 脚 of the animal. They were then to fill the furrows with the 血 of the hog, after which they were to scratch the 国／地域 into little 穴を開けるs and 塚s while repeating the に引き続いて 祈り: "Lord of heaven and earth, God of the mountains and hills. I have destroyed the productiveness of the country. Do not be angry with me, do not hate me; but have mercy on me and pity me. I now 修理 the mountains. I 傷をいやす／和解させる the hills and the streams with my 手渡すs. May there be no 失敗 of 刈るs, no 不成功の labor, or unfortunate 成果／努力s in my country. Let them be dissipated on the distant horizon. Make the 米，稲 実りの多い／有益な and the rice abundant. 原因（となる） the vegetables to 繁栄する. If we cultivate but little, may we 得る but little." When each of the 有罪の pair had 完全にするd this 儀式の, they said that they had made 賠償 and returned to their houses. In Shwegyin, however, such 犯人s were driven from the village and 要求するd to live outside.[15-3]
の中で the Bwes it was customary to 罰金 adulterers, unless they were 選び出す／独身 or 未亡人d; but if a wife was 伴う／関わるd, her paramour was compelled to 支払う／賃金 a 罰金 to the 負傷させるd husband and take the woman as his wife, the former husband 存在 considered 離婚d and 解放する／自由な to marry again with the money he had received. In 事例／患者 a husband was 設立する 有罪の of 姦通, the woman 関心d must 支払う／賃金 a 罰金 to the 負傷させるd wife, who became 解放する／自由な to 契約 another marriage.
If the 刈るs were poor, the 村人s 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd that it was 予定 to secret sins of this sort and felt the need of making offerings to appease the Lord of heaven and earth and to find out the 有罪の persons.
On the 支配する of stealing the exhortation of the 年上のs was not to setal, destroy, defraud, or 行為／法令／行動する dishonestly. Such 行為s are by no means secret. Even though unconfessed, they become manifest in the ordeal by water and in that of 上がるing a tree. The God heaven sees. The Lord of the mountains and hills, "Thi Hko Mu Xa," sees. If one is hungry, one should work, should bend the 支援する. If one wants fish, one should use the 手渡す-逮捕する. If one 願望（する）s game, let one 修理 to the ジャングル for it. Families are to be fed in this way, not by stealing or by running into 負債.
A person who had been caught stealing might be let off, if it was his first 罪／違反 and he 回復するd the stolen 所有物／資産／財産 and 約束d to 改革（する）. If, however, he became a 確認するd どろぼう, he was sold into salvery. In some parts of the Toungoo 地区 it was not uncommon for one 有罪の of stealing to 支払う／賃金 the 刑罰，罰則 with his life. If 肯定的な proof was 欠如（する）ing and there was 疑問 as to his 犯罪, the ordeal by water was 訴える手段／行楽地d to.
殺人 was, of course, utterly 非難するd in the 説s of the 年上のs, for "man is not like the beasts. He has a Lord and Master. We are the children of Thi Hko, of Y'wa who created us. Therefore, do not kill one another." The 殺害者 will be 降伏するd to the Lord of the lands and will be put to death. He can not escape. His 団体／死体 will be left naked in the fields, and the vultures will devour it. "These things," the 年上のs 宣言する, "have we seen with our own 注目する，もくろむs, and we know them, and they have often happened の中で us." However, the circumstances under which a 殺人 was committed were taken into account. A 殺人 at a drunken feat was considered an 事故, for it was thought that the one 有罪の of the 罪，犯罪 would not have committed it had he been sober. No 原因（となる） for an 活動／戦闘 存在するd in such a 事例／患者.
Men killed while taking part in a foray were to be redeemed, that is, a 罰金 was to be paid for them, unless the leader had been excused from such 支払い（額） in 前進する.[15-4] Likewise, the 偶発の death of a man during a 貿易（する）ing, 追跡（する）ing, or other trip undertaken at the request of another, was chargeable to the latter, because さもなければ it would not have occurred.
The 認めるd way of bringing to 司法（官） an 違反者／犯罪者 who was （刑事）被告 of 原因（となる）ing the death of another, was for the 近づく 親族s of the latter to take active 対策 to avenge themselves. A dying father, whose 条件 was 予定 to the 強襲，強姦 of an enemy or who had 苦しむd other 傷害, would 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 his sons to avenge his wrong. The 長，指導者 and the 年上のs, 認めるing the 司法（官） of the 原因（となる）, would その上の it and join in to punish the 有罪の inhabitant of another village. As a 警戒 against a 致命的な 事故 or a secret 殺人, person were not 許すd to have in their 所有／入手 dangerous 毒（薬）s gathered from the ジャングル. Any one 有罪の of doing so was 事実上の／代理 unlawfully and was 非難するd by the 年上のs to be bound out in the hot sun for three days. He had also to destory his 蓄える／店 of poisonous herbs and to 約束 never to commit the 罪／違反 again. After this he might be received again into the village, or he might be sold into slavery. If he was believed 有罪の of 殺人, his life was taken.
There appears to have been no 法律 against 自殺, and perhaps for this 推論する／理由, 同様に as others, the practice was once ありふれた の中で the people. にもかかわらず, voluntary self-破壊 is regarded as an 行為／法令／行動する of cowardice and, though not spoken of as displeasing to the spiritual 力／強力にするs, it 妨げるd an honorable burial from 存在 given to the one 有罪の of it. Hanging has been the usual method of committing the 行為／法令／行動する の中で the Karens, while taking 毒（薬） has been the ありふれた means of 自殺 の中で the Burmese. Incurable 病気s, 広大な／多数の／重要な 失望, jealousy, and 軍隊ing a young woman to marry some one she dislikes, have been the usual 原因（となる）s of self-殺人. Dr. Mason について言及するs a young man who was able to 解任する the occurence of twenty-five 自殺s in a group of villages within a period of fifteen years. At the 現在の time, probably on account of outside 影響（力）s, such instances are rare indeed.
相続物件 規則s and customs are not 限定された or uniform の中で the Karen; but usually 所有物／資産／財産 is divided の中で the children, the eldest 存在 given a little more than the others and the youngest receiving a わずかに smaller 株. The 未亡人 has no 合法的な 権利 to anything, although she 一般に 後継するs in 保持するing the use of more or いっそう少なく of the 所有物／資産／財産 during her lifetime. Should she marry again, even his quasi-権利 終結させるs. The second husband can not appropriate the 所有物／資産／財産 of the first, nor can his children 株 it.
It seems hardly necessary to comment on the worthy ideals and 根底となる 原則s of human 行為／行う 具体的に表現するd in the precepts of the 年上のs, which we have been discussing in this 一時期／支部. They 構成するd a code which, if it had been 観察するd, would have produced a 高度に developed society, in so far as the virtues are 関心d. But, as in the 事例／患者 of many 原始の peoples, the Karen have fallen far short of their 伝統的な ideals, a fact manifest, I think, from the 記録，記録的な／記録する 現在のd in the pages of this 容積／容量. It may be said with little 恐れる of contradiction, however, that the Karen have more nearly lived up to the 一般的に 受託するd 基準s of human 行為／行う than some of the other peoples dwelling in their 周辺.
Buffaloes at Their Daily Bath
{Nothing seems to delight them more than to wallow in the mud or swim in
a stream.}
PRIVATE FORAYS
Two or three 世代s have elapsed since the Karen in Lower Burma indulged in their old-time 戦争, which consisted of forays 内密に 組織するd and carefully 遂行する／発効させるd against their enemies. In the Toungoo Hills and in Karenni these （警察の）手入れ，急襲s have been 抑えるd only in 最近の years, as the 地域s 指名するd have been brought more fully under British 支配する. The people used to call such 探検隊／遠征隊s "ta hseh hsu ma beu," which means a strong and 隠すd thrust. A foray was undertaken by an individual to avenge a personal wrong committed by an inhabitant of another village. It was a 認めるd method of settling a grievance, like the 郡保安官's 死刑執行 of the judgment 得るd in a 控訴 at 法律 in a more civilized community. The 衝突 was not one between the village and village, but between personal enemies. The man who 就任するd the foray 始める，決める up his spear in the open space of his village and 示すd a white line half-way up on the spear 軸. Those who were ready to go on the 探検隊／遠征隊 and 放棄する the 権利 of their families to an 賠償金 in 事例／患者 they were killed, placed their 示すs above the half-way line, while those willing to join without making this renunciation 追加するd their 示すs below it. Of course, the chicken bones had to be 協議するd both as to the 実現可能 of the （警察の）手入れ，急襲 and a 都合のよい time for it.
When this time had arrived, the 組織者 of the foray killed a hog or a fowl; took a bit of the heart, 肝臓, and entrails; minced them together; 追加するd a little salt, and wrapped the mixture in a leaf. This talisman was then ゆだねるd to two 秘かに調査するs, who were to carry it to the village where the 敵 dwelt. They were admonished to 公式文書，認める whether or not any spikes were 工場／植物d along the paths 主要な to the place, the best means of 接近 thereto, and the 正確な 場所 and general 協定 of the village. Finally, they were to visit with the inhabitants there and find an 適切な時期 of dropping the contents of their leaf into the food of their hosts. If they 後継するd in this last stratagem, they were supposed to have 列d the 長，率いるs of their 敵s. That is, their hosts by partaking of the talisman would become so 混乱させるd as to fail to 掴む their 武器s when needed for 弁護 and would be 圧倒するd by the enemy. Unlike the 秘かに調査するs of イスラエル these Karen 秘かに調査するs, on their return, usually gave a 都合のよい 報告（する）／憶測 and 陳列する，発揮するd 広大な／多数の／重要な 切望 for the 戦闘.
The instigator of the foray now sent out for his men, who （機の）カム not only from his own village, but also from 隣接地の ones where he had friends and 血-brothers. He might gather in as many as two hundred 軍人s. These he feasted, but before passing around the アルコール飲料 he 注ぐd some on the ground as a 肉親，親類d of libation, while praying:
"Lord of the seven heavens and the seven earths. Lord of the rivers and streams, the mountains and hills. We give thee アルコール飲料 to drink and rice to eat. Help us, we entreat thee. We will go 前へ／外へ now and attack あそこの village. We have 列d the 長，率いるs of the inhabitants. 補助装置 us. （判決などを）下す their minds oblivious and 原因（となる） them to forget themselves, that they may sleep ひどく and their slumber may be 無傷の. Let not a dog bark at us, nor a hog grunt at us. 認める that the 村人s may not 掴む a 屈服する, sword, or spear. May the Lord help my children and grandchildren who go to attack あそこの village, and may he 配達する them from all 害（を与える）. May they subdue their enemies and not be lost. May they be 配達するd from the 屈服する, the sword, and the spear."
After this 祈り the 年上のs drank in turn of the アルコール飲料, and it was then 循環させるd 自由に の中で the 組み立てる／集結するd 軍人s. The instigator of the foray now killed a fowl, 準備の to 検査／視察するing its bones for a 都合のよい omen as to the success of the 請け負うing, but before the 査察 he 申し込む／申し出d up the に引き続いて 嘆願（書）:
"Fowl, possessor of superhuman 力／強力にするs, fore-endowed with divine 知能, thou scratchest with thy feet and peckest with thy 法案. Thou goest to Hku Te (the king of death). Thou goest to The Na (君主 of death). Thou goest to Shi U, the brother of God. Thou goest into the presence of God. Thou seest unto the 瀬戸際 of heaven and unto the 辛勝する／優位 of the horizon. I now 目的 to go and attack あそこの village. Shall we be 攻撃する，衝突する? Shall we be 妨害するd? If we go, shall we 苦しむ? Shall we die by the 屈服する? Shall we be pierced by the spear? Shall we grow 疲れた／うんざりした or exhaust ourselves? If so, 明らかにする／漏らす thyself unfavorably."[16-1]
If the reading of the chicken bones 証明するd unfavorable, another fowl was 殺害された, and a third, if necessary. On 得るing a 都合のよい omen, the 組織者 of the （警察の）手入れ，急襲 harangued his men, teling them that they would surely 証明する 勝利を得た, that he would indemnify the families of any who might be killed, and that he would 取って代わる all 武器s that might be lost or broken. He 保証するd them that he 推定する／予想するd all to return, and 宣言するd that no 災害 could 生じる them. Thereupon he called for two volunteers to lead in 上がるing the ladder to the village-house and making the attack on the arrival of the war-禁止（する）d at its 目的地. 演説（する）／住所ing the volunteer leaders, he 約束d them 派手に宣伝するs and buffaloes as rewards for the 行為s of valor they were soon to 成し遂げる. They were to be the 追跡（する）ing dogs, the wild boars, 十分な of cunning and courage. If they should be 殺害された, their families would receive the rewards. If, however, they failed, the 災害 of the 探検隊／遠征隊 would be their fault.
At length, the war-禁止（する）d 始める，決める 前へ／外へ, 詠唱するing 詩（を作る）s, as follows.
"I go to war. I am sent. I go to fight. I am sent. 着せる／賦与する me with an アイロンをかける breastplate. Give to me th アイロンをかける 保護物，者. I am not strong. May I take on strength. I am weak. May I 達成する vigor." "I go with a host of men. We will reach the steps of the house And 解雇する／砲火／射撃 muskets and shout aloud. The men will come with wives and children. Raise the spear and draw the sword. Smite the neck and pierce the 味方する. The 血 is 噴出するing purple." "The 広大な／多数の／重要な 強硬派 飛行機で行くs above the house. It pounces on the 長，指導者's red cock. It しっかり掴むs its prey 近づく the lowest step. It 掴むs then the 長，指導者's white cock, And the 広大な／多数の／重要な 強硬派 飛行機で行くs away, Leaving the 長，指導者 behind in 涙／ほころびs."
Whatever one may think of the poetic 質 of these three stanzas, they 描写する vividly the 連続する 行う／開催する／段階s in their adventure, as the 詠唱するing 勇敢に立ち向かうs conceived it. In the first stanza they don their armor and 召集（する） up their wavering courage. In the second they go into 活動／戦闘 with their lust for 血 fully 誘発するd. In the third they compare themselves to the 広大な／多数の／重要な 強硬派 carrying off its prey before the 注目する，もくろむs of the 長，指導者, whose village they have 侵略するd. The 使節団 of the war-禁止（する）d was to 遂行する some such program as this.
Karens of three 世代s on the Plains
{Only the old grandmother 保持するs any part of the Karen dress, and that
is the skirt.}
Karen Girls of the Plains Carrying Water in Earthen マリファナs
{of Burmese 製造（する）}
The 軍人s so timed their march as to reach the 周辺 of the 敵's village after dark, 分配するd their 軍隊 around the unsuspecting inhabitants before 夜明け, and sallied 前へ／外へ with a 広大な／多数の／重要な shout as soon as it was light. The 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 against the village- house was led by the two volunteers, and all the inmates who jumped to the ground were 削減（する） 負かす／撃墜する or pierced with spears by the 武装した men in waiting. No ４半期/4分の1 was shown, even the women and children 存在 either 殺害された or taken 捕虜, によれば the orders of the instigator of the （警察の）手入れ，急襲. Their main 反対する was evidently plunder, for they lopped off the 長，率いるs, 手渡すs, and feet of their 犠牲者s, ーするために 得る the necklaces, bracelets, and anklets more easily. They also slew the small children, perhaps because they would さもなければ be doomed to a ぐずぐず残る death.
From an old man I learned of one of these forays, in which his father had 参加するd while still a young man. The father professed to have had but little 利益／興味 in the 探検隊／遠征隊, 存在 軍隊d to join it by circumstances. Lagging behind the other members of the attacking party, he saw two girls who had escaped from the house and hidden in the forest. When they saw him they started to run, thus 公表する／暴露するing themselves to others who gave chase, struck them 負かす／撃墜する with their swords, 削減（する） off their 手渡すs to get their bracelets, and left them to die. A man and his wife and baby were also in a fair way to escape, but were hard 圧力（をかける）d by pursuers, その結果 the husband compelled his wife to throw away the 幼児, who 妨げるd her 進歩; and as they 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd the crest of a hill they looked 支援する only to see their child 存在 削減（する） to pieces.
If the 村人s made too stout a 抵抗 to the first onset, the raiders 始める，決める 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to the inflammable bamboo structure, その為に bringing the 衝突 to a quick 結論, though at the same time 減ずるing the 量 of 利用できる 略奪する. They frequently mutilated the 団体／死体s of their 犠牲者s, carrying off their jaw-bones as トロフィーs of their 恐ろしい work. It is not （疑いを）晴らす from any extant 記録，記録的な／記録するs that the Karen were once 長，率いる-hunters, but this may have been the 事例／患者. In 記念品 of the utter 破壊 of a village, vegetable seeds were いつかs 工場／植物d on its desolate 場所／位置.
The 組織者 of the foray did not go in person with his men, いっそう少なく he be killed and thus （判決などを）下すd unable to dispense the spoils, but remained at home to receive and reward the valiant 闘士，戦闘機s on their return with the botty. As they approached, they 発表するd their victory by the 公式文書，認めるs of their horns. After 存在 welcomed with a feast, they were sent to their homes. Any （人命などを）奪う，主張するs for 賠償金 on the part of the families of 殺害された 軍人s were now settled, some of the botty 存在 evidently used for this 目的, the 残り／休憩（する） of the plunder and such 捕虜s as were brought 支援する becoming the 所有物／資産／財産 of the duly avenged thnd 勝利を得た one. The 捕虜s remained slaves, unless they were redeemed by their 親族s. If they were not redeemed, they were often sold in 交流 for oxen or buffaloes, one of which might be 現在のd to each of the villages 代表するd in the war-禁止（する）d. No 侮辱／冷遇s of any sort were visited upon women 捕虜s, 囚人s of both sexes 存在 kept for awhile either in rude 在庫／株s or within the house.
REDEMPTION OF CAPTIVES
It いつかs happened that a number of 逮捕（する）d villages would escape from their captors. In such a 事例／患者 they would すぐに try to 影響 the redemption of any of their 親族s still remaining in 捕らわれた. For this 目的 they would engage an 年上の of a 隣接地の village and send in him to 交渉する the 条件. If the 勝利者 was inclined to listen to the 提案 of this スパイ／執行官, he gave 証拠 of 受託するing his good offices by 殺人，大当り a pig, cutting off its snout, and smearing some of the flowing 血 on the 脚s of the messenger. This betokened the 早期に return of peace and brotherhood between the belligerents, together with the redemption of the 捕虜s. In その上の proof of his successful 使節団 the 交渉者 brought 支援する the 長，率いる and 脚s of the 殺害された pigs. There was still danger of a quarrel over the redemption price that might be 需要・要求するd by the 勝利者.
With the 結論 of the 交渉s and the 設立 of peace, the peace-making water must be drunk. This was concocted by putting chippings or filings from a spear, sword, musket- バーレル／樽, and 石／投石する into a cup with a little 血 from a dog, a pig, and a fowl, and filling the 残りの人，物 of the cup with water. The dog's skull was then 分裂（する） open, and the 関係者s in this solenn 儀式, すなわち, the 勝利者 and the leader of the peace 代表, each hung a part of the skull around his neck and took 持つ／拘留する of the cup, while they 相互に 約束d to 終結させる their 反目，不和, to intermarry their children, not to destroy each other's 所有物／資産／財産, and to live 友好的に together unto the third 世代. In 誓約（する） of these 約束s each of the twain drank of the cup. Imprecations were then called 負かす／撃墜する upon the 長，率いる of any one who should 新たにする the 反目，不和, and the visiting 代表 was 解任するd. A にわか雨 of arrows was sent after the 出発／死ing guest, and a salute of muskets was 解雇する／砲火／射撃d in 記念品 of the 力／強力にする of the raiders. いつかs the peace-making water was drunk and the 誓約（する）s were made under a hardy and 井戸／弁護士席-known tree, on which a notch was 削減（する） in 証言 of the compact. Dr. Mason in his account of these forays and peace 協定／条約s 明言する／公表するs that the Karen had no monuments other than these notched trees.[16-2]
As already 発言／述べるd above, the 条約 of peace was 批准するd between the 組織者 of the 勝利を得た （警察の）手入れ，急襲 and the vanquished 村人s. The former and his 子孫s were bound by the compact not to 新たにする the attack; but that did not 妨げる another foray if a new occasion arose for 捜し出すing 是正する, just as a man in a more 前進するd community might 勝利，勝つ a 控訴 against another and be compelled to go to 法律 with him again to settle a fresh 論争. Moreover, the 協定／条約 did not 除去する the 可能性 of another foray 存在 組織するd by some other inhabitant of the village where the first one 起こる／始まるd, for the 目的 of 復讐 on his own account. Thus, it would appear that these 条約s were not mere "捨てるs of paper," and yet they did not 十分である to 妨げる たびたび（訪れる） （警察の）手入れ，急襲s. It was not until numbers of the Karen 除去するd to the plains and thus （機の）カム more closely into 接触する with a ありふれた enemy, the Burmese people, against whom they had to defend themselves, that they seem to have 大部分は given up the 殺人，大当り of one another. I have not been able to find any 証拠 to show that the Burmese 政府 演習d its 力／強力にする in 抑えるing the forays の中で the Karen, and I think that such 私的な wars 減少（する）d in number for the 推論する／理由 just given.
WEAPON
The 武器s used by the Karen in thier fighting were spears, javelins, swords, and flint-lock and match-lock guns. The crossbow seems not to have been 井戸／弁護士席 adapted for 戦争 and has been kept for 追跡（する）ing. The commonest forms of fighting 器具／実施するs were spears and javelins. These were usually made with アイロンをかける 長，率いる either of small bayonet-形態／調整 or elongated elipse-形態／調整 sharpened to a point. In the 事例／患者 of the larger spears the 長，率いる 対策 about two feet in length and two or three インチs across at the widest part of the blade. The 軸 of some hard 支持を得ようと努めるd is five or six feet long.
The Karen Thesaurus distinguishes の中で three 肉親，親類d of swords or "na," as they are collectively called by the people themselves. One 肉親，親類d is the two-辛勝する／優位d sword with a sharp point ("na thweh hko"); the second is a blunt sword 形態／調整d like the tail of an eel ("na nya hti meh"), and the third is square at the end and can be used for cutting only ("na xu hko").[16-3] These swords were carried in sheathes of a type 類似の to those seen の中で the Shan, formed of two pieces of bamboo held together by rattan 禁止（する）d woven around them. No one knows whether or not these 武器s are native with the Karen. They may have been copied from the Shan. Besides the three 肉親，親類d of swords, the Karen used a long knife ("dah") for both 防御の and 不快な／攻撃 目的s, which is 充てるd nowadays to 国内の 雇用.[16-4]
During the sixteenth century the Portuguese carried on an 広範囲にわたる 貿易（する） in 小火器 in the East, 特に in Burma. In this way the Karen tribes became familiar with flint-lock and match-lock guns, owning numbers of them. In 非常に／多数の instances the 在庫／株 of the gun had no butt to be held against the shoulder, as in the 事例／患者 of European and American guns, but a 扱う that was held against the cheek. 砕く was "続けざまに猛撃するd out" in a 迫撃砲 含む／封じ込めるing sulphur, saltpeter, and charcoal, all native 製品s. The sulphur was often 得るd from the depostis of bat dung 設立する in the 石灰岩 洞穴s that are 非常に／多数の in the Moulmein 地区. Indeed, one of the ありふれた 指名するs for gun-砕く was "bla-e," meaning bat dung. Inasmuch as lead 地雷s have long been known in Burma and on the Chinese 国境, I 推定する that the Karen got the 構成要素 for their 弾丸s from these. When lead was not to be had, they 代用品，人d small 一連の会議、交渉／完成する 石／投石するs.
The approaches to the villages were guarded by burying sharpened bamboo spikes, 常習的な with 解雇する／砲火／射撃, in the paths, leaving only the point protruding at a 十分な angle to catch the foot of the passer-by. These almost hidden spikes （打撃，刑罰などを）与えるd terrible 負傷させるs in the 明らかにする feet of the enemy who was careless enough to run in them.
In the 早期に times the 関係者s in a foray equipped themselves with armor and 保護物，者s, although such 保護の contrivances are almost unknown at the 現在の time. The armor was a sort of jacket of 厚い hides thought to be serviceable in 区ing off the 一打／打撃s and thrusts of sword and spear. The 指名する by which it was known was "t' xo." 保護物，者s, called "k' taw," were 建設するd of 支持を得ようと努めるd and covered with a 堅い 肌. I have not been able to learn from any one what was their 形態／調整 or just how they were made. However, Mr. F. H. Gates, the political officer of Karenni, gives us this bit of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） on the 支配する: "A 世代 or two 支援する these people carried a 保護物，者 made of plank covered with buffalo hide and studded with 厚かましさ／高級将校連 nails." He 追加するs that no 見本／標本s of these 保護物，者s are to be 得るd now."[16-5]
A Sgaw Karen Orchestra, Tharrawaddy Hills
{The harp and the guitar are 存在 played together.}
KAREN MUSIC
The Karen use the pentatonic or five-トンd 規模, which has belonged to the Eastern nations since 早期に times. This 規模 consists of the first, second, third, fifth, and sixth intervals of the modern octave. They appear to know nothing of different musical 重要なs, but in starting a tune try one pitch or another until they have 設立する the 範囲 suitable to their 発言する／表明するs. They do not keep 正確な time in their singing, but 持つ／拘留する one or another トン as 控訴s their fancy, introducing quavers on the long 公式文書，認めるs and 事情に応じて変わる 負かす／撃墜する or slurring from one トン to the next. Some words and phrase they repeat over and over again, その為に 示唆するing the repetitions in an 国家. As they sing in minor 緊張する, their music has a 質 of sadness.
On their 器具s they play tunes that are not （判決などを）下すd vocally. This is 特に true of the melodies they play on the 麻薬を吸うs ("hpi ba"), rather than of 始める，決める compositions. These 麻薬を吸うs are 有能な of producing really beautiful music, consisting 大部分は of improvised runs and variations, 需要・要求するing no small 技術.[17-1]
It is to be regretted that, with the 受託 of Christianity, the Karen have almost 完全に dropped their own music for that of the West. Hymns 特に 控訴，上告 to them. Perhaps this is 予定 to their 願望（する） to leave their pre-Christian life altogether behind them, 同様に as to the more animated 質 of our Western music. However, a few Karen melodies have been adapted to hymns and have been recently 会社にする／組み込むd in their hymnbook through the 成果／努力s of the Rev. E. N. Harris, of Toungoo.
MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS
The Karen have seven or eight 原始の musical 器具s, besides 派手に宣伝するs, cymbals, and gongs. Those in ありふれた use are the harp, the jew's-harp, the bamboo guitar or fiddle, the xylophone, the flute, the 卒業生（する）d 麻薬を吸うs, the gourd 捕らえる、獲得する-麻薬を吸う, and the wedding horn. In the olden days every Karen 青年 所有するd a harp ("t' na"), which he carried with him on all occasion. Even at the 現在の time in the villages along the Pegu 範囲 one can 一般に hear these soft-トンd 器具s. Indeed, in the middle of the night one's sleep may be 乱すd by the monotonous strumming on one of them by some wakeful old man, who is trying to beguile the slowly moving hours.
The 団体／死体 of the harp is hollowed out of a 封鎖する of 支持を得ようと努めるd and looks not unlike a miniature dug-out canoe いっそう少なく than two feet long and about five インチs in width. A （土地などの）細長い一片 of deerskin (of the barking deer) is stretched across the open 最高の，を越す, and lengthwise along the middle of this a piece of 支持を得ようと努めるd is fastened to which the strings are 大（公）使館員d. The other ends of the strings are fastened to pegs that fit into 穴を開けるs in the arm of the 器具. This arm is curved somewhat like the prow of a boat and 挿入するd into the 詐欺師 end of the 団体／死体 of the 器具. 以前は the strings consisted of cotton fibre, but 罰金 厚かましさ／高級将校連 wire, bought at the bazaars, is now 代用品，人d for the cotton strings.(See frontispiece)
I have seen a few harps that were made of bamboo, a large section between the nodes 存在 利用するd for the 団体／死体, of which the open 味方する was covered with deerskin 延長するing 井戸／弁護士席 負かす／撃墜する along either 辛勝する／優位 and fastened with thong-lacing underneath. From one end of this 団体／死体, and 堅固に 攻撃するd to it, was an arm of 支持を得ようと努めるd, the strings 存在 strung from this across to a cleat fastened to the deerskin. This 器具 is a very resonant one. In the Pegu Hills the harps have seven strings, the upper one serving only as a stay; but さらに先に north five strings seem to be the 支配する, all 存在 tuned and played. [17-2]
The jew's-harp ("t' xe") is usually considered the women's 器具, though there is a short one played by the men. When 支持を得ようと努めるd by the 青年 with his harp, the maiden replies with her jew's- harp. This 器具 consists of a 狭くする （土地などの）細長い一片 of a bamboo a foot long and an インチ wide at one end, from which it 次第に減少するs 徐々に to a point at the other. The tongue is 削減（する） in the wider end. The 見本／標本s I have seen were 常習的な and blackened over a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and looked like ebony. Old men have told me that in the days when （警察の）手入れ，急襲s by Burman dacoits were ありふれた, the scattered Karen who were hiding in the ジャングル, 恐れるing lest some of their 敵s were still in 待ち伏せ／迎撃する, would signal to one another by playing 確かな 公式文書，認めるs on these jew's-harps. Familiar with the sounds thus produced, which were unintelligible to their enemies, they were able to find one another and come together again.
Karen Jew's harps
{(a) Men's jew's-harp. (b) Women's jew's-harp.}
A Karen Guitar
A very 原始の 肉親，親類d of guitar or fiddle ("雪解け tu") consists of three strings stretched along one 味方する of a hollow bamboo, which has long longitudinal slits on either 味方する of the strings to 放出する the sound. This 器具 may be placed with the finger like a guitar or with a 屈服する, which is nothing more than a smooth （土地などの）細長い一片 of bamboo. Nowadays the string are 厚かましさ／高級将校連 wires 直す／買収する，八百長をするd in slits at one end and held in place at the other by a cord around the バーレル／樽 of the 器具. I am told that 以前は the strings were made by cutting away the silicious surface of the bamboo and leaving a few fibres, which were then raised above the 残り／休憩（する） of the 在庫／株 by running a knife under them and 挿入するing little 封鎖するs as 橋（渡しをする）s at either end to 持つ／拘留する the strings taut.
The "paw ku" 似ているs somewhat the African xylophone and is often made by individuals from green bamboos while stopping to 残り／休憩（する） by the 道端. After they have played a few 緊張するs on it they pass on, leaving it to 乾燥した，日照りの up. It consists of eleven tubes 範囲ing from seven and one-half インチs to twenty インチs in length and from an インチ and a half to six インチs in circumference. One end of each tube is 削減（する） off square at a node of the bamboo, while the other is sharpened like a quill pen. The distance from the の近くにd end to the shank, where the 開始 begins, 変化させるs from two and one-４半期/4分の1 インチs for the tube producing the highest トン to eleven and one-half for that producing the lowest. In 新規加入 to this series, there is a base 麻薬を吸う thirteen and three-４半期/4分の1s インチs from the node to the shank and thirty-two インチs to the point. This one is an octave below the third largest tube of the series and, when played, is struck with another 麻薬を吸う, which is as long as the fifth tube of the 器具. These two are called "klo" (派手に宣伝する) and "klo a deu" (派手に宣伝する enclosure), それぞれ. The player strikes the tubes of the xylophone with small mallets whittled out of bamboo, while the bass accompaniment is played, usually by a second performer, on the "klo." The トンs are not unlike those produced by playing on different sized 瓶／封じ込めるs. (See illustrations of xylophone, below.)
The "po dwa" is an open bamboo 麻薬を吸う about a cubit in length with three or seven 穴を開けるs 負かす／撃墜する the 味方する, as the 事例／患者 may be. It is not played with the 器具 held in the position of the transverse flute or the 軍の fyfe, but in a more or いっそう少なく vertical position like the flageolet, with the notched end of the 器具 残り／休憩（する）ing against the chin just below the lips. The player blows over the notch and 安全な・保証するs the different トンs by 開始 and の近くにing the 穴を開けるs like a flute-player.
Playing the "Paw Ku" or Karen Xylophone
{The man at the 権利 is playing the bass accompaniment on the long tube,
while the other strikes the other tubes, which are all laid out in
order.}
An 展示 業績／成果 on the Xylophone
{With the tubes spread out in groups of twos and threes, the performer
has to 発揮する himself to produce his トンs.}
An 器具 of 卒業生（する）d 麻薬を吸うs, 類似の to the "Pan's 麻薬を吸うs" known の中で the 古代の Greeks, is familiar in the Tenasserim 分割. It 構成するs a number of slender bamboo tubes 範囲ing from a foot or more to three or four feet in length, bound together in a bundle by rattans. "Hpi ba" is the 指名する 適用するd to the 器具 by the Karen, who play it, with かなりの 技術 and use it frequently. It is said to be of Talain or of Siamese origin.[17-4]
Musical 得点する／非難する／２０ of a Karen 'Hta' or Poem
The Toungoo Karen, either the Ker-ko or the Padaung, make an 器具, which 示唆するs a 捕らえる、獲得する-麻薬を吸う, by 挿入するing five bamboo tubes in a gourd. The player blows into the 茎・取り除く of the gourd and fingers the 穴を開けるs in the tubes to produce the different sounds.
The wedding-horn or "kweh" has but three 公式文書，認めるs, but should be 含むd in the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of musical 器具s. It consists of a foot or more of the smaller end of a buffalo horn, or an elephant's tusk hollowed out and the tip 削減（する） off, so that a 穴を開ける the size of a pencil is left through the truncated tip, and a reed (made nowadays of a piece of tin or bas) is 挿入するd as a mouthpiece, on the concave 味方する of the curve 中途の between the two ends. The player produces different トンs by blowing or 吸い込むing through the reed and by の近くにing or 開始 the 穴を開ける in the tip with his thumb. いつかs these horns are ornamented by encircling the two ends with silver 禁止（する）d. The ivory 器具 is thought to be a choicer one than that made of buffalo horn.
派手に宣伝するs, cymbals, and gongs of Burmese 製造（する） are often 設立する nowadays in Karen villages.
DANCING
Dancing of any sort appears to be very little cultivated の中で the Karen. The practice of walking or parading around the 死体 at a funeral can hardly be called dancing, for the 関係者s do not 成し遂げる any special steps, or move in 人物／姿／数字s, or oberve time and rythm apart from the 詠唱するing of their 詩（を作る）s. No one has been able to tell me anything about dancing の中で the Sgaw Karen. 陸軍大佐 MacMahon has, however, given an account of a ball held in his 栄誉（を受ける） by the Tsaw-ku Karens in the Toungoo Hills. At this dancing party the whole company moved 今後, backward, and sideways, swaying their 武器 up and 負かす／撃墜する, except that they 延長するd them backward when they 儀礼d. The women wore a special headdress of basket-work, like a brimless hat, which was adorned with beads and the wings of green beetles. This headgear 証明するd to be a novelty, even to the member of other Karen tribes who 構成するd 陸軍大佐 MacMahon's retinue.[17-5]
BIRTH CUSTOMS
の中で the Sgaw Karen in the Pegu Hills and on the plains there appear to be but few special customs connected with the births of children. Offsprings are 願望（する）d, and a large family gives joy to the parents. A 妊娠している woman experiences but little lightening of her usual 仕事s and 作品 up to the time of her 配達／演説／出産. The 見込みのある mother is 推定する／予想するd to omit bitter herbs and fruits from her diet, as these are thought to be harmful to her; while her husband 避ける having his hair 削減（する） during her pregnancy, lest it should bring ill-luck and 縮める the life of the child.
Old women usually serve as midwives and are いつかs believed to 所有する かなりの 技術 in 補佐官ing 配達／演説／出産, although they are without special training for the 機能（する）／行事 they 成し遂げる. Custom is too 深く，強烈に ingrained for them to 利益（をあげる） much from their own experience. They 訴える手段／行楽地 to massage to 急いで the birth, and in stubborn 事例／患者s they tread upon the abdomen to 追放する the foetus. They believe in 補佐官ing nature rather than in letting nature take its own course, even in normal 事例／患者s. For her services the midwife receives a rupee and a bundle of 乾燥した，日照りのd bark for the 準備 of a 長，率いる-washing 解答 ("t' yaw"). She uses the 解答 to 妨げる the 爆発 of some sort of itching 肌-病気, after which she anoints herself with sandal 支持を得ようと努めるd. In 事例／患者 the 配達／演説／出産 should be 異常な, the midwife would receive 二塁打 給料. If the labors are unduly 長引かせるd and she can not bring things to pass, she sends for a soothsayer or a 薬／医学-man, who usually give the 苦しむing woman little else than a cup of charmed water ("hti th' mu").
When a woman dies before the child is 配達するd, it must be 抽出するd before the funeral 儀式s are 成し遂げるd. In 事例／患者 this can not be conveniently done at the time, the 操作／手術 is 延期するd until the 団体／死体 is carried to the place of 燃やすing or burial the foetus 存在 then 除去するd through an incision in the abdomen. This 操作／手術 is thought necessary, ーするために 妨げる the reincarnation of the spirit of the woman from having a deformity in the abdomen.
If the child 生き残るs its birth, the umbilical cord and the placenta are wrapped in a cloth or placed in a bamboo 共同の, and buried in the ground or hung up in a tree. If the latter disposition is made of them, a large tree of one of the hardiest varieties is selected for the 目的, in order that the babe may 伸び（る） strength therefrom.
Soon after the child is born offerings are 現在のd to the spirit, and a string is tied around the child's wrist to keep its "k' la" from 存在 enticed away. In some 事例／患者s the cord is tied around the neck and loins 同様に as the wrist. These threads may be of scarlet to dazzle the 注目する，もくろむs of the demons and 妨げる their seeing the "k'la" of the 幼児.[18-1] In Toungoo it is also customary to 供給する new cooking マリファナs, water buckets, mats, knives, and a new ladder to the house, to （判決などを）下す it more difficult for the spirits to find the child. の中で the Brecs the husband goes into seclusion for seven days, during which he must speak to no one. He alone cares for the mother and child. Nobody is permitted to enter the house. の中で the Padaungs the period of the husband's 退職 is a month, and during a month and a half the whole family must live on rice roasted in bamboo 共同のs, boiled rice 存在 tabu. Although the 村人s may not speak to the couple, the women are 推定する／予想するd to brew a special アルコール飲料 for their use during this period.[18-2] It is usual in these tribes for father and child to 成し遂げる in pantomine the work that the child will be 推定する／予想するd to do when it grows up. For example, the child's 手渡す is put to a miniature 売春婦, with which the father strikes the ground. Dr. Mason speaks of this as taking place when the father returns from 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing of the placenta, but Dr. （船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕 言及するs to it as coming later, when the father 持つ／拘留するs a feast for the child.[18-3] On the third day after the birth the father goes on a 追跡（する）ing 探検隊／遠征隊, the 結果 of which is thought to 示す the 親族 success of the child's life. On the father's return from the 追跡（する） the child is bathed to 除去する all spiritual defilement from it, その結果 the father waves a splint of bamboo downwards over the 幼児's arm, as if fanning him and says: "Fan away all illness, 失敗, stupidity, and wretchedness." Then faning 上向きs, he says: "Fan on all 繁栄, health, and 力／強力にする." After this he 関係 a thread on the child's arm and gives it the 指名する that he and the mother have chosen for it.
の中で the Sgaw Karen I find that no special 指名するing customs 存在する. However, によれば our Western ideas, a curious 選択 of 指名するs 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs. One little girl was called 行方不明になる 雷鳴 because, as was explained to me by her father, she was born at the time of a thundred 嵐／襲撃する. The 指名する of a personal peculiarity, a color, an ancestor (特に of one who was 繁栄する or powerful), a flower, an animal, or a month may serve as a personal 指名する. I know of men who 耐える such 指名するs as Tiger, Eel, 政治家 星／主役にする, Gladness, Yellow, Teacher-come (the person with this last 指名する was born on the day a missionary first visited his village), besides many other 平等に 半端物.
愛称s are in vogue の中で Karen children, as they are の中で their fellows in the Western 半球. 愛称s of a special class are those given by parents to disguise their love of, and their satisfaction in, their offspring, ーするために keep the demons away from the latter. Such 指名するs 示唆する the parental contempt, and 欠如（する） of affection in the hope of deceiving the evil spirits into thinking that the parents can not be 負傷させるd through the 傷害 or loss of their children. This practice is illustrated by 指名するs like Stink-マリファナ, Rotten-fish, Lame-dog, etc., which often stick to men through life.[18-4]
Although boys are much more 願望（する）d than girls, the latter are not mistreated or abandoned, as they are in 中国 and other Oriental countries. The Karen 所有する a かなりの degree of parental affection. Only in extreme danger, as 以前は in the 事例／患者 of （警察の）手入れ，急襲s, would parents 砂漠 a 女性（の） child. My 観察 is that Karen parents are too indulgent to their children and do not 演習 as much 支配（する）／統制する over them as would be good for them. Twins are not uncommon の中で these people, and triplets are not unknown. Twins are considered as having only one "k'la" between them. If one of the pair dies, the 早期に death of the other is 恐れるd. Its wrist is, therefore, carefuly tied with a cord, and every 警戒 is taken to 妨げる the escape of the "k'la." I 推定する that triplets are also thought to 株 the "k'la" の中で them, but I am not sure as I have not made 調査 関心ing such 事例／患者s.
It is ありふれた for Karen women in Lower Burma who are 回復するing from child-birth, to 観察する the custom that 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs の中で the Burmese, すなわち, to have a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 on an improvised hearth or in a brasier 始める，決める 近づく the mat on which they 嘘（をつく）. The first is kept 燃やすing 絶えず for several days or a week after their confinement, to 補助装置 them in 回復するing their strength. The hotter their rooms are kept, the more quickly they are supposed to 回復する their strength.
CHILDHOOD
The period of childhood is a short one の中で the Karen.[18-5] The baby 早期に …を伴ってs its mother on her 旅行s from place to place or to work, slung on her 支援する by means of an old 一面に覆う／毛布 or skirt. When she puts the 幼児 負かす／撃墜する, she improvises a hammock out of this cloth by tying ropes to its corners and swinging it from the rafters of the house or the little hut in the field or from the 支店s of a tree. When the child grows a little older he plays about, while his mother is at work; and when he goes with her he rides on her hip. She does not always give up carrying her first child on the arrival of the second. More than once I have seen a mother struggling along with a smaller child on her 支援する and a larger one astride of her hip.
The play of Karen children, more than that of the little folk of more 前進するd races, is imitative of the work of their 年上のs. With little in the way of toys they gather a few bits of broken jars, which the girls 利用する to cook rice in. The boys induce their father or some other male 親族 to make for them miniature 屈服するs and arrows, slings, and spears with which they 攻撃する，非難する dogs and crows, 同様に as small game along the 辛勝する／優位 of the ジャングル （疑いを）晴らすing. Streams afford places for them to play in the water or try for fish. With the 次第に損なう of the banyan (bird-lime) smeared on a bamboo othey may catch a crow for a pet. They tie together two bamboos, plantain 在庫／株s, or 黒人／ボイコット 瓶／封じ込めるs and lead them about as a yoke of oxen, and in さまざまな ways manage to get a good 取引，協定 of fun out of the few years elapsing before they have to assume their 株 of the labor in the field and the village.
A Child Riding on Its Mother's Hip
{The youngester does not like to 直面する the camera so 井戸／弁護士席 as his mother.
He is riding on her hip, which is the ありふれた method of carrying child all
through the Orient. A silver earring can be seen in the mother's 権利
ear.}
Girls and young maidens are 早期に trained to 補助装置 their mothers, 特に in carrying up the water needed for 国内の uses. Their imitative play is, therefore, 大部分は 充てるd to doing some of the things they see their mothers do. Besides this play at house-keeping they have other pastimes. Thus, when they hear the repeated calls, "tauk-te, tauk-te, tauk-te," of the ubiquitous "gecko" or spotted lizard, which lives in hollow trees and いつかs in the houses, they count off "richman, poorman, beggarman, どろぼう," etc., in the playful 試みる／企てる to discover to which of these groups their 未来 husbands will belong, just as maidens in English-speaking countries count the petals of a daisy for the same 目的. They 参加する in running games, such as "tag," repeating rhymes in counting out the players and choosing the one who is to be "it." When the players are about to be counted out, they all squat on the ground 近づく the one who is to say over the ditty, with their 権利 握りこぶしs 延長するd in a circle. She strikes each 握りこぶし as she utters a syllable, and the one whose 手渡す is struck at the final word becomes the new leader or 犠牲者 in the game.
There are many of these ditties in use by the children, some of which are composed of words which 初めは may have had meanings that are now lost, while some may be 簡単に a string of resonant syllables like our own "eeny, meeny, miny, mo." One of these rhymes, which was written 負かす／撃墜する for me in the Pegu Hills, runs as follows:
"T' ku, hki ku, paw ta lu, saw maw ku ku li, lu t' re, maw ku ta aw yu."
Others, however, take the form of a narrative, for example, the に引き続いて which speaks of a Burmese Buddhist 修道士 ("pongyi"), an 反対する of terror to the Karen children. Hence, they say;
"Hop kyi klo hko neu weh lo Leh aw hsa leu ta lu hko. Pla wa 法律 teh, hseh ba a hko."
Translated, this reads:
"The 'pongyi' with の近くに shaven 長，率いる, miserably hungry, Went to eat his food on the 山の尾根. The unpoisoned arrow 落ちるs and pierces his 長，率いる."
The children have other little songs which they use in play as, for instance, when in the villages on the plains they run on the スピードを出す／記録につけるs laid from house to house to serve as walks during the 強い雨s. One of their 詩（を作る）s is:
"Paw paw to me 法律 ten to di do."
Another 見解／翻訳／版 of this is:
"Paw paw pgha me 法律 teh pgha di do."
The translation of the former is:
"Walk, walk the 橋（渡しをする）. If it 落ちるs the bigger it is," meaning the bigger the 橋（渡しをする）, the greater the 落ちる. The （判決などを）下すing of the latter is:
"Walk, walk, the bigger the man, the greater the 落ちる."
When playing with the chickens, children いつかs catch one of them and pretend to 激しく揺する it to sleep, droning the while:
"Hsaw hpo, mi, mi. N' mo n' pa leh hsu Yo. Heh ke so ne na p' theh tha wa ko lo. Aw gha lo gha lo. Me aw, hsaw hpo."
The translation of this runs:
"Sleep, sleep, little chick, Your mother and father have gone to Shanland. They will come 支援する, bring you a 供給（する） of white betel-nuts. You can eat them one by one. Sleep, little chick."
Both boys and girls play with the seeds of the 巨大（な） creeper ("maw keh"). These seeds, which are often two インチs in 直径, look much like flattened horse-chestnuts or buckeyes. They come from the enormous pods, a yard or more in length, of the vine, Estada pusoetha, which grows a hundred yards or over along the 最高の，を越すs of the forest trees.[18-6] The games in which these seeds are used are played in the 乾燥した，日照りの season. An even number of players is 要求するd, divided into two equal groups or "味方するs." Each 味方する must have the same number of seeds, which are made to stand on their 辛勝する／優位s by 存在 始める，決める in grooves in the hard earth. The 列／漕ぐ／騒動s thus formed are from eight to ten feet apart, （許可，名誉などを）与えるing to the age of the children playing. One player begins by spinning a "shooter' at the opposite 列／漕ぐ／騒動, 目的（とする）ing to knock 負かす／撃墜する one or more of the nuts in it. Whether he 後継するs or not, his 対抗者 takes his turn, and the players thus shoot alternately 支援する and 前へ／外へ, until one 列／漕ぐ／騒動 or the other is 完全に knocked over. The winning 味方する is, of course, the one that first 破壊するs the other's 列／漕ぐ／騒動.
In another game played with these seeds the two 味方するs are again equal in the number of players. However, only those on one 味方する 始める，決める up their seeds, while each of those on the other has one shooter, which he spins in turn at the 列／漕ぐ／騒動. If he 攻撃する，衝突するs one or more of the nuts, he 勝利，勝つs them. When he knocks 負かす／撃墜する all the seed of his 即座の 対抗者, he changes places with him. If he does not 後継する in knocking all of them over, using as shooters all of the seeds he may have own, he changes places and 始める，決めるs up the seeds that he had at the beginning of the game. いつかs these games are played by the children while squatting on the ground, but often the boy who is 狙撃 will snap his seeds while sitting astride the 支援する of another boy, after the manner of playing "ride the pony," which is いつかs indulged in by European boys.
Karen 青年s are accustomed to try their strength in ボクシング, though it is more 適切に 格闘するing. 特に in the Moulmein 地区 is this developed as an art and the Karens there are という評判の to be the best レスラーs in the country, so much so that even the Burmans 譲歩する their 優越. The contest is a sort of catch- as-catch-can 事件／事情／状勢, in which the 反対する is not to throw the 対抗者 but to scratch him so as to draw 血. The first 減少（する） of 血 showing on a contestant means that he has lost the match. There seems to be few 支配するs, for 手渡すs and feet are used indiscriminately. This art appears to have been practiced for a long time, for John Crawfurd in his 定期刊行物, in 1827 says that "a Karyen 小作農民 was 認めるd a village in perpetuity by the King [of Burma] on account of his peculiar 技術 in ボクシング. He was to teach the 青年 of this village his noble art."[18-7] This 小作農民 seems to have come from Bassein.
In the 早期に days it appears that a young man did not marry until he was twenty-five or thirty years of age. His parents, deciding that it was about time for him to have a wife, either arranged with the parents of some maiden or, as was more often the 事例／患者, confided in some friendly 年上の and ゆだねるd the 事柄 to him. If they has a preference, they made it known; but no infrequently the 調停者 was permitted to select whomsoever he might think best. It made no difference whether the young persons had ever met or not. When the 支配する was broached to them, they usually 同意d; but if they 辞退するd, as they seem to have done いつかs, the 提案するd 協定 was dropped. The 調停者 in such an 事件／事情／状勢 was known as the "t' lo pa."
Up to a 世代 or two ago marriage between a Karen and a member of another race was altogether tabu. This explains why the Karen have 持続するd their traditions and their social 団結 to so remarkable a degree. Moreover, it was an almost invariable 支配する の中で the Karen that the young woman should belong to the same tribe as the 青年. Even to this day one who marries into another tribe is looked at a little askance and is spoken of as having married outside. ("pgha htaw leu hko"). It was not uncommon for 親族s, usually second or third cousins, to 結婚する. First cousins very rarely married. In Shewegyin if a girl was a 親族 of the man, she must belong to his 世代, that is, they must be first, second, or third cousins, as the 事例／患者 might be. She might be an inhabitant of the same village as her spouse or of another. While it was more ありふれた for the parents of the young man to begin the 交渉s for a wedding, it was not a rare occurence for the parents of a girl of marriageable age to begin them.
Child betrothals are not uncommon in the 早期に days. Two families, who were on very intimate 条件 and desirous of 長引かせるing their intimay 無期限に／不明確に, would arrange to have their children marry. Even young couples, who as yet had no children, would agree that, if 好意d by fortune, a marriage should take place between their hoped-for offspring, although such an 協定 might be made at any time during the growth of the children. Such a patct was considered 堅固に binding on those 関心d. The children might or might not be told of the 協定. Later on, at any 率, the 青年 would learn of it; and it was 推定する／予想するd, when the proper time （機の）カム, that he would 捜し出す out his betrothed, even if she was then living in a distant village. Thra Than Bya tells of a couple who were thus affianced while living on the banks of the Irrawaddy River. During hard times the girl's parents 除去するd from one place to another, until at length they settled 近づく Moulmein. When the 青年 had reached man's 広い地所, his father told him of his 約束／交戦 and sent him to 捜し出す his betrothed. Knowing only her 指名する and that of her father, he traced them from village to village until, arriving at the place where they then dwelt, the 長，指導者 確認するd the fact and 同意d to the young man's entering into a rhyming contest with the maiden, when she should arrive at the feast that was 存在 held there. Retiring into the ジャングル, the 青年 got himself up in disheveled array, returned, and 演説（する）／住所d the damsel in poetic language, explaining 簡潔に his 使節団. She repelled his attentions; but he 固執するd, 説 that she belonged to him by 権利 of their childhood betrothal. Thereupon she besought her parents to save her from such an 望ましくない husband. They 課すd the 条件 that she should より勝る him in the rhyming contest. Failing in the 試みる／企てる, she humbled herself and 招待するd him to her house, where her parents proceeded to celebrate her wedding with a 広大な／多数の／重要な feast.[19-1]
Feasts, 特に funeral-feasts, were the occasion at which 青年s and maidens met. They used to go to such 集会s in companies, each with its leader who was 技術d in reciting or extemporizing simple 詩（を作る）s. 存在 thus thrown together, couples often became engaged, 誓約（する）ing themselves in 詩（を作る）s like the に引き続いて:
青年: "I 約束 you, you 約束 me.
We have 約束d each other."
Maiden: "After you have 約束d me and do not come,
Cotton will grow on your 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な.
If you agree and do not come,
米，稲 will grow over your tomb."
青年: "We are 誓約（する）ing each other before the dead.
We shall not be worthy of offspring."
If later during the same festival either one of the pair wished to break the betrothal, they 演説（する）／住所d each other in 詩（を作る）, 説;
"We 約束 each other in rhyme. Now let us speak 詩（を作る） again. May evil not come upon us, Or upon our 子孫s."
Such 詩（を作る）s are called "hta thi kwaw" Unless an 約束／交戦 thus made was broken off the same night, the young man was under 義務 to send a 調停者 to arrange for the wedding within a short time. If he failed to keep his 誓約（する）, his strength to resist an evil charm ("so"), would lapse, and he would go, it was thought, into a 拒絶する／低下する.
Many of these practices still 得る の中で the Karen in the 辺ぴな hill-country; and in choosing a bride no step would be taken without divination by the customary method of 検査／視察するing the chicken bones, except in the 事例／患者 of the betrothals 影響d by the young people themselves at the funeral-feasts. It いつかs happens that a young man, seeing a maiden who attracts him, について言及するs the circumstance to his parents, who 認可する his choice and send a 調停者 to her parents with an 申し込む／申し出 of marriage. As the services of a confidant are 要求するd sooner or later in nearly all 事例／患者s, the omens are 協議するd and must 証明する 都合のよい before he proceeds on his 使節団.[19-2] If on his way he should chance on anything that is inauspicious, such as the gliding of a snake across his path, the barking of a deer, or the 報告（する）／憶測 of a death, he will return home. さもなければ, he continues his 旅行 to the house of the young woman's parents. The conversation that takes place there is carried on in 詩（を作る） characterized by 人物／姿／数字s of speech which 示唆する, but do not 明言する／公表する explicitly, the 目的 for which the 調停者 （機の）カム. On entering the house, he sighs, perhaps, and 発言／述べるs that he is in a trying position. The parents 問い合わせ what the 事柄 is, and he answers with a couplet:
"Give me a white pullet, And I shall feel better."
The parents apprehend that he is asking for their daughter. If not ready to give her in mariage, they may answer:
"This white pullet we have but raised; Never once has she cackled."
The Friends of the Bridegroom
{Except for the 青年 with the wedding horn, they are using Burmese
器具s on which they are practicing 準備の to the wedding
儀式 on the morrow.}
The hint is 十分な, and the 調停者 敏速に makes his adieu in plainer speech:
"You have not received me. Do not revile me. The 青年's parents will keep their son. You did not 同意, but you spoke kindly, As for me, I am not discouraged."
In 事例／患者, however, the parents are 好意的に inclined, but are in 疑問 as to who the young man may be, knowing that their 報知係 has a son of his own, they ask him:
"Do you come on your own 脚s,
Or on those of another?"
He replies:
"On the 脚s of another."
Or they may be uncertain as to whether he ーするつもりであるs his 申し込む／申し出 of marriage for their maiden daughter or the older one, an 適格の young 未亡人. So they ask him:
"Are you crossing a flat 橋（渡しをする） or a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する one?"
The 表現 "flat 橋（渡しをする）" 言及するs to the young 未亡人, the other to the maiden. A "一連の会議、交渉／完成する 橋（渡しをする）" is a スピードを出す／記録につける, for in the ジャングル a 橋（渡しをする） is 一般的に nothing more than a スピードを出す／記録につける. A flat 橋（渡しをする） is one made of planks. The significance of the two 表現s as 適用するd by the parentes is obscure to me, but is 支配する to several 解釈／通訳s. If there should be two unmarried daughters in the family, both 適格の, the parents would 問い合わせ:
"Have you come for a basket of rice
Or only for a mortarful?"
The basket, 存在 the larger receptacle 言及するs to the older and, 推定では, larger maiden.[19-3]
During his first call the 調停者 does not 推定する／予想する to 進歩 far in his 交渉s. If he has been 好意的に received, the family may kill a chicken and 招待する him to eat with them. He 出発／死s without knowing what the 結果 will be, and the parents find an 早期に 適切な時期 to get the 同意 of their unmarried daughter to become a married woman ("mu pgha").
On his second visit a few days later the intermediary may find the father sitting at the 前線 of the house and probably overhears him call out to the mother at one of her 仕事s within: "Here comes that male buffalo. Shall we tether him or let him go?" If she shouts 支援する: "We might 同様に tether him," he knows that his 提案 will be 受託するd. Even should she reply to the contrary, the 報知係 would enter the house and 支払う／賃金 his visit but would make no 言及／関連 to the 反対する of the call. This whole 手続き illustrates not only a Karen, but also an Oriental, trait of character. The Oriental 取引，協定s in indirect methods, rather than run the 危険 of 説 something disagreeable.
Realizing that his 使節団 is not in vain, the intermediary enters the house of the 見込みのある bride's parents in joyous mood, 公正に／かなり shouting the Karen 見解／翻訳／版 of "tra-la-la," which is is "traw-le, wa-le, 売春婦-o-o." They sit 負かす／撃墜する and discuss the mater. Then the parent kill a fowl or a pig, and the guest stays for dinner in 記念品 that the 取引 is 調印（する）d. After the date for the wedding-feast has been 始める，決める, the intermediary returns to the young man's family and 報告（する）／憶測s his success. As a 支配する the time of the feast is 直す／買収する，八百長をするd by the maiden's parents, but it is いつかs 決定するd by the 青年's family.
The only month that is tabu for wedding-feasts is "La plu" (December). This is the month when the moon is most often （太陽，月の）食／失墜d (swallowed by the dogs). To many the month seems as though it were killed and is, therefore, regarded as inauspicious for new life. Others say that it is the mouth when neither birds nor animals mate, and that it is unwise for men to 請け負う to start a new 世帯. The favorite months for marriages are March and April in the 乾燥した，日照りの season, because the 収穫 is past, the 天候 is good, and there is plenty to eat and drink. The date of the wedding must 落ちる during the waxing of the moon, which augurs an 増加するing family. This important point 存在 settled, the 見込みのある bride busies herself いっそう少なく with the 準備 of her own trousseau than with the weaving of a 始める，決める of new 衣料品s for her 未来 husband, 含むing a white turban, a white 一面に覆う／毛布 with a red （土地などの）細長い一片 running through it lengthwise, and, in the olden days, a "hse plo" or 選び出す／独身 smock. The maiden's family 準備する the rice, fish-paste, pork, and アルコール飲料 for the feast. The 見込みのある groom has only to make for himself a horn to be blown at the festivities. On the plains and in those places in the hills where each family has its separate house, a booth or "k'la pyeh" is built の近くに at 手渡す for the wedding-feasts.[19-4] This structure must be so placed as to have its 入り口 に向かって the tail of the "p'yo" or 広大な／多数の／重要な dragon of the Karens. Not long ago I saw such a booth, which was enclosed on three 味方するs and had a small open 入り口 to the east. The south 味方する was 完全に open. 接近 to the structure was had through the east door and 出口 from the south 味方する. The dragon was supposed at the time to be lying with its 長，率いる to the west and its tail to the east.
With the 近づく approach of the wedding-day the friends of the groom gather at this village, blowing horns, （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing on gongs and 派手に宣伝するs, striking cymbals, and 詠唱するing "htas." 早期に on the wedding-morn ever one is astir. The rice is cooked and eaten by sunrise and, to an accompaniment of all the noisy 器具s and with shouting and singing, the party 始める，決めるs 前へ／外へ. In the olden days, when the precepts of the 年上のs were 厳密に 観察するd, there was much drinking of アルコール飲料 and boisterous sport on such occasion, but withal a 確かな decorum was not altogether 欠如（する）ing by 推論する／理由 of the 停止（させる）ing of the 行列 from 行う／開催する／段階 to 行う／開催する／段階 and the reciting of appropriate 詩（を作る）s. As the party is ready to leave the village they sing:
"To-day is a good day.
We shall see a maiden as fair as cotton-wool.
This is indeed a good day.
We shall behold one as fair as a cotton boll."
On setting forh, they do not overlook the unmarried girls of the village:
"Here you have not loved me.
Listen to my wedding-horns blowing yonder.
Remain here. You have not esteemed me.
Watch us 出発／死 with our horns blowing"
On the 旅行 they sing:
"The wedding is timed at the coming of the ネズミs.
Unless death intrudes, we shall 栄える.
The marriage takes place when the rodent are here.
Unless death comes, we shall work and be happy."[19-5]
As they approach the bride's village a party 迎える／歓迎するs them:
"The 'the kaw' blossoms in the dark of the moon.
The moon waxes and 病弱なs.
The 'the kaw' blossoms in the 十分な of the moon.
The moon 増加するs and 拒絶する／低下するs."[19-6]
The above stanza 言及するs to the maidens, still unmarried, who are waiting from one moon to the next. The groom replies:
"The mountains are 広大な／多数の／重要な and lofty.
My 願望（する） brought me, panting.
Recking with sweat on the 非常に高い hills,
My passion brought me, leaping and bounding.
I was wretched. I only 信用d.
Whether good or bad the omens, come I would."
The whole company now enters the village, and its members are 申し込む／申し出d drink. 一方／合間, the young men shout:
"You have 推定する／予想するd a company.
Can you feast such a company as we?
You 招待するd a （人が）群がる.
Can you spread a feast for all of us?"
The hosts disclaim making any 準備 for the company:
"There is nothing to eat.
Let us 訴える手段／行楽地 together to the betel-box.
As yet we have nothing else.
Let us partake from the bamboo betel-box."
But the guests will not be 満足させるd with betel chewing only:
"Boils for us. Brew our drink.
料金d us the white progeny of the マリファナ.[19-7]
The 手渡す raises food and drink,
And the heart is 満足させるd."
The women now 主張する that with little or no 米，稲 they can do nothing:
"Have you not looked at the 供給（する） of 米，稲?
We women can 準備する neither rice nor アルコール飲料.
Have you not seen the 米，稲?
We can neither cook rice nor brew アルコール飲料."
But the young men do not relax their 需要・要求するs:
"Bring out your distilling 麻薬を吸う.
That you have 非，不，無, we do not believe.
Come プロの／賛成のd us with your distilling tube.
That you 欠如（する） one, we are not 納得させるd."
At length, the women 同意 to 供給（する） what they have:
"We have nothing 価値（がある） bringing to serve you, But will fetch it, as ordered, though we 苦しむ."
In some instances the intermediary 行為／法令／行動するs as master of 儀式s for the young men, although they may choose another 年上の to serve as their leader. In Shwegyin, when the wedding party is about half-way to the village of the 見込みのある bride, the 年上のs 停止（させる） the young men and 教える them in the proprieties of the approaching occasion, reminding them that they are going to a strange village where they will be entertained as guests. The hosts will serve them with rice and spirits. The 年上のs remind them that the rice アルコール飲料 that will be 供給するd has been twice boiled and would intoxicate a horse or an elephant. They, therefore, advise moderation, telling them also not to hear any evil that may be spoken of them, to remain seated though others stand, to continue reclining though others sit up, to answer mildly though others speak 概略で, and not to strike 支援する should others 非難する them in the 直面する. The 年上のs 要求する the company to say definitely that they will remember their advice, その結果 each one breaks a twig from a tree to be placed in a pile on the ground in 記念品 of the 約束 of all to 行為／行う themselves 適切に and keep the peace.
A few years ago I visited a village in the Pegu Yomas at the time of a wedding. In the room of the bride's family they were 準備するing 量s of rice and curries. However, no アルコール飲料 was in 証拠. The bride herself was busy carrying water almost to the moment that the horns sounded at the village gate. The new 着せる／賦与するing for the groom was 残り／休憩（する）ing upon the beam over the door. Now and again the horns and gongs could be heard in the distance. A party arriving from a village to the north waited outside the gate, ーするために 避ける the impropriety of 先行する the groom's party, which was coming from across the valley, as the sounds reaching us from time to time from that direction 知らせるd us. As the groom's retinue 上がるd the hill, the waiting 代表 あられ／賞賛するd them with the din of their 器具s, the other （人が）群がる giving vent in 返答 with a 容積／容量 of noise that showed them to be still unexhausted by the 上がるing of the hill. 簡潔な／要約する intervals of silence followed by intermittent shouts and 爆破s of the horns 示すd that the groom and his party were 存在 welcomed by the 年上のs.
The Bridegroom's Company Entering the Bride's Village
{Notice the young women leaving the house as they are entering
it.}
The Wedding Party
{They are keeping still for a few minutes to have their photograph
taken.}
As the 行列 again moved 今後, we could catch glimpses of the red-国境d smocks or "hse plos" of th men. On their nearer approach we could see the 年上のs in the lead, followed by the married women and after them the groom …に出席するd by his party of young men. They now advancd along the 狭くする paths by twos and threes with their 武器 around each other, jumping and frolicing as they （機の）カム. The 有望な colors of their 衣装s were accentuated by the 有望な red 捕らえる、獲得するs slung over their shoulders and the long tassels hanging from these. The large silver earrings adorned the 高く弓形に打ち返すs of their ears, which were その上の decorated by bits of red and yellow wool or by beads. The women wore ひどく beaded smocks above their richly colored skirts, 非常に／多数の chains of silver and glass beads, and red and white turbans. 一方／合間, the horns were emitting 補欠／交替の／交替する short and long トンs of reedy timbre. When the guests began to gather at the foot of the ladder, a boy was there with a jar of water from which the ぱらぱら雨d the feet of each one as he 上がるd into the house. Shouts of "traw le-o, traw le-o" mingled with the 公式文書，認めるs of the horns as the groom 前進するd to the doorway of his bride's parents. Here he was met, by two young men, neither of whom had lost a parent (such is the 必要物／必要条件 of the occasion), who 注ぐd the contents of two bamboo water 共同のs over him, 完全に drenching him. They then 補助装置d him to don the new 衣料品s 供給するd for him by his betrothed.[19-8] The din produced by the merry-製造者s by no means 中止するd when they had entered the house. Indeed, it only seemed to 増加する, 存在 punctuated now and then with a shout which served as a signal for the （人が）群がる to jump up and 負かす／撃墜する on the plain bamboo 床に打ち倒す, shaking the whole building until it seemed ready to 崩壊（する）.
一方／合間, the bride had long since retired into obscurity in a 後部 room. Any glimpse of her called 前へ／外へ all the noise the （人が）群がる was 有能な of. In Karen weddings, as in most Oriental nuptials, the bride keeps herself in the background as much as possible. I once asked to see the bride at a wedding on the plains and was told that she was 支援する in the darkest part of the room. I remember that I gazed intently but was not able to discern her.
The groom in his wedding-array 占領するd himself in cutting in two-yard lengths a long piece of white muslin and 分配するing these for tubans to the male 親族s of the bride. On request the 長，指導者 of the village permitted the young men to visit the different rooms of the village-house, for the 目的 of meery-making under such 制限s as he saw fit to 課す. After that they 静かなd 負かす／撃墜する for the 残りの人，物 of the day, spending most of their time in chewing betel, telling stories, and amusing themselves in other ways. Many of them went apart into a room to sleep, having had little 残り／休憩（する） the night before.
When a wedding is about to take place in a village nearly all the young women of the place disappear, leaving the day before the event for a visit to another village or retiring into the ジャングル. The bolder ones may remain, but spend their time under the houses or in the deeper 影をつくる／尾行するs.
After 不明瞭 has come on and the party has finished the evening meal, the young men make the 一連の会議、交渉／完成する of the village, 追跡（する）ing for any of the girls who have had the temerity to remain. Those who are caught are 支配するd to good-natured badgering and perhaps to pretended 誘拐. Shouting, the noise of the 器具s, and the 非難するs on the 床に打ち倒す and 味方するs of the house with bamboos 分裂（する） at open end into six or eight （土地などの）細長い一片s, …を伴って this 追跡（する） for the maidens. Such sport does not degenerate into ill-治療 of the girls, if they are caught, even though the men have indulged in アルコール飲料; but the fun is 確かな to be kept up all night, and いつかs the scant partitions between the living-rooms of the village families are 除去するd, with the 許可 of the 長，指導者, to enable the 訪問者s to 循環させる the more 自由に throughout the village-house.
の中で the Shwegin Karen a 痕跡 of wife-購入（する） appears to have 生き残るd. I am told that as night comes on the intermediary and the visiting 年上のs place a jacket and skirt on a winnowing-tray and carry them to the parents of the bride as "ta k'ner" or "things that will 勝利，勝つ." The 地元の 年上のs, who are 現在の with the parents, 拒絶する／低下する to 受託する the 衣料品s as 存在 of too little value. The intermediary retires to return with some 追加するd articles--a headdress, bracelets, and beads. The parents and village 年上のs are not yet 満足させるd, and the intermediary has to 追加する a silver 長，率いる-禁止（する）d, earrings, and a lump of silver to the things on his tray, before he is regarded as 申し込む／申し出ing a 十分な price. A 瓶／封じ込める of アルコール飲料 is now brought out and drunk by way of 調印（する）ing the 取引, and the village 年上のs 発表する that "the price is paid." の中で these same people, it is customary for the 年上のs, on the morning of the second day of the wedding-feasts, to send the bridegroom and his young men out on a 追跡（する）. The game taken must be brought 支援する by the groom on his own shoulders and carried by him to the house of the bride. This 追跡（する） is his last with his fellows and his first foraging 探検隊／遠征隊 for the 世帯 he is 設立するing.
On the last evening of the feasts a 儀式 used to be 成し遂げるd that is rarely seen nowadays. I have been 知らせるd that it was the main part of the marriage-feasts, signifying the 部隊ing of husband and wife. Its 指名する was "Hpo nya mo, hpo nya pa," and meant "Children tease mother; Children tease father." For this 儀式 the bride 用意が出来ている a cock and a 女／おっせかい屋, which were boiled whole, and she also cooked a マリファナ of rice. These were placed in the inner room of the house. Thither the groom was 護衛するd to his bride in the evening by his attendants, who 詠唱するd:
"Go, 護衛する the husband to the maiden. The mother looks on with smiles. The wild buffalo shall enter."[19-9] Tell the father to fasten the door Lead the young man to her room. Let no one （性的に）いたずらする him. Take in the 青年. Leave him undisturbed."
Aftter the groom had seated himself 近づく his bride, the rice and fowls were 始める，決める before them. Each in turn took sparingly of the food, while the company looked on until the bride raised a morsel to her lips, when they shouted "Hpo nya mo! Hpo nya pa!" and began to 緊急発進する for the chickens, which they pulled to pieces and therew at the women. The latter returned the ボレー with shouts of "Hpo nya mo! Hyo nya ma!" This "teasing" of the 未来 parents and throwing 捨てるs of chicken at one another is said to have betokened the 相互の 表現 of good wishes for 増加するing families for all those 参加するing in the 儀式. The groom was then 護衛するd 支援する to the booth or the guest-room, where he spent the night with his friends.
Returning from our digressions in the 先行する three paragraphs, the 村人s 早期に on the second morning of the wedding 儀式s 準備する a feast of rice and chicken curry for their guests. Not いっそう少なく than two young roosters or two pullets are used in the 準備 of this final feast, every part of the fowls 存在 cooked, even the intestines, which have been carefully cleaned. Bits of stewed plantain stalks are 含むd in the dish, inasmuch as the prolific nature of this 工場／植物 is supposed to be communicated to those partaking of its, thus 保証するing the large families 願望（する）d. A 共同の of bamboo 十分な of アルコール飲料 is also brought out. The bride and groom must then 下落する their fingers into the アルコール飲料 and the food, while calling out "Pru-r-r k'la, heh ke" ("Pru-r-r k'la, come 支援する"), two or three times. The 年上のs now shout: "This day you twain, husband and wife, have become one spirit. May God take care of you. May the Just One watch over you, May the powerful Thi Hko Mu Xa (Lord of the demons) 保護物，者 you. May you have strength to work and 伸び（る） your 暮らし. May you sleep in peace and eat the fruits of the land. May you have long life, ten children, and one hundred grandchildren." The 年上のs next 演説（する）／住所 the "k'la," as follow: "Pru-r-r k'la, return, retun. Do not stay in the ジャングル. Behold your place here. Do not leave it. Go not away. Look at your own room. See your own place." A morsel of the rice, together with the heart and 肺s of the fowls, is then placed upon the 長，率いるs of the bridal pair, and the guests proceed to eat the 残りの人，物 of the feast, finishing it before sunrise.
Thus far the intermediary has passed through the marriage 祝賀 with the consideration on all 手渡すs belonging to one who has 行為／行うd 首尾よく the 交渉s between the parents of the groom and those of the bride. He has been the groom's personal attendant, has carried his 主要な／長／主犯's few worldly goods to the bride's house for, as の中で the 古代の Hebrews, the young man leaves his father and mother to become a member of his wife's family. But now the intermediary finds himself suddenly 奪うd of his position of 尊敬（する）・点 and becomes the butt of the night's fun. The foot of a pig killed for the feast is tied about his neck with a rattan, and its 長，率いる is 始める，決める upon a 地位，任命する of the house for him to bark at for the sport of the guests.[19-10] If he could 解除する the 長，率いる 負かす／撃墜する from the 地位，任命する, it became his 所有／入手. His success in 遂行するing this was said to symbolize his 技術 in finding a suitable wife for his friend, which was に例えるd to the scent of the old Karen 追跡（する）ing dogs ("htwi maw seh") in the chase. The guests now take their 出発 for their several villages, having spent two days, if not more as いつかs happens, at the 祝賀. No one whose feet were ぱらぱら雨d on his arrival, is 許すd to leave until the 祝賀 is over.
After the 出発 of the guests, the intermediary 発言／述べるs to the bride's parents: "I have brought you a son. 心にいだく him. If you have aught to say against him, speak it out now." On receiving a 消極的な reply he continues: "I have given him into your 手渡すs. I have done my 義務, and my 仕事 is finished." One of the village 年上のs tells the intermediary that after seven days he will be 解放する／自由な from 非難する in 事例／患者 anything evil transpires 関心ing the groom. The bride's parents 現在の him with a pair of fowls for his services, which he carries home and keeps, unless by 推論する／理由 of illness he must sacrifice them to 解任する his wandering "k'la."
The groom ぐずぐず残るs about the village during the day after the guests have gone and in the evening is 護衛するd by some of the 年上のs to the bride's room. 以前は in some localities it was customary to ぱらぱら雨 the bridal 床に打ち倒す with rice to give the pair a 実りの多い／有益な married life. かもしれない the にわか雨ing of rice on newly married couples in the West had 初めは a 類似の significance. However, I have been told that in the olden times couples often 差し控えるd from living together for months or even a year or two after their marriage.
Many tabus were 以前は 観察するd by parties going to a wedding. If they heard of a death, passed a funeral, or （機の）カム into 接触する with anything connected with a burial, the intermediary at once 停止（させる）d his companions and directed them to 解任する their "k'las," if a snake corsed their path, he stoped them and 演説（する）／住所d the reptile: "You follow your path, and we will follow ours. Our way is short and pleasant. Yours is long and evil." If they happened to hear the call of the red-長，率いるd キツツキ, which is considered a bird of ill-omen, he would cry out: "You may be sick and die. It is nothing to us. Let the white ginger 燃やす you." If they （機の）カム upon a dead wild animal, the intermediary reminded the company that death, having taken its 犠牲者, would not touch them. Chancing to 会合，会う another wedding party, the two groups 交流d the 迎える／歓迎するing: "May you be 解放する／自由な from all evil, and may you have peace." If either company had アルコール飲料 with them, they all drank together.
確かな tabus made it necessary for the whole party to sit 負かす／撃墜する where they were and wait until they believed the danger was past. They did this when they heard the call of the plover, the cry of the barking-deer, the "tauke te" of the lizard, or the 叫び声をあげる of the キツツキ. When about to 新たにする their 旅行 after an interruption of this 肉親，親類d, they pretended to spit something out of their mouths, 説: "Let all evil remain on you." A sneeze would 停止（させる） the entire retinue until the leader was 保証するd that no more sneezes were to follow.
によれば the modern usage the groom is supposed to remain in his wife's house three, seven or any other number of days 要求するd by her parents. After the 明示するd interval has elapsed, he is 解放する／自由な to go about as he pleases; but he seldom returns to his own village, except for a 簡潔な／要約する visit. The general custom is for the husband to settle 負かす／撃墜する with his parents-in-法律, a practice that looks much like a 生き残り from the matriarchal 行う／開催する／段階 of the Karen's past.
Karen Girls of the Plains, Tharrawaddy 地区
{They have put on their best and brought out their umbrellas and
handkerchiefs for 陳列する，発揮する.}
Christian 変えるs, Ngape eh Village, Tharrawaddy 地区
{A village 近づく the plains, hence the combination of Karen and Burmese
衣装s.}
Should the marriage 証明する unsatisfactory to the wife or her parents and they wish to 切断する the 関係, they must 購入（する） their relase by 支払う／賃金ing the husband an ox or one hundred rupees. In 事例／患者 the young man is 不満な with the union he has formed, the price to be paid by him is much larger, すなわち, three hundred rupees, one change of 着せる／賦与するing, bracelets, earrings, and other 宝石類. Becaue the man and his parents have the 率先 and 演習 the 権利 of choice in 影響ing a marriage, the 司法（官） of the above 協定 is obvious.
I have been 繰り返して 保証するd that in the 早期に days, when the Karen people lived unto themselves, moral lapses were uncommon の中で them, and that the lot of young persons 設立する to be 持つ／拘留するing 妥当でない relations with each other was a hard one. Their sin was regarded not only as an 罪／違反 against their 世帯 gods, the "Bgha," but also a 罪，犯罪 against the community, in asmuch as it was supposed to 原因（となる） sterility of the earth and, hence, loss of 刈るs. The sinful ones were brought before the 年上のs, who, having eaten two fowls that were cooked whole for them, 要求するd the couple to sacrifice a large animal, that is, a buffalo, an ox, a pig, or a goat. The 血 of the 殺害された creature was ぱらぱら雨d on the ground "to 冷静な／正味の it off" or, in other words, to 除去する the 悪口を言う／悪態 that 残り／休憩（する）d upon it. The 年上のs then 訴える手段／行楽地d to extreme methods to shame the 違反者／犯罪者s, who were driven from the village, いつかs after having been stripped naked. As they were not 許すd to mingle with the 残り／休憩（する） of the inhabitants perhaps for several years, they either went to some distant village to live, or built themselves a hut in the ジャングル."[19-11]
When a Karen is ill, his sickness is thought to be 予定 to some 活動／戦闘 of the malevolent spirits of the unseen world or to the wandering of his "k'la" (life 原則 or psyche). His malady may be 予定 to an 事故, an attack of indigestion after eating too many green mangoes, or an 感染 of some sort; but, によれば his belief, some invisible spirit has been 感情を害する／違反するd by a slight and is the real 原因（となる） of his disorder.[20-1]
The seven-倍の "k'la," which 統括するs over the life of every person from the time of his birth, will, the Karen believes, 決定する the time and manner of that person's death. Notwithstanding the fact that one or another of the many 原因（となる）s of death will いつか 影響 the 解散 of every member of the race, the Karen makes offerings to 延期する as long as possible the 必然的な end. Most propitiatory feasts 要求する the presence of every 即座の member of the family, ーするために （判決などを）下す the feasts 許容できる to the spirits. If the sick person seems to be 沈むing, his 親族s will all remain and try to be at 手渡す when he breathes his last.
Karen funerals are by no means solemn occasions. On the contrary, they afford the greatest 適切な時期 for the people to enjoy themselves. I have heard it said that when a かなりの time has elapsed since a death in a particular 地域, the young people long for someone to die, so that they may have a jolly time. The question has often been raised why the Karen, who are not without family affection, 行為／行う themselves in what to Occidentals is a very unseemly manner at the funerals of their dearly beloved ones. かもしれない some light is thrown on this question by the story of the fabulous White Python. によれば this story, after the python had been compelled to 解放（する） "Naw Mu E," it took vengeance by 殺人，大当り men in 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers by 発射する／解雇するing its venom on their 足跡s. It took 楽しみ in 審理，公聴会 of the 苦しむing and 悲しみ it was 原因（となる）ing the human race and, therefore, redoubled its 成果／努力s. The people, 恐れるing lest they should become extinct, sought to 打ち勝つ the python by guile. They 決定するd to try the 計画（する） of deceiving the serpent and its menials by ostentatious feasting and festivity when a person died through its malevolence, instead of 嘆く／悼むing over the 犠牲者. This subterfuge 証明するd to be successful, for the servants of the python 報告（する）／憶測d to their master that the people were no longer succumbing to its 毒（薬）, but were rejoicing over their newly won 免疫. At this the enraged serpent 発射する／解雇するd all of its venom and その為に lost the 力／強力にする it had 以前は 所有するd of 原因（となる）ing the death of human 存在s.
This tale 明らかにする／漏らすs the Karen's 深遠な 恐れる of the mysterious 原因（となる）s of death. He is unacquainted with the modern sciences of physiology, pathology, hygiene, etc. Some unknown 力／強力にする 除去するs his parents or his children, and he 努力する／競うs to 防備を堅める／強化する himself against it. The White Python of the tale typifies the evil spirits, who are continually lying in wait for him and the members of his family. His 反対する seems to be to 中和する／阻止する their baneful 影響（力）, even in the hour of its manifestation, by 隠すing his 悲しみ and indulging in 儀式の feasting and 軍隊d hilarity. Such appears to be the significance of the story of "Naw Mu E" and the fabulous White Python.
The people have their own explanations of their 方式 of 行為／行うing funerals. One is that 確かな of their sports 補助装置 the spirit of the 出発／死d to 避ける the 落し穴s in his path by as he 旅行s from this world to his proper place in the next. They are 雇うing the appropriate means "to make his way 冷静な／正味の," as they 表明する it. 存在 inhabitants of a 熱帯の 地域, the word "冷静な／正味の" is the Karen's synonym for comfortable and pleasant. Another explanation given by the Karen for his method of 行為／行うing funerals is that he 目的（とする）s to 元気づける the hearts of those who are （死が）奪い去るd. 存在 without a solace to 打ち勝つ the sting of death, the 会葬者s are the more ready to fill their minds with such 吸収するing sights and sounds as will 追放する the sad remembrance of their loss. The reaction comes later, but the Karen's habit of living in the 現在の has enabled him to 減ずる that to a 最小限.
When a person dies, the 親族s, if not all 現在の, are すぐに called by sounding the big bronze 派手に宣伝する or "klo a' ko" (the hot 派手に宣伝する or 派手に宣伝する of 不快). The 続けざまに猛撃するing of this 派手に宣伝する communicates to everyone within 審理，公聴会 the news that a death has taken place, just as the （死傷者）数ing of a church bell in the 早期に days of New England carried the tiding of death to the 村人s. For a short time the 親族s indulge in weeping, but soon begin to 準備する the 死体 for burial or 火葬.
On the plains the 団体／死体 is bathed, but no in the hills. East of Moulmein on the Siamese 国境 the 直面する is 小衝突d over with an infusion of acacia pods and tumeric for the 目的, as the people 主張する, of washing it and giving the soul a good start. They then repeat the に引き続いて words: "You have gone on before. We have been left behind. May it also be 井戸／弁護士席 with us." As a receptacle for the 団体／死体 the Bwe and some of the other hill-tribes about Toungoo used to hollow out a スピードを出す／記録につける 棺, as do the Chinese. But by far the greater number of the Karen 包む the 団体／死体 in a mat. While 準備するing this mat they 申し込む／申し出 a 簡潔な／要約する 祈り:
"Let the shade of the dead 出発／死. Let the 死体 of death and hades sleep on this mat. Approach not. Come not 近づく."
The two thumbs and the two 広大な／多数の／重要な toes are tied together, but the string with which they are bound is すぐに 削減（する）. After a 一面に覆う／毛布 has been spread over the mat the 団体／死体 is placed on it and wrapped up in the two coverings, which are bound around at three places with red and white rope. These 禁止（する）d are connected by another rope running lengthwise of the 団体／死体, which serves as the means of 解除するing and carrying the 死体. A bamboo water-共同の and a betel-box[20-2] are placed upon the 団体／死体, and the に引き続いて words are spoken: "Chew your betel. Smoke your cigar. May your 団体／死体 eat, and may your 'k'la' eat 同様に." In Shwegyin those in 出席 about the 死体 演説（する）／住所 it, 説: "Do not take the path 主要な into the forest. Return to your 残り／休憩（する）ing-place and your pleasant home." Then they put the 団体／死体 in the guest-room and, having cooked rice and a duck curry, they place a 部分 of this food by it and say: "If your spirit and your 'k'la' have not 出発／死d, may they come and eat." 合間, the beak, wings, and 脚s of the duck are 乾燥した，日照りのd a little by the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and laid by the 死体, the に引き続いて words 表明するing their 目的 in so doing:
"Let the beak become a canoe for him. Let the wings become his sail, And the 脚s, his paddles."
Placing two bits of 肝臓 on the 注目する，もくろむs of the 死体, they utter the wish: "May these become 有望な 注目する，もくろむs for you, to see 明確に your way as you go 支援する."
Sgaw Karen Young Women
In some sections of the country the village 年上のs try to keep the children away from the dead, lest their "k'las" should be induced to follow its "k'la." ーするために コースを変える the attention of the latter from 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing on the shade of some living person to follow it, the 年上のs pretend to 選ぶ up fruit about the room where the 団体／死体 is lying and to put it into the skirts of their 衣料品s.
In the Pegu Hills it is customary to 準備する a bier for the 団体／死体. This is a low bamboo でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる ("thi hso 法律") with a bamboo 枠組み above, over which a 一面に覆う／毛布 or several 衣料品s are spread to form a canopy ("ta t' su"). By this means the spirit is supposed to be 保証するd a 冷静な／正味の and shady 旅行 to its next abode. The 団体／死体 is usually kept only from one to three days, at the end of which time bits of the finger and toe-nails are pared off and a lock of the hair is 削減（する） to be placed in a tiny mat and 代用品，人d for the 死体 during the remaining days of the funeral 儀式s, and the "会葬者s" march around them as they would around the 死体 itself.
A 儀式, called "ta le me" or the lighting of the way, takes place in the evening. The Karen people seem to think of the realm of death as やめる the 逆転する of this world. I have いつかs thought that they 位置を示す it beneath the earth, but am not sure whether they ascribe a 場所 to it or not. Their conception of the 条件s 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing in the other sphere as …に反対するd to those 存在するing in this one, is shown by the に引き続いて observance: Two young men take their places on opposite 味方するs of the 死体, one 持つ／拘留するing a candle between his first and second fingers, as a cigar is held, the palm of the 手渡す 存在 downward. He passes the candle to his fellow, who passes it 支援する, the 受取人 taking it between the third and fourth digits. The candle is then thrown 負かす／撃墜する beneath the house, while the young men raise their 手渡すs and point to the sky, 説 to the 死体: "The roots of your trees are there," and then to the ground with the words: "There are the 最高の，を越すs of your trees. "Pointing in the direction of the source of the 隣接地の stream, they call it the mouth of the river and then pointing to its mouth, they speak of it as the source.
After this the company とじ込み／提出する around the 団体／死体, 詠唱するing a "hta" (poem) to the sun. In Siam it is the custom to march around to the left, making the 回路・連盟 three times, after which the 関係者s begin to recite the に引き続いて 見解／翻訳／版 of this "hta," する権利を与えるd "The 直面する of the Sun":
"The sun is dark; dark is the sun. The moon is dark; dark is the moon. The 直面する of the sun is 黒人／ボイコット. We point to the plantain. The 最高の，を越すs of your trees are the roots. The 誓いs of your rivers have become their source." "The 直面する of the sun 向こうずねs. The sun rises and 明らかにする／漏らすs himself. The moon 上がるs and 陳列する，発揮するs herself. They 沈む into the 広大な／多数の／重要な river, Setting の中で the fragrant flowers, Where the perfume are most 満足させるing."
No 正規の／正選手 order of funeral 儀式s appears to be 観察するd throughout the Karen country. Not only do different tribes have their particular customs, but also さまざまな groups within the same tribe 異なる more or いっそう少なく from one another. This wide variety of 儀式s （判決などを）下すs it almost impossible to ascertain what the 初めの customs were. On the plains, where the Karen have come into 接触する with the Burmese, the old customs have 大部分は disappeared and are known only through the 報告（する）／憶測s of old men. Even in the hill-country some of the 古代の customs have been discontinued, so that one rarely sees a funeral nowadays at which all of the 儀式s について言及するd in this 一時期／支部 are 観察するd.[20-3]
にもかかわらず, it seems to have been a 全世界の／万国共通の custom for the 年上のs to take a 主要な part in the 儀式s by 詠唱するing a poem in which they 宣言する that the spirit of the 死んだ has left this sphere for another and a better life in the spirit-world. A poem of this 輸入する is still recited in Siam and is probably not 広範囲にわたって different from that which was familiar to the さまざまな tribes in the 早期に days. It runs as follows:
"On the other 味方する of the 広大な／多数の／重要な river[20-4] The apes call loudly to each other and cry They cry, 'tis said, because death comes so readily: Men 消える like water rolling from the caladium leaf;[20-5] They enter life suddenly and die quickly. One by one they tread in the steps of God's sons. They return whence they （機の）カム as attendants of God; They spread his mat and roll his cigars." "The Lord of death, does his work 速く. The servants of Death are 誘発する in their 仕事. By the light of 夜明け they sharpen their spears. In the ev'ning glow they whet them again. They ponder where they will go to fight. They chose whom they will 打ち勝つ. They steal through the vales and over the hills. They vanquish the sons and daughters of men. Into the huts of the poor, の中で the fowls, Into the 広大な／多数の／重要な houses and into the guest -rooms, Where the oblations of 厚かましさ／高級将校連 and silver are seen And the fowl are killed and 申し込む／申し出d, they come." "Go, kill a 黒人／ボイコット chicken. 準備する it and 申し込む／申し出 it. Go 前へ／外へ, and 申し込む／申し出 it on the main road, At the 交差点 of the main roads. If the curious person should eat it, We would say that our grief has gone to him; That he has carried it a 広大な／多数の／重要な distance. Let not evil's combings 落ちる on us. Let them 落ちる '中央 the trees of the 支持を得ようと努めるd Or どこかよそで: the country is spacious."
Other 詩（を作る）s are 詠唱するd, の中で them the に引き続いて taken from what is known as a 広大な／多数の／重要な poem ("hta mo pgha"):
"In the beginning when men first worked, They toiled as their discernment led them. From the beginning they worked for you; They worked; they talked; they 詠唱するd."
A small poem ("hta hpo") 供給（する）s its lessons also:
"No more will you wear the beads, But be draped in tendrils of the banyan. Instead of the jacket and loin-cloth You will wear the leaves of the banyan. Go hence, eat the sour fruit of hades And honey from the 徹底的に捜す of the bees." "Go, eat the salt fruit 負かす／撃墜する in hades. Go before and eat of the honey. The dead, who 直面する toward the 山の尾根-政治家, Leave all of their children behind them. They die and must look up the ladder, But leave all their labor behind them. Their death makes life not 平易な for us: They send us on many an errand; Our feet and our 支援するs become 疲れた／うんざりした."
Many are the poems that are 詠唱するd during the nights of the funeral-feasts. The Karen divided them into さまざまな groups such as the 広大な／多数の／重要な poems ("hta do"), which are their nearest approach to our classical epics; the small poems ("hta hpo"), which are いっそう少なく dignified than the former; the poems of hades ("hta plu"), in which the words and 感情s are often in keeping with the character of the 死んだ, 賞賛するing the 尊敬（する）・点d and 非難するing the dishonored; poems showing Death with the way 支援する to his abode ("hta thwe plu"); poems for the king of hades, in which his 指名する, "Hku Hte," is について言及するd in every line, while in one ("hta yeh 法律 plu") of this group the Karen 指名する for hades is as often repeated; extempore 詩（を作る） ("hta na do") sung in rhyming contests on the last night of the funeral-feasts between the most skillful improvisers of the companies from the different villages 代表するd, and, finally, the love poems, in which the story of the romance between the lover and the maiden is 詠唱するd by the leaders of the groups of the young people.
The funeral observances held during the daytime are as boisterous as those held at night. Several of the former consist of jumping the pestles ("ta se kle"). The pestles are the stout sticks with which the 船体s are 続けざまに猛撃するd from the rice in 木造の 迫撃砲s, but bamboos are frequently 代用品，人d for these in the jumping games about to be 述べるd. Four of the pestles or bamboos are placed on the ground in the manner 示すd by the …を伴ってing illustration, and four young men take their 駅／配置するs on the 味方するs of the 人物／姿／数字 thus formed, しっかり掴むing the ends of the sticks. Three times in succession they knock the pestles on the ground and the fourth time they knock them together. While this is going on a fifth young man jumps in between the 事業／計画（する）ing ends of the 平行の sticks, first on one 味方する, then on another, and the fourth time into the 中心 of the square and out again, if possible, before they are 衝突／不一致d together. The game 要求するs quickness of 活動／戦闘 and produces 広大な／多数の／重要な merriment, 特に when the jumper's feet are caught. Should they be faught, his 失敗 to （疑いを）晴らす the sticks is regarded as a bad omen, showing that the spirit of the dead man has 遭遇（する）d some 障害 on its 旅行 to its next abode. It is, therefore, 現職の on the jumper to try the 中心 leap over again until he gets through 安全に.[20-6]
The next game in order is that of "続けざまに猛撃するing the pestle'( ""ta to kli"). In this game three young men, each 供給するd with a pestle or bamboo stick, take their places at equal intervals about a central 位置／汚点／見つけ出す on the ground, which forms the 的 at which they strike in turn. A fourth 青年 must jump first from one 味方する and then another to the 中心 and out again before each 一打／打撃 落ちるs, and the fourth time also when the wielders of the sticks strike together. In this game the jumper runs かなりの 危険 of getting 攻撃する，衝突する on the feet, unless he is very spry in his movements.
A third game with the pestles is called "stretching the neck" ("ta leh kah"). The four pestles 要求するd in this game are held in "criss-cross' fashion as in the first jumping game, but as high as one's shoulders. A young man stands beneath them, and another stands at one corner waving a naked sword above them. The four 持つ／拘留するing the ends of the pestles strike them together at 簡潔な／要約する intervals, whyle the 青年 beneath them must thrust his 長，率いる up between the ends of the sticks and 身を引く it again before they の近くに about his neck, or the swinging sword touches him. Having done this on three 味方するs in succession, the fourth time he must 試みる／企てる it through the square in the middle. If he is successful in making the 回路・連盟 three times without getting "his neck stretched," the 組み立てる／集結するd company are する権利を与えるd to feel 満足させるd that it is 井戸／弁護士席 with the soul of the 出発／死d.
"Climbing the fruit tree" ("htaw the tha") is a very different 肉親，親類d of game from those 述べるd above, 伴う／関わるing no physical 危険 inasmuch as it is a 業績／成果 in pretending. A conventionalized picture of a tree with a knot part-way up the trunk, two pairs of 味方する 支店s and a central 支店, each 終結させるing in two twigs 耐えるing a fruit and leaves, is drawn on the 味方するs of a winnowing-tray. Betel-nuts or small coins are laid on the sketch to 代表する the fruit. The man designed to "climb the tree" must receive his 指示／教授／教育s from a woman sitting opposite. He begins by asking her: "In climbing the tree, how shall I go up?" To which she replies: "Go up to the big knot." Question and answer follow until he has passed his 手渡す from point to point to the tip of a twig, 安全な・保証するd the fruit there, and brought it to earth. This is repeated over and over again, in a way that would 証明する insufferably tedious to a 西部の人／西洋人, until the last fruit has been gathered. The 組み立てる／集結するd Karens seem never to tire of this game and regard it as a 肉親，親類d of 申し込む／申し出ing to the 出発／死d friend.
A 儀式 ("ta w maw") 参加するd in by both the young men and maidens is that of blowing bamboo tubes, 動揺させるing bangles, and parading or prancing, rather than dancing, around the 死体. In Shwegyin this 儀式 is 成し遂げるd at night. In other places it used to be 成し遂げるd in the day time at the place of burial, but has 大部分は disappeared in 最近の times. The young men 削減（する） for themselves pieces of small bamboo with the 共同の in the middle, leaving the ends open, and, 供給するd with these, take their places around the 死体 補欠／交替の／交替するing with the maidens, who wear bangles of little 一連の会議、交渉／完成する bells or 動揺させるing seeds on their wrists. The 関係者s, now 直面するing に向かって the 団体／死体 and now away from it, parade around it, keeping step to the mingled but pulsating トンs of the whistles or open tubes blown by the men and the 動揺させる of the bangles on the swinging 武器 of the girls. At the end of this noisy parade the men 涙／ほころび their bamboos open with their teeth and throw them 負かす／撃墜する with a loud shout, in which the girls join while shaking their 武器 vigorously. The spirit of the dead, when it hears this shout, knows that its 福利事業 has not been forgotten by the friends remaining behind and believes that it will be able to 避ける all demons along its path. The friends 推定する／予想する this 儀式 to 速度(を上げる） the 出発／死d on his 旅行.
If the 死んだ is a very old person who has left all of his children and grandchildren married and with homes of their own, a special observance is celebrated in his に代わって. This is called the "taw kwe tah" or the "taw klaw taw." I am not able to 解釈する／通訳する these 条件. Nowadays the 儀式 is very rarely 観察するd, and in the earlier times it seems to have been 観察するd on the plains, but not at all in the Pegu Yomas. I have been told that on one occasion when this 儀式 is to be 成し遂げるd at Letpadan, those 関心d had to get 許可 from the 郡区 officer there and that they spoke of it as "collecting 税金s for the soul." A company of young men disguise themselves, several of them in women's 衣装s and carrying fish-逮捕するs, one as a blind man, and another as a lame one. They 循環させる の中で the 隣接地の villages with much shouting and laughter, calling on the inhabitants to 与える／捧げる sundry 供給（する）s. The members of the party who are impersonating women, go under the houses and pretend to catch fish in their 逮捕するs. By such methods they manage to gather all they can carry of fruit, vegetables, and other 肉親，親類d of food, which they 消費する on their return to the place where the funeral is 存在 held. This 儀式 is 成し遂げるd more frequently when the bones of the 死んだ are exhumed than at the time of his death.
協定 of Pestles for a Funeral Game
Another 協定 of Pestles for a Funeral Game
A Sketch of a Tree Used in the Funeral Games
After the ordinary daylight observances and the 詠唱するing of the poems in the evenings have been 完全にするd, the 団体／死体 is 除去するd through an 開始 made for the 目的 in the 味方する of the house and is carried to the place where it is to be burnt or buried. In the olden days it was usual to 燃やす the 団体／死体, but latterly burial is the ありふれた practice. The children used to be 限定するd or tied up at home during the 除去 of the 死体. This was to 妨げる their 存在 脅すd by the gruesome sight, thus 原因（となる）ing their shades or "k'las" to 身を引く from their 団体／死体s and make them sick, or to keep their "k'las" from 存在 enticed to follow that of the dead person with the same result.
In Siam three beds of leaves and twigs are made along the path to the place of 燃やすing, the 持参人払いのs stopping at these piles as thought to put 負かす／撃墜する their 重荷（を負わせる） and 残り／休憩（する）, but 許すing it barely to touch the bed when they raise it again and go on.
In those 事例／患者s in which 燃やすing is 訴える手段／行楽地d to, the 団体／死体 is placed upon a pile of fagots three or four feet high and more 支持を得ようと努めるd is piled on 最高の，を越す. 乾燥した，日照りの bamboo たいまつs are 適用するd at two or more places and, after the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 is 炎ing, the 団体／死体 is pierced with long sharpened bamboos to 許す the juices to exude and so 急いで the 過程 of incineration. Before the 団体／死体 has been wholly 消費するd, charred pieces of the bones and 特に of the skull are raked out, held 近づく the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and 演説（する）／住所d with the words: "If you are hot, sit by the 解雇する／砲火／射撃." After this water is 注ぐd over them and they are told, if 冷淡な, to bathe and drink water. These （裁判所の）禁止（強制）命令 to the bones again illustrate the curious conception on the part of the karen that the 条件s 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing in the next world are just the 逆転する of those 存在するing in the 現在の one.
If the 十分な funeral 儀式s have been 成し遂げるd, the bones are ready to be deposited in the family burial-ground. If, however, the 火葬 has taken place before the 業績／成果 of the 十分な 儀式s, the bones are usually placed in basket or wrapped in a cloth and taken home to be used again when the 十分な 儀式s are celebrated. This carrying home of the 遺物s and celebrating a funeral later is called "ta hu taw pgha a' hki." It is done both on the plains and in hills. If the person dies in the 雨の or the 収穫 season, the practice is to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of the 団体／死体 quickly and 持つ／拘留する the burial 儀式s, すなわち, the games and recitation of the poems or 'htas" at a more convenient time.
On their way 支援する from the 燃やすing-place the people stop at intervals, look 支援する, wave their 手渡すs, and call out: "Pru-r-r k'la, come 支援する, come 支援する." They are 召喚するing their own "k'las" to keep them from remaining behind with that of the dead person. ーするために 妨げる the "k'la" of the 死んだ from に引き続いて after them, they 始める，決める up 支店s of trees in the path, which is their method of 警告 friends not to take a 確かな path. In Siam the funeral party 訴える手段／行楽地 to the 付加 警戒 of 開始 the trunk of a big rotten tree in the ジャングル the next morning and 召喚するing the "k'la" of the 死んだ to がまんする in that. Having 供給するd an 申し込む／申し出ing of rice and water for the nourishment of the spirit here, they 演説（する）／住所 the tree as follows;
"O Rotten tree, you know hades and the land of the dad. Be 肉親，親類d enough to show the 死んだ the way thither."
But few localities are left where the Karen still keep up their old burial-place. These localities are in the hills and on the eastern 国境 of Burma. In these 地域s an 年上の of the （死が）奪い去るd family, who is familiar with the burial-place, takes the bones and 価値のあるs of the 死んだ, such as beads, ornaments, etc., to the 位置／汚点／見つけ出す and deposits them with the ashes of his ancestors. A man in the 雇う of a 木材／素質 請負業者 told me of a chance visit made by him to one of these sacred burial-places. With a Karen driver he was in search of a working elephant that had 逸脱するd away. After crossing two or there mountain 山の尾根s and the 介入するing valleys, the Karen 発言／述べるd that they were approaching his ancestral burial 位置／汚点／見つけ出す and 同意d to lead his companion to it. They climbed to the 最高の，を越す of the next 山の尾根, where the ground was covered with 抱擁する 玉石s. Threading their way の中で these, they 現れるd into a grassy 陰謀（を企てる） in the 中央 of which lay a 玉石 larger than the others, and, after clambering to the 最高の，を越す of this 激しく揺する, they 設立する therein a 深い 穴を開ける in which the family 遺物s of the elephant driver were deposited. His companion thrust the 軸 of his spear nearly its whole length into the 穴を開ける, the mouth of which was not more than four of five インチs in 直径, and, poking about, could hear the jingling of silver, probably bracelets, beads, （犯罪の）一味s, and other 宝石類. It is said that hollow trees and the 石灰岩 洞穴s that are so ありふれた in the hills of Burma and Siam, 含む／封じ込める many such hidden treasures. In the Pegu Hills the people appear to bury the 遺物s of their dead wherever fancy dictates and to 支払う／賃金 no その上の attention to the 位置／汚点／見つけ出す. Indeed, as a whole the Karen raise no monuments over their dead. When the remains of a woman are buried, not only her trinkets and ornaments are buried with her, but also her pigs and fowls which, as her peculiar 所有物／資産／財産, are killed and deposit with her 遺物s.
Both in the hills and on the plains it is the custom to dig up the bones of the dead who have been carried off by 疫病／流行性のs, 同様に as of those who have died at inconvenient times, and 持つ／拘留する 儀式s over them. It is said that in Shwegyin December ("La plu"), which is the month of （太陽，月の）食／失墜s and of the dead, is the time when these 儀式s are usually 成し遂げるd. On the plains the months of the hot season are those chosen for these 儀式s.
When the bones are brought 支援する to serve as the 中心 of the burial 儀式s, they are placed in a little basket and 始める，決める within a small enclosure. In the Pegu Hills they are put under a small canopy, but on the plains the receptacle for them is made in the form of a miniature pagoda ("hko so 法律") or a little hut ("hko saw"). The hut is a model of a house with its ladder, water マリファナs, etc. The basket 含む／封じ込めるing the bones is put into the hut, and one end of a string is tied to the basket and the other let 負かす／撃墜する into a water jar under the miniature house. This 協定 makes it possible for the "k'la" of the 死んだ to go 負かす／撃墜する for a drink whenever it is thirsty. 早期に in the morning one of the 年上のs carries a firebrand out to the hut, which is usually 据えるd outside of the village. There he 解除するs out a piece of the bone and heats it with the glowing brand, 説: "If you are hot, sit by the 解雇する／砲火／射撃." Then he 注ぐs water over it and tells it to drink and bathe, if it is 冷淡な. This he does in turn with each fragment of the bone. Finally, he puts the firebrand under the hut, calls 支援する his own "k'la," and returns home. On 最高の，を越す of the hut an image of a parrot is left, in 事例／患者 the 死んだ is an unmarried person; but for married persons two such images are 始める，決める up. These birds are supposed to help carry the spirit of the 死んだ to its next がまんするing-place. As long as the bones are in the hut the friends take food to the "k'la" every day.
If the 死んだ is unmarried, the friends いつかs 詠唱する poems deriding him for dying before he has left any offspring to perpetuate his 在庫／株 on earth. When they are ready to carry the hut to the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, they 除去する the image of the parrot ("t'le") and bury it at the fork of the roads with its 長，率いる に向かって the ジャングル, probably so that it will 飛行機で行く in that direction and carry the "k'la" of the 死んだ into the 支持を得ようと努めるd. On their return the love poems ("na do") are 詠唱するd by the young men and maidens, and 早期に next morning the hut with the little basket of bones inside is taken to the 支援する of the usual burying-place and left there. The funeral party stops long enough to say: "We have brought you here with all your 所持品. Remain here." On their way home they do not forget to call their "k'las" frequently, lest there should be tempted to stay behind. In the 事例／患者 of the burial of married persons the 会葬者s cook eggs, rice, and curry and spread a feast 近づく the hut. They request the spirit of the dead to come and eat and then to 出発／死 to the king of spirits, "Mu Hka," and not to return. The hut and its contents are then 除去するd to the burial-place and left there. The の近くにing 儀式 is one 成し遂げるd over the bones at noon of the last day of the 儀式s, its 反対する 存在 to discover whether the "k'la" of the 出発／死d has yet reached the land of delight whence it will not return, or whether it is still wandering around, and, therefore, liable to entice away the "k'las" of its 親族s and friends. This final 儀式 is called "t'yaw lo ke a' k'la" A slender bamboo or 在庫／株 of elephant grass is stuck in the ground obliquely 近づく the foot of the hut, and from its 最高の，を越す is 一時停止するd a newly spun cotton string on which is tied a piece of the charred bone of the dead person and below it a bit of cotton wool. Four or five more pieces of bone separated by bits of the wool are strung on the cord, the end of which is 大（公）使館員d to a gold or yellow bracelet. 直接／まっすぐに under the bracelet a cup 含む／封じ込めるing a boiled duck egg and a lump of cooked rice is 始める，決める. The 親族s now sit 負かす／撃墜する and 詠唱する a poem or "hta," in which their love for the 死んだ is 表明するd. Then each member of the family strikes the cup and bracelet a gentle blow and, calling the dead by 指名する, asks his spirit to return. If nothing unusual happens, they know that it has arrived at its 目的地 and will never come 支援する again. If, however, the string vibrates かなり or breaks, as may happen, when somebody taps the bracelet there is 広大な／多数の／重要な lamentation for they are then 納得させるd that the"k'la" is 現在の and has descended the string. Hence, 申し込む／申し出ing of food must be continued to 妨げる the "k'la" from 演習ing its enticing 力／強力にする on that of some living 親族.
The "k'las" of the children are thought to be 特に susceptible to such 影響（力）, and の中で the Bwes 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 警戒s are taken to 保護する the children. The Bwe grandmother, who is 長，率いる of the "Bgha" feast, 包むs a pair of fowls in a number of 衣料品s, each of her grandchildren 供給（する）ing one. She then calls 支援する the spirits of the children to 妨げる them from 存在 attracted by the "Mu xa." After the necks of the fowls have been wrung their flesh is eaten by the family, while the "Mu xa" are supposed to 料金d upon the essence of the chickens.
The Karen bury their children soon after death, and seem to take no その上の notice of their passing. When parents have had the misfortune to lose several of their offspring すぐに after birth, they believe that the spirits from some vague 地域 have sought mortal birth through their instrumentality, 簡単に to 伸び（る） the ornaments and trinkets that Karen are in the habit of giving to their children. Having 安全な・保証するd these coveted 所有／入手s, the spirits return to their former abode with their undeserved rewards. The Karen call this (n)艦隊／(a)素早いing 存在 "ta plu aw ka," which means "伸び（る）ing something by entering life." Parents thus taken advantage of, as they feel, have 頼みの綱 to a 反乱ing method of terrifying a spirit of this greedy type. After a child has died and been carried to the burial-place, the indignant father thrusts a spear or sword through and through the little 団体／死体 or 削除するs it with a "dah," that is, a long knife, in the hope that the spirit, seeing how 不正に its 一時的な mortal tenement is 存在 扱う／治療するd, may 恐れる to come 支援する again.
Our 熟考する／考慮する of funeral customs の中で the Karen shows that, in the 事例／患者 of adults at least, funerals are festal and feasting occasions. Much rice and pork curry are 消費するd and, in the olden time, アルコール飲料 flowed 自由に. In earlier times when people of different villages met at a funeral, a spirit of 競争 was shown in the improvising and 詠唱するing of the poems and いつかs in other ways. I have in my 所有／入手 an old bronze funeral 派手に宣伝する, which was という評判の to be the sweetest sounding 派手に宣伝する in the hills at the 長，率いる of Thonze Creek.[20-7] On its 縁 "dah" 削減（する）s appear which are the 継続している 示すs of a fight in which 競争相手 groups of 村人s engaged long ago, because some of those 現在の 表明するd a decided preference for the musical トンs of this 派手に宣伝する over those of other 派手に宣伝するs belonging to members of 隣接地の villages.
Although many who took part in some of the old funeral 祝賀s were undoubtedly under the 影響（力） of アルコール飲料 and in a corresponding 明言する／公表する of hilarity, funerals do not seem to have become the occasion of 反目，不和s or even of drunken brawls. Young people （機の）カム together on more intimate 条件 at funerals than was permitted at other times, and some of their poems would not 耐える reproduction in print. Probably at times their 行為／行う also went beyond the bounds of propriety, but such lapses seem to have been rare and 激しく regretted. However, it is （疑いを）晴らす that Karen 会葬者s 後継するd in 溺死するing in their 悲しみ and believed that by means of their festivities they had sent the spirit of their dead rejoicing on its way to its 未来 abode.
THE THREE CONCEPTIONS
の中で the Karen we find traces of three 際立った 宗教的な conceptions, which have left their impress upon the people. The 原則 underlying the most 原始の 宗教的な ideas is that of an impersonal 力／強力にする or 軍隊 residing both in men and things, but which is all-普及（する）, invisible except as it betrays itself by its 影響 on 確かな things, and invincible in that it can only be 打ち勝つ in a particular person or thing by a more powerful manifestation of itself in some other 反対する.[21-1] The Karen 指定する this 軍隊, "pgho." It is the 同等（の） of what the Melanesians know as "マナ' and is defined in the Karen Thesaurus as a 確かな more or いっそう少なく unknown 軍隊 believed to be all about and which can not be 打ち勝つ.[21-2] It may reside in 確かな individuals who, by its 援助（する）, are enabled to 遂行する unusual 仕事s. It can be imparted to 反対するs which, by its 力／強力にする, become charms potent for good or ill. The deities are said to 所有する "pgho" and on that account to be able to do wonderful things. It is also spoken of by the people as 明らかにする／漏らすing itself in the infinite せいにするs of "Y'wa," the eternal God, but this is, of course, an adaption to Christian teachings. However, it is in the realm of the 魔法, rather than in that of 宗教, that this 力／強力にする is 特に 偉業／利用するd. Those who are able to 成し遂げる magical 行為s are called "pgha a pgho," that is, person of "pgho."[21-3]
The second 宗教的な conception 達成するd by the Karen was the animistic. They entered upon this 行う／開催する／段階 of 宗教的な belief when they began to 割り当てる personal せいにするs to the さまざまな 力／強力にするs about them, conceiving of every unknown 軍隊 as a more or いっそう少なく 際立った personality. Thus, they personified the vegetative 軍隊 in the 刈るs as the goddess "Hpi Bi Yaw"; they conceived of the 機関 that brought the 乾燥した，日照りの and 雨の seasons (the 季節風 in reality, of course), as two different demons, each 判決，裁定 in the upper 空気／公表する during a period of six months to the 除外 of the other; they 割り当てるd a lord ("k' sa") to every mountain and river, and they 投資するd every utensil and 反対する about the house and the animals out-of-door with separate ghosts ("klas"). Some of these imaginary 存在s are beneficent, such as the "Mu xa" or celestial spirits that 統括する over births; but most of them are malevolent and have to be appeased by continual offerings, sacrifices and tabus. To keep on good 条件 with these innumerable spirits 消費するs a large part of the time and thought of the Karen.[21-4]
The third conception in the 宗教的な traditions of the people is 具体的に表現するd in the "Y'wa" legend, which tells of the placing of the first parents in the garden by "Y'wa," the Creator; their 誘惑 to eat of the forbidden fruit by a serpent or dragon, etc. This story so closely 似ているs that of the 古代の Hebrews, as also 確かな western Asiatic traditions, that one finds it difficult not to believe that all these traditions somehow had a ありふれた origin. Were the "Y'wa" legend 示すd by 独特の features, we might regard it as one 展示（する）ing only a general resemblance to other traditions extant in other parts of the world, but its parallelism with the account in Genesis 妨げるs this 見解（をとる） of the 事例／患者.[21-5]
At any 率, the "Y'wa" legend has 演習d a strong 影響（力） upon the Karen people. To be sure, it did not 取って代わる the 古代の animism of the tribes any more than Buddhism has 追い出すd spirit worship の中で the Burmese. にもかかわらず, it was …を伴ってd by the prophesy of the return of the white brother with the Lost 調書をとる／予約する, which 奮起させるd the Karen with the hope of a better 未来 and furnished an admirable 創立／基礎 on which Christian teachers could build in 促進するing the 開発 of the Karen nation which, during the last hundred years--the period not only of Christian 使節団s but also of the British conquest and 行政 of Burma--has been truly remarkable.
THE "Y'WA" TRADITION
The contrast between the animistic and the "Y'wa" conception of the 創造 of the world is illustrated in the lines of the に引き続いて "hta" or poem:
"When first the earth was made, Who worked and built it? When it was first formed, Who was the creator?" "When first the world was created, The edolius and the termite toiled together.[21-6] When the earth was first formed, These two heped each other and made it."
The "Y'wa" conception appears in the last stanza, given below:
"When first the earth was formed,
It was God ('Y'wa') who formed it.
When first the world was fashioned,
It was God who fashioned it."
In some of the omitted parts of the poem we find the thought 表明するd that the edolius and the termite were co-労働者s with God in creating the world. It should, perhaps, be explained that the termite is the white ant, which builds high 塚s all over the country; while the edolius paradiscus is a 黒人／ボイコット bird, a little smaller than a crow, with two long tail quills having tufts of feathers at the ends. Why this bird should have given a part in the work of 創造 does not appear.
Characterization of "Y'wa" as the Eternal One is herewith given in two translations from an 古代の poem, the first of these 存在 by an unknown person of an earlier time and the other by Dr. Francis Mason.
"God is eternal, He alone [存在するd] Before the world was made; His 王位 Interminable ages stood, And He, the everlasting God. Two worlds may pass, and yet He lives. Perfect in せいにするs divine, Age after age His glories 向こうずね."[21-7]
The （判決などを）下すing by Dr. Mason is as follow:
"God is unchangeable, 外部の; He was in the beginning of the world. God is endless and eternal; He 存在するd in the beginning of the world. God is truly unchangeable and eternal; He 存在するd in 古代の time, at the beginning of the world. The life of God is endless; A succession of worlds does not 手段 his 存在. God is perfect in every meritorious せいにする, And dies not in succession on succession of worlds."[21-8]
Besides 存在 called eternal, God is 述べるd as "all powerful" and as "having the knowledge of all things." He created man and "woman from a rib of man," and he made the animals and placed them on the earth.
The 力／強力にする について言及するd in the old poems as …に反対するd to "Y'wa" and as having brought evil into the world is "Naw k' plaw." In later poems the 指名する given to him is "Mu kaw li," which is a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of reproach used on account of his often 存在 supposed to assume the 女性（の） form, in order to 遂行する its deceptions on the human race.[21-9]
He is said to have been a servant of "Y'wa" at first, but to have been cast out of his lord's presence for 申し込む／申し出ing him a 甚だしい／１２ダース 侮辱. The other servants of "Y'wa" have ever since 心にいだくd the 願望（する） to destroy "Mu kw li," but have never 遂行するd their 目的. Hence, he continues to roam about, deceiving mankind and spreading death の中で them, until he shall finally be put out of the way by "Y'wa" himself. He is the direct author of evil and of the 悪口を言う／悪態 that has fallen upon the earth which, before his contemptible 行為／行う, had produced rice with kernels as large as pumpkins. It was through his malicious 指示／教授／教育s that the people learned to make sacrifices to the "Bgha" and other demons.
The Karen legends and poems give 公式文書，認める the story of the 落ちる of man in their own picturesque language, which has been translated into English by Dr. D. C. Gilmore, who has brought together the several 見解／翻訳／版s extant in さまざまな parts of the country. For the most part I shall paraphrases and condense Dr. Gilmore's translation; for the 初めの narratives, whether in prose or 詩（を作る）, are 十分な of repetitions, variations in insignificant 詳細（に述べる）s, and other peculiarities 出来事/事件 to tales that have been 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する by word of mouth.
The Lord "Y'wa," father of the human race, spoke to the first pair he had created: "My son and daughter both, your father will make an orchard for you, and in that orchard there will be seven 肉親，親類d of trees 耐えるing seven 肉親，親類d of fruit. Of the seven 肉親，親類d there is one that is not good to eat. Do not partake of it. If you eat of it, you will 落ちる ill; you will grow old; you will die. Do not eat it. Now, whatever else I have made, I will give it all to you. Behold it and eat it. Once in seven days I will come and see you. Obey me in whatever I have 命令（する）d you. Keep my words. Do not forget me. Worship me every morning and evening."
Climbing The Cocoanut-palm
{Often they climb the palm without any 援助（する） whatever. But in this 事例／患者 the
boy has bound his feet together loosely with a Burmese loin-cloth
("longyi") to enable him to 支配する the trunk more easily.
By-and-by the Devil, in the form of a 広大な／多数の／重要な serpent, （機の）カム and engaged them in conversation, asking them what they were doing and what they had to eat. They replied that their father had 供給するd them with more than 十分な food and 護衛するd him to the orchard, where they pointed out the several varieties of the trees and told him the flavor of the fruit of six of the varieties. 関心ing the taste of the seventh, they 認める their ignorance, inasmuch as they had been 警告するd by their father not to eat of it. Thereupon, the Devil 知らせるd the pair that their father did not wish them 井戸／弁護士席, that the fruit of the forbidden tree was the sweetest and richest of all, and, moreover, would transform them into gods, enabling them to 上がる to heaven, to 飛行機で行く, and to burrow under the ground at will. He 宣言するd that the Lord God was envious of them, while he, the Devil, loved them and was telling them the whole truth as they might easily 証明する by partaking of the forbidden fruit.
The man was not 説得するd by the plausible words of Satan, 持続するd that they would 従う with the orders of their father, and left the 侵入者. But his wife, "Naw I-u," listened to the Devil's seductive 発言する／表明する, was half-説得するd and sought 保証／確信 by 問い合わせing whether she and her husband would really 飛行機で行く if they ate of this wonderful fruit. The Devil again 主張するd that he loved them dearly, and that he was trying to 納得させる her of the truth. When she ate the fruit, the Devil laughed and told her to give some of it to her husband; さもなければ, if she should die, he alone would 死なせる／死ぬ, or if she should become like a goddess, she would be left without a companion. She did as directed and, after かなりの 説得／派閥, her husband also partook of the fruit, to the delight of Satan.
On the day に引き続いて the eating of the forbidden fruit the Lord "Y'wa" （機の）カム to see the disobedient pair and laid his 悪口を言う／悪態 upon them, 宣言するing that they would grow old, sicken, and die; that their offspring would pass away at all ages, and that some of their 子孫s would have no more than half a family, that is, six children. Not only was the 悪口を言う／悪態 of "Y'wa" visited upon them, but also upon their first child, as was manifest by its 落ちるing sick. As "Y'wa" had forsaken them they 控訴，上告d to the Devil, who replied that they must obey him to the end and 約束d to 教える them in the customs of his father and mother. Accordingly, he caught and killed a pig and 診察するd its gall-bladder, explaining that if this 組織／臓器 were 井戸／弁護士席 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd, the omen would be 都合のよい; but if thih and flabby, there would be little hope for the 回復 of the child. In 事例／患者 the child 回復するd his health, they were to make a demon feast. Inasmuch as the little one did get 井戸／弁護士席, they celebrated the feast によれば 指示／教授／教育s. Not long after another child was taken sick and, although they 協議するd the 定める／命ずるd omen, there was no 改良 in its 条件. They, therefore, 控訴，上告d again to the serpent, who told the father to catch a fowl which was to be used in calling 支援する the spirit of the sick one. "Mu kaw li" placed the fowl, together with a bundle of chaff, a bundle of rice, and a bundle of potsherds, in a 逮捕する, which he carried into the ジャングル, followed by the parents. There he plucked the feathers from the fowl and laid them, together with the three bundles, in the middle of the path. He then prayed: "Spirit, Spirit. The spirit has gone to hades. The spirit has gone to hell. 解放（する） the spirit." Next he cooked the fowl and tried its bones, to see whether they were soft or not. But he would not commit himself as to the favorableness or unfavorableness of the omen, telling the parents that they must watch and wait, and that 合間 he would 扱う／治療する the 事例／患者 in every possible way. Nevetheless, the child died, and the Devil could give the （死が）奪い去るd ones no other なぐさみ than that when the chicken bones were 設立する in the 未来 to be like those he had 実験（する）d, they would know the omen to be unfavorable. He also taught them a charm to be used when there was sickness in the family, and, in 関係 with the charm, they were to 勝利，勝つd seven threads.[21-10] Having wrought all this mischief and failed to furnish any 確かな 救済 from it, the Devil 出発／死d; while the man and his wife took up the 仕事 of teaching their off-spiring the 儀式s and charms in which he had 教えるd them.[21-11]
There can be no 疑問 but that the above legend of the 落ちる of man[21-12] has been 大部分は 責任がある the 準備完了 with which the Karen people have 受託するd Christianity. It led them to believe that they began their 存在 as a race under the care and 保護 of "Y'wa," which their ancestors soon 没収されるd by their disobedience in に引き続いて the deceptive advice of "Mu kaw li." They believed that their 現在の practices 起こる／始まるd from an evil source and should be abandoned; but their veneration for their ancestors and the customs 設立するd by them, in 新規加入 to their 恐れる of worse consequences should they 出発／死 from time-栄誉（を受ける）d usage, makes it exceedingly difficult for them to give up the old ways. They 認める the goodness of "Y'wa" and their 義務 to worship him; but they feel so hedged about by a multitude of demons who will bring calamities upon them and devour their souls that they placate these, while believing that "Y'wa" will not 害（を与える） them even though they should not （判決などを）下す homage unto him.
They illustrate their predicament by the story of a family 占領するing a hut 近づく a field during the cultivating season. While the father and mother were absent at work, the children were terrified at home by a tiger that sprang from the bushes and made off with the （種を）蒔く. At nightfall the children told their parents what had happened. Before going to the field next morning the father built a high 壇・綱領・公約 of bamboos on which he placed the children and the motherless pigs, telling thechildren not to climb 負かす／撃墜する during the day lest the tiger should again appear. The beast returned as 推定する／予想するd and filled the 空気／公表する with its angry roaring, until the children threw 負かす／撃墜する one of the pigs in the hope of 静かなing it. From time to time during the day its roaring was recompensed in the same manner, the children, 合間, watching the path with 緊張するing 注目する，もくろむs for the return of their father and mother and listening intently for the sound of the 屈服する-string which should tell them that an arrow was スピード違反 on its way to put an end to the tiger. Thus "Y'wa" was 明らかに leaving the Karen people to their 運命／宿命, while they were keeping on good 条件 with "Mu kaw li" by means of offerings and 儀式s and were hoping for the return of the white brother with the lost 調書をとる／予約する.
BELIEFS CONCERNING the SOUL AND the LIEF PRINCIPLE
The Karen distingish between the "tha" or soul and the "k'la" or life 原則 (shade) of every human 存在. They think of the soul as the seat of their moral nature, endowed with 良心, that is, the 力／強力にする of apprehending 権利 and wrong, and with a personality that 固執するs after death. The soul is responsible and is 裁判官d for the 行為／法令／行動するs in the flesh. The "k'la" is more intimately associated with one's physical 存在. It is the 軍隊 that keeps one alive and 井戸／弁護士席. As it is 存在 絶えず solicited by demons and more or いっそう少なく by the "k'las" of dead 親族s to leave the 団体／死体, it needs the 保護 of charms, offerings, and 薬／医学s."[21-13] As the "k'la" comes from a previous 存在 to 住む the 団体／死体 at the time of birth and 出発／死s into a new 存在 at death, so also it leaves the 団体／死体 for 簡潔な／要約する periods and at たびたび（訪れる） intervals, as during sleep. If it remains away longer than usual, its absence 原因（となる）s the sickness and even the death of the 団体／死体. As the "k'la" may be away visiting friends or on other errands during the sleeping hours, it is not 安全な to waken a sleepr suddenly. His 'k'la" may not have yet returned, in which 事例／患者 he could not long 生き残る. One Karen told me that he had dreamed of seeing さまざまな persons in heaven and hell and naively 発言／述べるd that his "k'la" must have 旅行d to those abodes during his sleep. Another Karen, whose wife underwent a surgicial 操作／手術 at a hospital in the city, asked me whether the ether 反対／詐欺 was not used to 抽出する and 持つ／拘留する her "k'la," ーするために （判決などを）下す her unconscious, the "k'la" 存在 回復するd to her to enable her ro 回復する her faculties. The "k'las" of children are supposed to be peculiarly susceptible to 存在 enticed away by those of the dead. Hence, it is customary to tie children up in the house while a 死体 is 存在 carried out. I have experienced かなりの difficulty in inducing the inhabitants of 辺ぴな villages to let me take their pictures, for 恐れる their "k'las" would be carried off along with the photograph.[21-14] In the 早期に days when white men were still a strange sight to the people, they would （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 their breasts and call their "k'las" to come 支援する, evidently 恐れるing that the latter would follow in curiosity after the strangers. A friend of 地雷 had a 類似の experience の中で the Karen of Siam only a few years ago.
The people think that a wandering "k'la" may remain invisible or assume the form of the person himself. Stories are told of these wandering ghosts. A man who had been absent from his village met the apparition of his wife on his way home. It 知らせるd him that it was going to see its mother, but it 同意d to spend the night with him in the ジャングル. As they had no food, the ghost, which was supposed by the man to be his wife in person, went 支援する to their house and took what food it 手配中の，お尋ね者 from the cooking マリファナs, without 明らかにする／漏らすing itself at all. Next morning the man and his ghostly wife took their separate paths, the former 存在 大いに shocked on arriving in the village to find the burial 儀式s of his wife in 進歩. Realizing that it was his wife's "k'la" which he had met in the ジャングル, he wished that he had called it 支援する. Another story relates that a husband was so incensed at seeing his wife (the apparition 存在 really her "k'la") wandering abroad that he struck her in the 直面する. This 行為／法令／行動する had the 願望（する）d 影響, for the "k' la" 急いでd 支援する to its 砂漠d 団体／死体 and その為に put an abrupt end to the funeral 儀式s, which were already 複雑化s than those already について言及するd. The 年上のs are authortiy for the 声明 that even though a couple are living together as man and wife, their "k'las" may form unions with those of other persons, 特に during the hours of sleep. Even the 成果／努力s of a necromancer to 召喚する the wandering "k'la" of a sick person may result in attracting the "k'la" of some other person to 占領する the 砂漠d 団体／死体, in whose に代わって the 成果／努力s are 存在 put 前へ／外へ. The new occupant may remain only while generous offerings are made to it, and the sick person is sure to experience a serious relapse when it leaves.
It seemed to be believed also that the"k'las" of human 存在s may take on other forms, such as those of insects. Animals have "k'las" which can do the same thing. いつかs when moths are 飛行機で行くing about a light people say: "Let the "k'las" of beasts and other creatures 落ちる into the 炎上, but let the "k'las" of men 飛行機で行く carefully and save themselves."
A Hill Village in 移行
{The family rooms have become separte buildings, each with its own
ladder.}
A Karen Village on the Plains
{The Karens do not 始める，決める their house in an 整然とした 協定, but each
man builds where he likes within the village 陰謀（を企てる）. The taller trees are
cocoanut- palms, the others are "toddy-palms." Notice the マリファナs put up to
catch the 次第に損なう from which the toddy is made.}
Inanimate 反対するs have their "k'las" 同様に as the lower creatures. 所有権 in such 所有／入手s is duly 観察するd by 殺人，大当り the pigs and fowls of a woman when she dies. The remains are thrown away or given to foreigners, who do not 株 the superstitions of the Karen. The 米，稲-きれいにする 器具／実施するs and 着せる／賦与するing of the 死んだ are either 燃やすd or buried with the 死体, unless they are laid on 最高の，を越す of her 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な. In like manner the oxen belonging to a man who has died are killed and 性質の／したい気がして of, while his personsal 影響s are 重荷（を負わせる）d or put in the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な with him. さもなければ, the owner's "k'la" might return to the village for his 所有物／資産／財産 and その為に bring calamity on the inhabitants.
The idea seems to 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる の中で the Karen that the "k'las" enter and leave their 団体／死体s through the fontanel on the 最高の，を越す of the 長，率いる. In 事例／患者 a child 落ちるs and cries the mother will blow on this 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, ーするために keep the life 原則 from escaping. However, the customary method of 妨げるing the escape of the "k'la" is to tie a string around the wrists, either one or both of them, after fanning up the 武器 to blow the "k'la" 支援する. Anybody may 成し遂げる this 行為／法令／行動する, but the services of 年上のs or necromancers ("wi") are preferred.
Another conception of the "k' la," やめる 際立った from that 始める，決める 前へ／外へ above, is that it is a seven-倍の spirit 住むing the 団体／死体, whose death it is 絶えず 努力する／競うing to 遂行する through one or another of seven methods, すなわち, insanity, licentiousness, epilepsy, 圧迫, 病気s, 事故s, and 傷害 by wild beasts. Even from the birth of a person the seven-倍の "k'la" 受託するs the 責任／義務 of 原因（となる）ing his or her death and is engaged in constant struggle with that person's '"so" (personality or character) for the mastery. As long as the "so" is strong, it serves as the individual's 後見人 angel; and he remains 免疫の both from the attacks of the seven-倍の "k' la" and from the 魔法 arts of witches and necromancers. However powerful the charm that may be 雇うd against him, his 支配するing "so" will 区 it off; but if his "so" should become weak, he will soon lose his 免疫.[21-15]
THE CONTINUITY OF LIFE
The Karen do not appear to have conceived the idea of an immortal life. They speak of "k'las" in "plu" (hades) as dying, when the "k'las" are believed to enter an 中間の 行う／開催する／段階 of 存在, becoming "sgheu." These "sgheu" are 代表するd as something like eggs or bladders filled with a vaporous 実体. When, later, these vapor-filled 反対するs burst, their contents spread over the fields; and the developing flowers of the 米，稲 and other 工場／植物s are その為に fertilized, for the vapor 含む／封じ込めるs the fructifying 原則. When the 穀物 is eaten as food, its life-giving 力／強力にする is communicated to the 血. Thence, it is imparted to the seminal fluid, by means of which men and animals are enabled to propagate life. The 伝達／伝染 of life from shades or ghosts 支援する to life again is 表明するd in Karen speech by the root "lo," which signifies to expose or open one thing to the influcence of another. Inasmuch as the fecundating of the 米，稲 takes place in the 雨の season, the "法律 hpo," a company of demons who 規制する the 降雨, are supposed to 行為／法令／行動する as スパイ／執行官s in bringing it about. When the kernels are forming in the 長，率いるs of the 米，稲, the Karen are wont to say: "Bu deu htaw li,' which means literally, "The 米，稲 has conceived."[21-16]
In the Karen demonism the spirits are nearly all malevolent, and it takes a large 株 of the time of the people to keep on good 条件 with them. In the hills and remote 地域s these mythical 存在s still 持つ／拘留する sway; but the 普通の／平均（する） Karen on the plains of Lower Burma 保持するs only a vague and 疑わしい belief in these 力／強力にするs, which have lost their 支配（する）／統制する over him for the most part, now that he has come into 接触する with many outside 影響（力）s. The fullest account of these spirits is given in the Karen Thesaurus and the writings of Drs. Francis Mason and E. B. Cross. It is from these 記録，記録的な／記録するs, written in the 早期に days before the Karen were 乱すd by civilizing 影響（力）s that I have 主として drawn the 構成要素s for this 一時期／支部.[22-1]
These 非常に／多数の 存在s may be divided into three groups or 分割s: first, those spirits that are thought to dwell apart, to 所有する human せいにするs, and to 支配（する）／統制する the 運命 of men and events; second, the spirits of mortals that for some 推論する／理由 have been 非難するd to wander about and that have relations, usually evil, with living men; and, third, a number of heterogeneous spirits that never were mortal, but still can 影響（力） men at さまざまな times and places. The members of this class are not so 一般に 認めるd as those of the first class.
In the first group are the "Mu xa" and the "Hti k' sa kaw k' sa," both of which are conceived of as 存在 companies of divinities: "Naw k' plaw" or "Mu kaw li," who corresponds to Satan; "Hpi Bi Yaw," the Karen corn maiden; "Hku Te," the 支配者 of hades, and "Teu Kweh," the rainbow.
The "Mu xa" seem to be a race of celestial 存在s, of whom "Mu xa do" (literally, the 広大な／多数の／重要な "Mu xa") is the king. They appear to have 存在するd 事前の to men, but good men may after death become members of their company and dwell with them in the upper 地域s of the 空気／公表する. They are not malicious, although offerings are made to them lest their 怒り／怒る should be 誘発するd by some untoward 行為／法令／行動する on the part of men. Their special 仕事 is to 統括する over births. Their king 占領するs himself with the 創造 of men, but, 存在 interrupted continually by さまざまな 需要・要求するs upon his attention, he turns out many 欠陥のあるs, 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なうs, and 不正に colored ones. This poor workmanship led men in the past to revile the "Mu xa," who, その結果, no longer show themselves to mortals. They have the 力／強力にする to 部隊 the souls of those whom they have predestined to marry. Those thus paired are vouchsafed 繁栄する and happy lives; but if they 後継する in mating with others than those ーするつもりであるd for them, incompatibility and adversity surely follow. The "Mu xa" are often 演説（する）／住所d as though they were the parents of mankind and appear to 持つ／拘留する places 類似の to that of Zeus or Jupiter の中で the gods of the 古代の Greeks and Romans. They are often spoken of in Karen lore as dwelling on 開始する "雪解け Thi," as Zeus in Greek mythology had his abode on 開始する Olympus.[22-2] In the 祝賀 of family 儀式s and feasts the "Mu xa" are 認めるd by having words 演説（する）／住所d to them, although the family spirits, 一般的に designed as "Bgha," are often thought of as the 力／強力にするs to be propitiated at this 儀式. In some sections of the country the "parents of mankind" are supposed to receive offerings in their 延長するd 手渡すs, which are その為に 洗浄するd. They are then 推定する／予想するd to return to their celestial abode, the hope 存在 that they will not descend again to the dwelling-place of mortals, lest, by some mischance they should become 感情を害する／違反するd and bring misfortune upon men. They are believed to be able to assume any form they wish and to （判決などを）下す themselves 明白な or invisible at will.[22-3]
One member of this group, called "Mu xa hkleu" is thought to 統括する over the much-venerated banyan (Ficus religiost). It was under a banyan tree that Gautama Buddha received his enlightenment. The banyan is, however, held sacred by most of the tribes of Indo-中国, even though they are not Buddhists. No 疑問 the wonderful vitality of the seeds of this tree which germinate anywhere, 特に in the crotches of other trees and in the 長，率いる of the palm, later enveloping, 殺人，大当り, and 栄えるing on its host, has helped to evoke the veneration of the peoples familiar with the banyan. によれば the Karen legends, the rhinoceros ("ta do hkaw") is the beast on which the 後見人 spirit of the banyan tree is accustomed to ride when searching for the "k' las" of human 存在s. Any person who kills one of these animals 誘発するs the 敵意 of the spirit.
The "Hti k' sa kaw k' sa," or "lords of the water and land," or "lords of the earth," are the deities who 支配する over the lands of the earth. They are superior to the spirits that 統括する over rivers and mountains and have tempers that are easily 乱すd. Ill-spoken words, 同様に as 妥当でない and immoral 活動／戦闘s, easily 感情を害する／違反する them; and they take vengance on persons 有罪の of such 軽罪s by sending tigers, snakes and さまざまな illness upon them. They are いつかs 混乱させるd with the king of hades, who also passes judgment on the sins of mortals. One way to 避ける 怒り／怒るing the lords of the earth is to 捨てる a little rice from the 最高の，を越す of the マリファナ while cooking and lay it aside as an 申し込む／申し出ing to them. 関心ing their relation to these divinities, the people say that if they trangress in their language while in a distant land, the lords of the earth will kill them before dark; but if 有罪の of 断言するing or using indecent words in their own country, they can assuage the 怒り／怒る of these spirits by making an 申し込む／申し出ing of rice and water at the foot of a tree and uttering the に引き続いて 祈り: "O Lords of the earth, we are ignorant people. Whatever transgressions we have been 有罪の of in using 厳しい or obscene words, do not, O Lords, 持つ／拘留する them against us. We will make offerings 毎年. If we do not die, you shall eat of our food every year and of our children's offerings, 世代 after 世代."
Every tree, river, lake, and, indeed, almost every natural 反対する is supposed by the Karen to be 住むd by its "k' sa" or divinity. These 地元の spirits, however, are regarded by many as 構成するing lower orders of the divinities of the first group. When a man selects the 場所 for his field, he must 成し遂げる 確かな 儀式s to 勝利，勝つ their good will. The simplest of these is to place offerings of ice and water at the foot of some large tree in the 陰謀（を企てる） chosen or to go through the 儀式s 述べるd in the 一時期／支部 on 農業の 追跡s and Other 占領／職業s.[22-4] There are also the 年次の sacrifices to these spirits that have been 述べるd fully in the 一時期／支部 on Propitiatory Sacrifices and 傷をいやす／和解させるing Offerings.
The nefarious work and character of "Naw k' plaw" or "Mu kaw li" have been 十分に 明らかにする／漏らすd in the narration of the story of his 誘惑 of the first parents of the Karen race in the orchard that was 工場／植物d for them by the 広大な／多数の／重要な and eternal God, "Y'wa."
The divinity that 統括するs over the cultivation of the 米，稲 is known as "Hpi Bi Yaw." The legend relating to this goddess 明言する／公表するs that she and her spouse, in the form of pythons, slept on the 米，稲 pile of a 確かな man and その為に 原因（となる）d the 増加する of his 穀物 until it filled three 貯蔵所s, but that the ungrateful wretch killed the male serpent, bringing a 悪口を言う／悪態 upon himself as the result of which his 供給（する） gave out at the end of three months. In the 試みる／企てる to buy enough 穀物 to furnish food for his family he was 減ずるd to poverty. After this "Hpi Bi Yaw" taught an 孤児 how to raise abundant 刈るs in return for offerings which he made to her. As the other people were ignorant of what was 推定する／予想するd of them, she first destroyed their 刈るs and later 原因（となる）d their death, その為に 学校／設けるing the custom of sacrifices in her 栄誉（を受ける）.
Another legend in regard to "Hpi Bi Yaw" relates that in the guise of a dreadful old hag she begged men, who were 捜し出すing food in the ジャングル during a 飢饉, to 株 with her. They 辞退するd but an 孤児, に引き続いて in her path, took pity on her and was rewarded by 存在 教えるd in all the arts of raising 米，稲. Beginning with three kernels, which he took from the stomach of a dove, he grew both the 早期に and the ordinary varieties of rice, 同様に as the glutinous rice. With a small knife given him by the goddess he was able to （疑いを）晴らす away the ジャングル-growth from his field at a 一打／打撃. Returning home with him, she directed him to boil a マリファナ of water, and into it she shook an ample 量 of rice for the meal from her finger-tips. Through her 好意 his field より勝るd all others in 生産性 and was 削減（する） by one sweep of the sickle. The 穀物 was transferred from the field to its 貯蔵所 by 魔法, and, although stolen by the 村人s, was 回復するd by the goddess's dancing in the empty 貯蔵所. During 連続する years, she befriended the 孤児 and even dwelt in a hut in his field during the cultivating season, until he became 繁栄する enough to marry. The very next season, however, the 孤児s' wife become jealous of the goddess, （機の）カム to the field, and （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 her with a bamboo 政治家, until the divinity managed to escape from her 加害者 by changing herself into a cricket and hiding in a crab's burrow. "Hpi Bi Yaw" became so incensed at the outrageous 治療 she had received that she has never returned since to 援助（する） any mortal; but offerings are made to her, and the 縁 of earth that encircles the 入り口 to crabs' burrows is placed on 最高の，を越す of the 米，稲 pile and in the 貯蔵所 in her 栄誉（を受ける）.[22-5]
A Bwe Karen Christian Village, Toungoo 地区
{The Karen still love to build their houses as の近くに together as
possible.}
"Hku Te" is the lord of the 地域 of death, the king of hades. His origin is explained as follow: A couple dwelling in the spirit realm once plotted to 殺す and devour their son-in-法律. Accordingly, they turned themselves into 巨大（な） winding creepers hanging across the road by which their ーするつもりであるd 犠牲者 was returning from his field, carrying a basket of 米，稲. Instead of 試みる／企てるing to pass under the vines, as he was 推定する／予想するd to do, the son-in-法律 厳しいd them with his sickle. One of the creepers, his wife, すぐに flew 上向き to the sky and became a rainbow, while the other 侵入するd the earth, 再開するd his 初めの form as a man, and became king of hades. There he receives the souls of mortals and 支配するs over the dead. As 裁判官 of those under his 当局 he 認めるs 許可 to the ones that have lived worthily to enter the higher realms, but he 非難するs to the lowest hell those of base lives. No offerings are made to this Karen Pluto.
"Hku Te" is to be seen as a rainbow in the west occasionally. At such times, によれば one 見解／翻訳／版 of the legend, he is lowering a tube through which to drink the アルコール飲料 供給するd at wedding feasts. When a rainbow appears in the west 早期に in the morning, the king of hades is again in the sky, this time setting up a funeral 地位，任命する ("t le") for his children.[22-6] From this it seems that he has had several offspring, but his wife has never borne him any since their son-in-法律 妨害するd their 陰謀（を企てる） against his life in the remote past. The funeral 地位，任命する is ーするつもりであるd to remind men that many persons have died without receiving proper burial 儀式s. Such neglect entails some sort of a calamity. Hence, the Karen are stricken with terror when they 観察する the rainbow arching the western heavens 早期に in the morning, 特に if this 調印する is …を伴ってd by 雷鳴 and 地震. Under such circumstances they will not go to their work for it is a tabu.[22-7] If a Karen should point at such a rainbow, he would at once thrust his finger into his navel in order to 避ける the loss of the 感情を害する／違反するing member. This 行為／法令／行動する is called "ugh de de."
The people say of the rainbow in the east that at the time "Teu Kweh," wife of "Hku Te," became the 屈服する of 約束 in the sky she was 妊娠している, and, 存在 now separated from the earth, she is seen from time to time in the east going to draw water for herself. The souls of women who die with child are supposed to have no other means of 得るing drink, except from the rainbow divinity. When the two rainbows appear in the west, the upper and larger one is her husband, who is visiting with her.
The second group of spirits の中で the Karen 構成するs those who has spent some time on earth as human 存在s, but have not 伸び（る）d 入り口 into the realm of the dead because they were 否定するd funeral 儀式s either on account of their bad character or on account of their having died by 暴力／激しさ. Hence they are doomed to wander about, avenging themselves upon mortals. As they are supposed to be 特に 占領するd with this 使節団 at nightfall, the Karen think it imprudent to be out during the 早期に evening.
This 分割 consists of three groups of 存在s. The first are "Th' re ta hka," or ghosts of those who have died violent deaths or have been carried off by 疫病／流行性のs of コレラ, smallpox, etc. and could not, therefore, be given proper funeral 儀式s. They are believed to bring violent deaths and 疫病／流行性のs upon mortals, probably in 復讐 for the manner of their own taking-off. The second group is made up of those who were 悪名高くも evil in the earthly life and 苦しむd 死刑 for their 罪，犯罪s and of those who as 長，指導者s were known to be tyrants. This group as a whole is called "Ta mu xa."[22-8] Its members appear in the forms of 巨大（な）s and goblins or of Burman "pongyis" (Buddhist 修道士s) and are usually seen by sick persons whose spirits ("k'las") they are 捜し出すing and on which they subsist.[22-9] These demons are …に出席するd by dogs in the form of キツツキs. によれば a legend two men, who were 拘留するd in the forest until night, heard a 支持を得ようと努めるd-pecker call, and すぐに thereafter they heard some ghosts say that the dog had barked. One of the men shouted, but they could distinguish nothing but some 発言／述べる about monkeys, followed by the sound of a bowstring. The pair 存在 thus discovered by the キツツキ, which was evidently with the demons, were stricken with a 冷気／寒がらせる and died the next morning. その結果, when a Karen hears the 叫び声をあげる of this bird of ill-omen, he calls out:
"Shun me; stay far off.
Go thine own way; keep thine own road."
The third group of the ghosts of mortals consists of those who, through some 事故, have been 奪うd of the funeral 儀式s. This group was discovered ages ago through the 苦しめるing experience of a 確かな patriarch, who （機の）カム upon the 団体／死体 of a Talain who had been struck by 雷. He carried off the skull, took it home, and put it up over his fireplace. During the night the death's-長，率いる assumed human form and wandered all over the house, その為に striking terror into the members of the family. Before morning it 再開するd its former 形態／調整. The ghosts of people thus accidentally killed and left unburied are called "Ta t' hka" or "Ta s' hka." They 奮起させる the Karen with horror, a fact taken advantage of by some miscreants who work evil on their enemies by means of a skull kept for the 目的. However, such working of evil 落ちるs within the realm of 魔法.[22-10]
The third general 分割 of spirits 構成するs a heterogeneous lot of divinities, who 演習 more or いっそう少なく 影響（力） on the life and 繁栄 of men. Some of these may have been 相続するd from older tribes in the conuntry, but have become the ありふれた 所有物／資産／財産 of the Karen for several 世代s 支援する.
The 巨人 Atlas of the 古代の Greeks, supporting a globe, as his 相当するもの in "Hsi gu maw ya" or "Maw ya," as he is いつかs called. He is a brother of "Y'wa" and 持つ／拘留するs the world on his shoulders. When he grows 疲れた／うんざりした, he 転換s it from one 味方する to the other and thus 原因（となる）s 地震s. いつかs the beetles that 料金d on the 辞退する of human 存在s 報告（する）／憶測 to him that they are 餓死するing, because there are more people to 供給（する） them with food. This so 怒り／怒るs him that he shakes himself and produces a 一連の earth-（軽い）地震s. As these phenomena are ありふれた in Burma, the Karen 捜し出す to 静かな them by shouting out: "We are still here. We are still here." Work is tabu during the day on which an 地震 occurs.[22-11]
The 半分-年次の change of seasons can not but attract the attention of the people living in Burma. For the Karen a company of demons, the "法律," is 責任がある the wet season and another group, the "Hku de," for the 乾燥した，日照りの season. The former, who are いつかs 指名するd the "法律 hpo" (signifying a company of them), are believed to have cities and dwelling in the upper 地域s, whence they 規制する the 降雨 and 明らかにする／漏らす themselves in the 雷鳴 and 雷. The falshes of 雷 are nothing いっそう少なく than the flapping of their wings and the 雷鳴 is the 動揺させる of their 飛行機で行くing 軸s against their 敵s, the "Hku de."
The "法律" are also regarded as the source of the fructifying 力／強力にする in all 工場／植物s and trees that form their fruits in the wet season. The 穀物 is said to be conceiving when the kernels are developing, and the "法律 hpo" are said to be the husbands who bring this about. Their 機能（する）／行事 is to 供給する the 工場／植物s, 特に the 米，稲 which is 長，率いるing during the latter part of the 雨の season, with the "sgheu" (the life-givng 原則), that is, the vaporous 実体 that comes from the land of the dead and 生き返らせるs all life on the earth.[22-12] The scarcity of 国内の animals の中で the Karen is せいにするd to these demons, who are 申し立てられた／疑わしい to have raised such a stifling dust by 狙撃 their 軸s against the 激しく揺するs that the creatures took 避難 in the ジャングル and became wild before they could be caught again.
The enemies of the "法律," the "Hku de, "are also demons of the upper 空気／公表する wth a human 外見, but no がまんするing-place. During the period when the "法律" are 最高の, these divinities betake themselves to the clefts and fissures of the 激しく揺するs on 開始する "雪解け Thi"; but に向かって the end of the wet season they begin to gather their 軍隊s together for a mortal 戦闘 with their 対抗者s. The flashing of spears is seen in the forked 雷, and the 軍隊 of the blows 交流d is 明らかにする／漏らすd in the roar of the 雷鳴. The "法律 hpo" are unable to 持つ／拘留する out against the 猛攻撃 and 身を引く for six months to the fissures and 不和s in the 激しく揺するs from which the "Hku de" （機の）カム 前へ／外へ. A half-year later the "法律" will vanquish the 現在の 勝利者s.
The "P'yo" are demons, vusually in the form of dragons or serpents, that blow the water up from the ocean and produce the clouds from which the rain descends. They いつかs take on human form, and in this guise they 人物／姿／数字 in many Karen tales. They 統括する over the 深い pools of streams, whose flow may さもなければ be 減ずるd to the merest trickle. The king of the crocodiles, "Maw 法律 kwi," is said to be 非，不，無 of these demons.
（太陽，月の）食／失墜s, like the clouds, are supposed to be 原因（となる）d by demons; but the （太陽，月の）食／失墜-producing demons were once the dogs of a 確かな mythical personage who tried unsuccesfully to 回復する his stolen elixir of life from the moon. These dogs are "K' paw ta thu" and "T' hke mo bak."[22-13]
There are other mythical 存在s of whom the Karen have more or いっそう少なく vague ideas, for example, the two daughters of "Y'wa" who （機の）カム to earth ーするために 改善する the 条件 of men. A prophet discovered their 身元 and 勧めるd the people to build a 寺 for their worship. The Pwo Karens not only failed to follow this advice, but also 無視（する）d the proprieties so far as to begin pulling out their gold and silver hair ornaments. The goddesses became so disgusted with this rude 治療 that they 急いでd 支援する to their celestial abode, nevermore to be seen by mankind.
A large group of malevolent 存在s, much 恐れるd by the Karen, are the "Ta na." These are witch-like in their 操作／手術s, but 所有する the 力／強力にする to assume almost any form at will ーするために 害（を与える） mortals and are superhuman. They are not to be 混乱させるd with the Burmese "nats,' although they have 確かな resemblances to them.[22-14] The origin of the "ta na" is explained in two ways. によれば one of these accounts, a basket 含む／封じ込めるing all manner of living creatures was once 始める，決める before the human race. The people were 命令（する）d to partake of them all, lest, if any were left, they might be themselves devoured by the 生存者s. But the "Ta na" clung so closely to the 底（に届く） of the basket that they were overlooked and have been able to terrify mortals ever since. The other explanation of the origin of these 存在s is that they were a sort of supernatural stomach belonging to 確かな persons and subsisting not on ordinary food, but on the "k'las" or spirits of human 存在s. The stomachs were 有能な of detaching themselves, ーするために go in search of their special 肉親，親類d of nutriment. They may perhaps be compared to the old conception of the nightmare in English folklore, except that this demon 限定するd its activities to the sleeping hours of the 犠牲者. The deprecations of the horrible "Ta na" are 関係のある in many stories, of which the に引き続いて may serve as an illustration:
A man was awakened one night by a 人物／姿／数字, which he took to be that of his 甥 in the 行為／法令／行動する of massaging him. Next morning the 甥 否定するd all knowledge of the 出来事/事件 and requested his uncle to strike him, if he was again （悪事，秘密などを）発見するd in so strange a 手続き. The next night there was a 再発 of the 出来事/事件, but the uncle 差し控えるd from hitting his 甥, as he supposed the apparition to be. On the third night, however, he 削減（する） off the 長，率いる of the troublesome 訪問者; and after 夜明け a headless 死体 was 設立する in the village, which the uncle regarded as proof that the "na" had assumed the form of his 甥 in the 成果／努力 to 得る his own shade ("k 'la").
In another instance, one of the "Ta na" gave a slave girl the 外見 of her mistress and 副／悪徳行為 versa. As a result of this 交流 of characters the husband sent his wife into the fields to 運動 the birds from the standing 穀物. The wife, making friends with the birds, easily induced them to let the 米，稲 alone; while she sent a dove to her mother to fetch some fragrant oil, by means of which she was at length 回復するd to her own form and 駅／配置する.
One of the 対策 いつかs taken by a Karen to 保護する his field from the 荒廃させるs of the birds, is to impale a tuft of grass on a sharp stick in 記念品 of the 肉親，親類d of 治療 he 宣言するs himself to be visiting on the demon itself. The latter is その為に duly 警告するd to stay away from the field.
As 確かな "na" dwell in the water, persons who go in bathing must take care not to 感情を害する／違反する them. さもなければ, the bathers are liable to sudden illness.
A monster called "T' nu" appears 運命にあるd to play the part of destroying angel の中で the Karen after the righteous shall have disappeared from the earth. He will then 皆殺しにする the wicked. He is 代表するd as going about with a 抱擁する crossbow.
There is a race of 巨大（な）s known as "Daw t'ka," who, like the "Ta na," 料金d on the "k'las" of mortals. They are 大いに 恐れるd by the Karen, 特に in Siam where the people 辞退する to send their children to school in the 隣接地の 地区 of Moulmein, lest these spirit-eating 巨大（な）s may devour them.
In the Shwegyin 地区 "Ta t' hkaw hkaw" (the one-legged one) is a demon with the form of a 女性（の） with but one 脚 on which she hops along the ジャングル paths, occasionally 落ちるing over. If one answers call for help and 補助装置s her to arise, her ill-temper 原因（となる）s her to give no other acknowledgment of the service than a 非難する in the 直面する of him who （判決などを）下すs it. The Brecs 申し込む／申し出 the 申し立てられた／疑わしい bones of this creature for sale to the women of other tribes, who prize them 大いに as charms.
From the foregoing account it will br readily seen that the life of the Karen has been 支配するd by superstitious beliefs in unseen and malicious 力／強力にするs, which seem to be always in waiting to take 罪／違反 and do some 害（を与える） to his 刈るs, his family, or himself. In the 後継するing 一時期／支部 his 成果／努力s to propitiate and keep on good 条件 with these myriad demons are 始める，決める 前へ／外へ.
The 儀式s and sacrifices of the Karen people seem almost innumberable. As we have seen どこかよそで, their offerings are designed to placate the evil 力／強力にするs and 勝利，勝つ the 好意 of the good. It is difiulct to discover the exact meaning of the 非常に／多数の 儀式s; for the people are reticent about them, 恐れるing that the demons may overhear and learn their 動機s or other 事柄s connected with the 儀式s that may 怒り／怒る them. Often persons who are 成し遂げるing some 儀式 do not pretend to know its meaning, 率直に admitting that they do not understand but are 簡単に に引き続いて the customs of the 年上のs. Offerings that seem nearly alike to the foreign 居住（者） in Burma have their special significance for the Karen, 存在 made to different demons, or at special times, or as 予防のs, cures, etc. The 宗教 of the Karen is not one of love and worship, but 大部分は of 恐れる of the occult 力／強力にするs by which they believe themselves to be surrounded. Their 儀式s and offerings are, therefore, 奮起させるd by personal and utilitarian 動機s, すなわち, to 回避する danger and bring good fortune. Hence, it is not uncommon for the ritualist to make his 申し込む／申し出ing not to a 選び出す／独身 demon but to "all you evil spirits." Since the "k'la" or life 原則 of human 存在s is supposed to be the normal food of these spirits, sickness is to be 避けるd or cured by offerings of the most savory foods, drink, and other things that may tempt the hungry demon from the person whose shade it is trying to devour.
For convenience we may divide the propitiatory 儀式s into three classes. One group 構成するs those 行為／法令／行動するs of homage, いつかs (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する, in which the demons are invoked with sacrifices and 儀式s, as in the 事例／患者 of the offerings to the lords of the land and water ("Hti k' kaw k' sa"), to the "Mu xa," and to the "Bgha" of the particuar family. The second group consists of the 儀式s used in placating evil demons who may be feeding upon the "k'la" of a sick person. These take the form of offerings and 控訴，上告s to the wandering shade to return to its proper abode. The third group is that in which the offerings are made to the shade itself, when it has left the 団体／死体 of its own volition or on account of a sudden fright, and is liable to become lost in the ジャングル. In such 事例／患者s the "k' la" must be 誘惑するd 支援する and induced to remain in the 団体／死体 it 普通は animates.
The "Hti k' sa kaw k' sa" are the 力／強力にするs that 支配する the earth and that most abhor the sins of lust.[23-1] It is to these 力／強力にするs that the Sgaw and Bwe tribes make a periodic sacrifice ("Ta lu hpa do" or the 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifice), ordinarily once in three years, but when the 刈るs fail because of their sins, as they think, as often as once a year. The sacrifice serves the 二塁打 目的 of 栄誉（を受ける）ing the lords of the land and water and 粛清するing the people of their carnal sins. When, therefore, the tribes enjoy a 長引かせるd period of 繁栄, they consider themselves morally 許容できる to the 力／強力にするs and 延期する their sacrifice for four or even five years.[23-2]
A. THE GREAT SACRIFICE OF THE SGAW
の中で the Sgaw the 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifice is ordered by the most 影響力のある 長，指導者 of the country, his directions 存在 given to those 長，指導者s who are willing to 認める his 優越 and by them in turn to their villages. The time 存在 任命するd, a suitable 位置／汚点／見つけ出す 近づく a good stream is chosen to which every family is 推定する／予想するd to bring a boar and a white fowl, while the 長，指導者s each bring a bullock or a goat. An altar of bamboo with seven 地位，任命するs on each 味方する is 築くd, the roof of which consists of seven tiers each smaller than the one below, like that of a Buddhist palace. 地位，任命するs are 始める，決める 一連の会議、交渉／完成する to which the sacrificial creatures are tied. On the day 指名するd for the 儀式s a jar of アルコール飲料 is placed at the foot of each 地位，任命する, and a young man is 任命するd by each 長，指導者 to kill his animal after a 祈り has been uttered by the 広大な／多数の／重要な 長，指導者. During the 祈り the young men stand 持つ／拘留するing their "xeh" (sickles) over their 犠牲者s, while the 長，指導者s place their 手渡すs on the animals. The 祈り is as follows:
"O Lords of the land and water. O Lords of mercy. Lest the country should be stricken and the 穀物 destroyed; lest the people should be 苦しめるd and a pestilence come upon them, we put our sins on these buffaloes, oxen, and goats.[23-3] From this day henceforth may it please you to 無視（する） our sins. Let illness not come upon our people. O ye 広大な／多数の／重要な Spirits that 支配する the heaven and the earth, receive our offerings and have mercy upon us. 今後 may our land be 実りの多い／有益な, may the work of our children 栄える, may they keep 井戸／弁護士席. Forget our evil 行為s, which bring 苦しめる. May these things come to pass because of the offerings that we are now making."
The young men hamstring the animals and 削減（する） their throats as soon as the 長，指導者s 除去する their 手渡すs. The 血 is 注ぐd around the place of sacrifice. The gall-bladders are 診察するd to see if they are 十分な and 井戸／弁護士席-一連の会議、交渉／完成するd. If so, the sacrifice is thought to be 許容できる. さもなければ, it is evident that the sins of the people are not yet absolved and will not be, until they 供給する 満足な animals. Assuming, however, that the first 申し込む／申し出ing 証明するs to be 許容できる, the hair is 燃やすd off of the animals. Their 長，率いるs and feet are 削減（する） off and laid upon the altar, and seven bamboo water-共同のs are fastened to its 地位，任命するs. When the flesh is cooked the 広大な／多数の／重要な 長，指導者 goes to the altar, takes some rice and meat on a silver tray, fills all of the bamboo 共同のs and puts some of the food 負かす／撃墜する at さまざまな places on the altar. He then eats a morsel himself, after which each of the others eat in turn.
While this 儀式 is in 進歩, every one must 自白する his sins. If there is any 疑問 about a person, he must 除去する it either by the water ordeal or by that of climbing a tree. The water ordeal consists of two parts. First, the person 疑問d and the one 疑問ing him take each a plantain 茎・取り除く and 投げ上げる／ボディチェックする it into the swift 現在の of the river. The 長，指導者 公式文書，認めるs which 茎・取り除く is thrown up higher by the water. Second, this part is far more serious: it consists in 押し進めるing the two men under the water and 持つ／拘留するing them there by means of forked sticks across their necks. The first one struggling up for 空気／公表する is accounted the loser. If he is the same one whose plantain was 投げ上げる／ボディチェックするd lower than that of his 対抗者, he is regarded as surely 有罪の.
In the ordeal of tree climbing the 競うing men are sent in turn up a tree that has been 削減（する） around the foot until almost ready to 落ちる. The 登山者 must 上がる to the 最高の，を越す and throw 負かす／撃墜する a 衣料品 so deftly as not to touch any one of a number of spears 始める，決める up around its base. During the 実験（する） the tree must not sway or creak, much いっそう少なく 落ちる. The one who 成し遂げるs this feat with the least 騒動 to the tree is the 勝利者.
B. THE BWE SACRIFICE
The Sgaw 申し込む／申し出 their 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifice in January.[23-4] The Bwe, however, make their 申し込む／申し出ing in July when the 米，稲 is 井戸／弁護士席 started. They sacrifice one hog in a central 位置／汚点／見つけ出す of the village lands, first 築くing a booth under a eugenia tree, which they consider sacred. Four 年上のs 行為／法令／行動する as priests, their 機能（する）／行事s 存在 herediatary.[23-5] Each man 削減（する）s three bamboos, one to 代表する a 地位，任命する of his 米，稲-貯蔵所 and the other two to show the 高さ he wants the 穀物 to be in his 貯蔵所. Then he makes a miniature 貯蔵所, a long pen, a 罠（にかける） and a snare. When the people 組み立てる／集結する, only the most 繁栄する 年上のs sit with the priests in the booth. No woman are 許すd to be 現在の.
The leader takes a sprig from a eugenia tree and raises it in his clasped 手渡す to heaven and prays, the others doing likewise. The leader then spears the hog; and, when the 血 flows, all 掴む their bamboos and cry out: "May my 米，稲 be as high as these bamboos." Some 宣言する that they have caught many ネズミs in their 罠（にかける）s and others that they have snared many wild fowls, in proof of their 目的 to 保護する the growing 穀物. Others dance and shout, while some （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 gongs or blow bamboo 麻薬を吸うs.
The hog is then carried to the village to be cooked. Each man also 供給するs a fowl. When all the food has been 用意が出来ている, it is brought 支援する to the booth; and, after a 祈り much like that 引用するd above, they 始める，決める out the food but eat 非，不，無 of it. On their way 支援する to the village they dance and sing and spend the night in revelry. Next morning they return to the booth, and the priests begin to eat of the food left there, all 存在 許すd to partake; but any one who considers himself unholy must not eat, for the flood is sacred. Not only person 有罪の of immoral 行為／行う, but also men whose wives are 妊娠している are under tabu.
After the feast, when they have again danced their way 支援する ot the village, the 長，指導者s draw two 共同のs of water for each family and carry them into the village. The families are then called out on their verandas and each family group, 含むing the women and children, is ぱらぱら雨d with water from one of the 共同のs brought for it. The other is carried to the field next morning by the 長，率いる of the family, and its contents are ぱらぱら雨d on the 穀物. This 儀式 is supposed to 洗浄する the families form evil and to produce good 刈るs. The four priests officiate under special 指名するs, of which three signify, それぞれ, lord of the village, messenger, and keeper of the village. I do not know the meaning of the fourth 肩書を与える. During the 儀式 they wear embroidered tunis, longer than ordinary 衣料品s. From the people they receive gifts of beads and ear ornaments. In some villages a bullock is 代用品，人d for the hog, and in one of the Mopgha villages 近づく Toungoo the inhabitants 要求する a coal-黒人／ボイコット bullock, 存在 willing to 支払う／賃金 a large price ーするために 得る one.
Karen Girls 続けざまに猛撃するing 米，稲 In A 迫撃砲 Out-Of-Doors
C. THE SMALL SACRIFICE OF THE SGAW
Besides the 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifice 申し込む／申し出d by the Sgaw to the lords of the land, they also make a small sacrifice ("Ta lu hpo") to the same 力／強力にするs. A few men-- the exact number 存在 決定するd by divination--build a little booth in the ジャングル and （疑いを）晴らす three paths 主要な from it. They sacrifice a white fowl, letting some of its 血 into a bamboo 共同の 含む／封じ込めるing liqour. Some of the 血 is smeared on the outside of the 共同の and on the 地位，任命するs of the booth, and feathers from the fowl are stuck to it. A 肉親，親類d of broom is made by splitting a bamboo, with which they （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 the booth, while praying: "O Lords of the land and water. Let the sick member of my family change places with this fowl. 許す his sins and 解放する／自由な him from 病気." いつかs they 演説（する）／住所 their 祈り to the water-witch: "We are 申し込む／申し出ing thee the 血 of this fowl. Eat this and go thy way. Do not come 近づく us." After cooking and eating the fowl, they color a little cotton thread yellow and 勝利，勝つd it about their water-共同の. Having returned home, they draw water and ぱらぱら雨 some of it on the sick person. A piece of the colored thread is then tied around his waist so that the demon may identify him as the one for whom the 申し込む／申し出ing was made. They must not 許す any one to …を伴って them on their sacrificial 旅行 or to converse with them.
II. OFFERINGS FOR THE SICKS
The small sacrifice 述べるd above is one of the offerings for the sick, but because it is made to the lords of the land rather than to the evil spirits who entice away and 料金d upon the "k'las" of human 存在s, I have grouped it with the offerings to those deities. 確かな demons are malicious and 要求する placating and コースを変えるing to keep them from indulging in this practice, which results in the illness and perhaps the death of the persons 伴う／関わるd. Divination may 示す that some particular demon, for example, one of the water-witches ("Na hti") or one of the ghosts of tyrants that dwell in the ジャングルs ("T're t' hka"), is engaged in this nefarious work. AIso, the 儀式s peculiar to that demon must be 遂行する／発効させるd in a 成果／努力 to induce it to leave the village and follow the person carrying the offerings to some lonely 位置／汚点／見つけ出す in the ジャングル, there to remain and partake of the aroma of the feast, much as one would entice a pig from やじ in the garden to follow an ear of corn 支援する to its pen. Having gone through this 業績／成果, the 運送／保菌者 stealthily returns, trying on the way to deceive the demon into believing that he has taken some other 追跡する by 封鎖するing the one he has 現実に followed, and 情愛深く thinking that he has 除去するd the 原因（となる） of the sickness of the member of his 世帯.
I am led to believe that many offerings are made in remote 地区s that belong in this group, although I have 得るd no 正確な account of them. The recital in the 後継するing paragraph will 十分である, however, to 伝える a general idea of the nature of these 儀式s, in all of which, when the 儀式 is 結論するd, the wrist of the 患者 is tied around with a string to keep the "k'la" from getting away again.[23-6]
The 申し込む／申し出ing made when the "T're t' hka," or ghosts of evil tyrants that 住む the 深い ジャングルs, wander into the village and attack the "k'la" of some one, is called "Ta taw 法律 ta." This 儀式 要求するs the weaving of a small basket, in the 底（に届く） of which cotton is laid, and on this four lumps of cooked rice, one colored 支援する with すす, another yellow with tumeric, the third red with amotta berries (from the Bixa orellana), and the fourth left white. A chick is tied to the basket, 存在 made 安全な・保証する by binding both its wings and its feet. Finally, sprigs of yellow and white cockscomb are laid in the basket.
The basket thus fitted out is carried beyond at least two 山の尾根s of hills to a place from which it is believed the demon will not be able to find its way 支援する. There the basket is 始める，決める 負かす／撃墜する with its contents and the に引き続いて 嘆願（書） is 申し込む／申し出d; "We are bringing you red and yellow rice and yellow and white flowers, O 広大な／多数の／重要な 'T're t' hka.' Go 支援する to your own place. Keep away from us." The performers of this 儀式 may sweep a 位置／汚点／見つけ出す under the basket and 選ぶ up a 冷淡な of earth 近づく at 手渡す. Calling the "k'la" to follow them, they leave the chick and rice with the basket to be the food of the ghost and return home. As they go along they break off 支店s, which they place in the path to throw the demon off their 跡をつける, should he 試みる／企てる to follow them.[23-7] On arriving at the house, they call out to ask whether the 患者 has 回復するd or not, and, on 存在 保証するd that he has, they 上がる the ladder and put a bit of the clod in the 穴を開ける of his ear-高く弓形に打ち返す, believing that they have taken ample 対策 to 促進する his 回復.
In 成し遂げるing the 儀式 called "Ta hu 法律 pa 法律," a bundle 含む／封じ込めるing a handful of chaff, a piece of broken マリファナ, and a few chicken feathers is used to touch the sick person, while "Ta mu to xa, Ta yu ta pleh" are 演説（する）／住所d as follows: "O Spirits and very bad Witches, we are 冷静な／正味のing your 怒り／怒る lest you look with longing 注目する，もくろむs on this person. 回復する and 傷をいやす／和解させる him. Go 支援する to your places, east, west, north, or south. Return to your own abodes." The bundle is then borne out along a path 示すd by the omens and left there. The person carrying it pretends to retire into the ジャングル, but really returns home.
In the 儀式 known as "Ta taw the hka heh" the 患者's friends carry to a かなりの distance a little basket 含む／封じ込めるing a chick and a 用意が出来ている betel quid. A 類似の 嘆願（書） to that given above is then uttered, and the chick is 分裂（する） in halves and 取って代わるd in the basket, which is hidden in some hollow tree or 激しく揺する crevice. Again a 嘆願 is made, the basket and its contents are left behind, and a circuitous 大勝する home is followed, the bushes along the way 存在 削減（する） ーするために 納得させる the demons by the 示すs of the knife that they will be 削減（する） by it, should they follow after.
The 儀式 成し遂げるd when the water-witches are supposed to have enticed a "k'la" away is called "Ta lu hti htu hti." A fowl of one color must be carried 負かす／撃墜する to the water, where a small altar is 築くd of two 列／漕ぐ／騒動s of twelve 地位，任命するs each, the two 列／漕ぐ／騒動s converging like the rafters of a roof. The fowl is killed and its 血 smeared on the 地位，任命するs, four feathers 存在 stuck on each of the corner 地位，任命するs. The lords of the water and the lakes, the water-witches, are then besought, in 事例／患者 the sick person has 侵略するd their 州 in any way or they have 原因（となる）d his illness, to partake of the fowl, 甘い アルコール飲料, and rice that are 供給するd and 許す the "k'la" to return and the person to 回復する. The 嘆願（書） の近くにs with words: "Do not look with longing 注目する，もくろむs on upon him, but eat your feast here." The sick man's friends then cook and eat the fowl and return home.
It appears that いつかs the water-witches are 感情を害する／違反するd by a person who is in bathing and 原因（となる） him to become ill with cramps or indigestion. In such a 事例／患者 rice, saffron, and spices are placed upon the 長，率いる of the 違反者／犯罪者 and then taken to a 激しく揺する at the waterside. The witches are 召喚するd by 繰り返して striking the 激しく揺する and 勧めるd to enjoy their feast there.
The 儀式, "Ta di 法律 kweh leh," is 成し遂げるd with a bundle 含む／封じ込めるing a handful of chaff, bits of broken マリファナ, a piece of bamboo, some scrapings of gold and silver, and a fowl. After the 患者 has been touched with this bundle, the demons of "Plu" (hades), the king of hades, and the 広大な／多数の／重要な Elephant ("Ta do k' the, ta do k' saw") are 演説（する）／住所d as follows: "I am 交流ing the sick person for a big bird and a big fowl, for 量s of gold and silver. Let his shade 出発／死. If you 持つ／拘留する him, go." The bundle is then carried out along the road and laid 負かす／撃墜する, and the fowl is plucked. The latter is brought home, the bushes along the way 存在 beaten with a bamboo with 分裂（する） ends, while the "k'la" is 召喚するd to follow. On arriving 近づく the house, the friends call to those within to see if it has returned. On receiving a 都合のよい reply, they enter, tie up the wrist of the sick person, and cook the fowl.[23-8]
A different form of the above 儀式 is 述べるd by Thra Than Bya.[23-9] によれば his account, the friends carry only a fowl to the place on the road and there place a dead leaf on a little 塚 of earth, after which they call the "k' la" to return. Then they take the fowl home and cook it, and, after the sick one has eaten a morsel, the 残り／休憩（する） of the family partake.
Another form of the 申し込む／申し出ing by the 道端 is called "Ka 法律 ta." In this instance a bamboo 地位，任命する about four feet long is 始める，決める up, the upper end of which is 分裂（する） and the splints spread apart by weaving in and out a piece of bamboo. Upon this a little mat of loosely woven bamboo is laid, on which are placed three chicken feathers, a few pieces of egg 爆撃する, and a roll of cotton blackened with charcoal at three points. The feathers seem to 代表する a fowl and the cotton a pig, for the one making the 申し込む／申し出ing says, 演説（する）／住所ing the demons in general: "I am giving you a pig and a fowl. Do not come 近づく me any more. Help me and 傷をいやす／和解させる me." This 申し込む／申し出ing 異なるs from any of the others について言及するd in this chaper in that it is 象徴的な, and also in the fact that the 患者 成し遂げるs the 儀式 in his own に代わって.
III. OFFERINGS TO THE "K'LA" ITSELF
いつかs the 後援 示す that the "k' la" of an ill person has 出発／死d by 推論する／理由 of fright or from some other 原因（となる） then 存在 enticed by a malicious demon. The place to which it has gone and the method by which it may be won 支援する are also shown by the omens. In such 事例／患者s the 控訴，上告 and offerings are made to the "k' la" itself.
In 成し遂げるing the 儀式 known as "Ta kweh k' la hpa do" (the 広大な／多数の／重要な 儀式 of calling the "k'la"), two 黒人／ボイコット fowls, すなわち, a cock and a 女／おっせかい屋, must be killed by wringing their necks. Their 内部の 組織／臓器s must be cleaned and 取って代わるd and the birds cooked whole. They are then laid on a tray on which are three Malay apple leaves, seven lumps of 冷淡な rice, an cup of fragrant water.[23-10] The tray with its contents is 始める，決める at the 長，率いる of the stairs or ladder, and a lighted candle is placed there. A white cotton thread is carried from the tray to the foot of the stairs and fastened. The fragrant water, after 存在 blown upon by the 長，率いる of the house, is ぱらぱら雨d on the family and on the stairs.[23-11] A lump of rice is then charmed and thrown 負かす／撃墜する the stairs, which are beaten with a stick, and the "k'la" of the 無効の is 召喚するd. The call is: "Pru-u-u k'la,[23-12]--heh ke, heh ke. (O Shade, come 支援する, come 支援する.)" If for any 推論する／理由 it is thought that the shade has not 注意するd this call, the 操作／手術 is repeated until the family feels 保証するd that it has returned. They then すぐに break the string by means of which it has 上がるd the stairs and throw it away, lest it should again escape. With other pieces of string they tie up the wrists of the sick person and the other members of the family, 一方／合間 calling the "k'la" to remain. The 患者 is bathed all over with what is left of the fragrant water and is then 推定する／予想するd to 回復する.
The 儀式 of "Ta kweh k' la," or 招待するing the "k'la" to return, is 成し遂げるd in the house, like the one 述べるd above. The family 年上の takes the stirring-stick from its 穴を開ける in the fireplace 地位，任命する and strikes the 最高の，を越す of the house ladder to attract the attention of the "k'la," which he begs to return, 説: "Pru-u-u we, pru-u k'la, come 支援する, whether you have gone to the west, east, north, or south; come 支援する, whether you are in the bush, ジャングル, or ends of the earth; come 支援する to your pleasant dwelling, to your comfortable home. I will 準備する delicious pork and fowl for you. Eat of your rice and drink of your アルコール飲料. Do not wander off any more." Then the animal 明示するd in the divination is killed--pig, fowl, goat, ox, or buffalo- - and if a fowl, its bones are 診察するd for the omen, which is 都合のよい in 事例／患者 the 穴を開けるs are even in number. In 事例／患者 one of the animals has been 示すd, the performers of the 儀式 look for a 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd gall-bladder. If the 後援 are unfavorable, they must repeat the whole 操作／手術 until they find the 条件s 満足な. The animal is then 削減（する） up, cooked, and the feast proceeds. During these 儀式s every member of the family must be 現在の.
The 儀式, "Ta waw k'la" (運動ing 支援する the 'k'la"), has some features not 設立する in the one 述べるd in the 先行する paragraph and is 成し遂げるd in the ジャングル and along the paths where the ghost has disappeared, as 明らかにする／漏らすd by the divination. The man of the house 分裂（する）s the end of a bamboo 政治家 into four splints and spreads them into a 天然のまま broom, which he takes to the place where the "k'la" became lost. With a 祈り 類似の to that 引用するd above he calls the wandering "k'la" and （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域s the bushes all the way home. Before entering, he asks the usual question about the return of the ghost and receives the usual answer. 開始するing to the house, he （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域s the 最高の，を越す of the ladder with the stirring-stick, repeating the 招待 to the "k'la" to return and then （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域s the 地位，任命するs of the fireplace, asking 繰り返して if it has come 支援する and getting the same reply. Finally, the animal or fowl is killed and the omen 宣言するd. In 事例／患者 it is 都合のよい, the feast proceeds.
The 儀式 for the return of a "k'la" thought to have been driven off by the 勝利，勝つd is called "Ta yaw ke a k'la." A bracelet is 一時停止するd by a string from the tip of a slender bamboo over a cup 含む／封じ込めるing a little sticky rice and a hard-boiled egg. The 年上の strikes the cup with the stirring-stick and begs the "k'la" to come 支援する out of the 勝利，勝つd, the 嵐／襲撃する, the firmament, from 近づく the 星／主役にするs or the moon, and eat the egg. The string supporting the bracelet is usually 貧しく spun, and the 一時停止するd 反対する 新たな展開s 支援する and 前へ／外へ until finally the string parts, and the ornament 減少（する）s into the cup. A person standing 近づく claps a cloth over the receptacle to 限定する the "k'la." If an 空気／公表する-space is 設立する at the end of the egg, it is a 調印する that the shade has returned; if not, the 実験 must be repeated.[23-13]
The 儀式, "Ta hpi htaw ke a k'la," is in order when a person's sickness is せいにするd to the 拘留，拘置 of his "k'la" under the water or in a swampy place. The 後援 having shown the necessity for this 儀式 and the 肉親，親類d of creature to be sacrificed, the performers of the 儀式 thrown up a little 塚 at the foot of the ladder with a sharp bamboo stick or other 器具／実施する, and 始める，決める upon it in order bundles of glutinous rice and jars of bamboo 共同のs of アルコール飲料. The 犠牲者, say a fowl, is plucked, and, after the shade has been attracted by making a noise, it is 演説（する）／住所d as the 広大な／多数の／重要な "k'la": "If you have been 溺死するd in the water or are anywhere under the mud or the ground; if you have been led astray in the water or the 苦境に陥る" say the leader, "I beg you to come 支援する to your pleasant dwelling, to your comfortable home. Come eat delicious pork and toothsome chicken. Come and partake of 甘い アルコール飲料 and white rice." The 犠牲者 is struck on the 長，率いる with the stirring stick, killed, and the omens 診察するd. If these 証明する to be 都合のよい, the fowl is cooked and the feast is held. As is usual in such 儀式s when the shade is believed to have returned, the wrist of the 患者 is tied with string to 妨げる its wandering again. A piece of the string, together with a morsel of the rice and meat, is placed on the fontanel ("hko hti") of the 患者, which is considered the seat of the "k'la."
PROPHETS AND ELDERS
The propitiatory sacrifices discussed in the first section of this 一時期／支部 are evidently 部族の 機能（する）／行事s and are, therefore, 就任するd by the 長，指導者s. 以前は men called "wi," 特に 指定するd as prophets, were 協議するd to 解釈する／通訳する the 後援. On occasion they went into trances ーするために 明らかにする／漏らす secrets. Their office in most of the Karen tribes was for life or while they 持続するd a good character, and it 伴う／関わるd a knowledge of the 古代の poetry of the folk by which the traditions and customs were 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する from 世代 to 世代. の中で the Bwe, who seem to have esteemed priests more than the other tribes, there were four of these prophets who 統括するd over the 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifice, the eldest 存在 regarded as high priest. When one of them died, the 年上のs 組み立てる／集結するd and chose which of his sons should 相続する the office. Then, earrings, a headband, richly ornamented 着せる／賦与するing, and a silver-機動力のある sword were 内密に 用意が出来ている for the 儀式 of 取り付け・設備. A 代表 of the 年上のs took these gifts to the house of the chosen one, an 年上の going ahead to ascertain that he was at home. The party, 存在 保証するd of his presence, surrounded the house to 妨げる his escape, which he must feign 試みる／企てる. The 現在のs were then cast before him. If he really 願望（する）d to escape, he must do so before the house was surrounded.
A Bwe Karen Prophet
{Photo by Dr. （船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕}
>A Hut 築くd in a Forest （疑いを）晴らすing by a Self-styled Prophet as the 中心 of a New Karen 宗教的な 教団 of Short Duration
The 傷をいやす／和解させるing offerings dealt with in the second and third sections of this chaper 落ちる 一般に within the 州 of the village 年上のs, or are often 成し遂げるd by the members of the family of the sick person, for almost everybody knows more or いっそう少なく how to make the offerings, though this is not so true at the 現在の time as it was a 世代 ago.
THE CEREMONIAL OF THE FEASTS
"Mu xa do" (the 広大な／多数の／重要な "Mu xa" or king of the "Mu xa") is the demon most intimately connected with the 事件／事情／状勢s of men. He may serve as their 後見人 and protector if 適切に propitiated with offerings; but he is more often 恐れるd as the author of all 肉親，親類d of evil. Some Karens, 特に in Shwegyin, regard him as a 世帯 deity to whom the family 申し込む／申し出 their sacrifies called "ta aw Bgha" (to eat the "Bgha"). He is 演説（する）／住所d as "Thi Hko Mu Xa," and is evidently regarded as the lord of demons.[24-1] In most parts of the Sgaw Karen country, however, the "Bgha" is について言及するd as 存在 際立った from "Mu xa do" and, in a special way, as the tutelary god of the family by whom it is reverenced and 恐れるd. It is supposed to subsist upon the "k'las" or shades of the members of the family, if it is not 供給するd generously with pork and chicken; and even then the family's 免疫 may not be 保証するd. In their 祈りs and offerings the people いつかs associate the "T'reh t' hka" with the "Bgha," the former having, as I understand it, no 関係 with the family. Perhaps this is a 警戒 taken in the hope of appeasing whichever spirit may be 責任がある the misfortune they are trying to 緩和する.
A veneration of ancestors is manifest all through the family 儀式s 扱う／治療するd in this 一時期／支部. The ancestors are thought of as taking an 利益／興味, although not always a friendly one, in the 事件／事情／状勢s of living men. The Karen do not, however, indulge in ancestor worship to the extent that the Chinese practice it.
The family "Bghas" are said to be eternal. As new unions take place and 世帯s are 始める，決める up 世代 by 世代, each family finds itself 供給するd with a "Bgha" of its own. But what the relation of the new 刈る of "Bghas" is to that of the 先行する 世代, no one is able to explain.
The grandmother or the eldest 女性（の） in the direct line of the family 統括するs as the high priestess at the "Bgha" feast of the whole family. She is the "Bgha a' hko." This custom seems to hark 支援する to the matriarchal 明言する／公表する of 開発 の中で the Karen, as also does the fact that the groom goes to live with the bride's family. Why a woman should 持つ／拘留する the place of 栄誉（を受ける） at the "Bgha" feast has been "explained" to me in two ways, すなわち, (1) that a 女性（の） was the first person to 落ちる under the 影響（力） of "Mu kaw li" (Satan) in the orchard, and (2) that as the woman is the more susceptible to sickness, she probably has more to do with the offerings and should take the 主要な part in making them. The Karen 持続する that the 年上のs are 責任がある these explanations and that the 儀式の of the "Bgha" feast has come 負かす／撃墜する from time immemorial.
There are three 肉親，親類d of "Bgha" feasts. The most familiar 肉親，親類d is that 観察するd by the members of the 即座の family when one of their number has fallen sick, in 事例／患者 divination shows that his illness is 予定 to his having 感情を害する／違反するd the "Bgha". In such a 事例／患者 the family must at once join in a feast. The second 肉親，親類d of feast is that 観察するd as a 予防の of possible sickness and as a means of keeping on good 条件 with the "Bgha." This is known as "ta aw bwaw a' tha" (eating to 強化する one's heart). The third 肉親，親類d of feast is that 参加するd in by all the kindred, when the most (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する 儀式s are celebrated. Such a feast is called "ta aw saw ke saw na." While there is a general resemblance の中で the feasts held all over the Karen country, the さまざまな tribes and even parts of the same tribe 異なる in the 詳細（に述べる）s of their observances.
In the 事例／患者 of an illness 設立する by divination to be 予定 to the "Bgha," the 儀式の of the feast の中で the Sgaw Karen of the Tharrawaddy 地区 and in the Pegu Hills, is as follow: After a マリファナ of rice has been 始める，決める on the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to boil, a fowl is caught and killed, and its feathers are 燃やすd off in the fireplace. It is then 削減（する） up and cooked with salt and a chili and placed on the （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する or family tray. The father, mother, and children in the order of their ages severally partake of a morsel, after which they eat their meal together. If the parents of the father and mother are living, the feast is held in the morning; but if they are dead, it is held in the afternoon. On the に引き続いて morning a pig is caught, brought into the house, and its 脚s are tied together. It is then killed by 絞殺 or by wrenching the neck, care 存在 taken not to break any of its bones or bruise its 肌 lest some of its 血 should be 流出／こぼすd. The 団体／死体 of the pig is then run through lengthwise on a spit, its bristles are 燃やすd off, and it is then carried into the house and laid at the 長，率いる of the sleeping-mats. The father and other members of the family touch the 味方する of the animal with the tips of their fingers. In Shwegyin and Siam this 儀式 is still 観察するd, but in many other localities it has been discontinued. The pig is now ready to be 削減（する） up and cooked, after which the members of the family each taste of the meat in turn, 避ける eating anything from the hind-４半期/4分の1s that day and from the fore-４半期/4分の1s the next, in 事例／患者 their grandparents are living. If, however, their grandparents are dead, they may eat from any part of the animal. After having thus each taken a morsel, they 完全にする their meal. If any is left after the feast, it is not uncommon nowadays for the family to 招待する in some of their neighbors to finish the 残りの人，物. This is contrary to the old practice の中で the Karen.
In the remoter 地域s, where the 完全にする 儀式の is still 観察するd, its main features 異なる but little from those 述べるd above, but the 詳細（に述べる）s are much more fully 観察するd, and I will, therefore, 述べる the 儀式のs as it is carried out in those areas. The rice having first been cooked, the water from it must be 注ぐd into the fireplace and the マリファナ 始める，決める 負かす／撃墜する in the wet ashes, while the chicken is caught by the wife who brings the fowl into the house and 手渡すs it to her husband. He 持つ／拘留するs it under his arm, 一打／打撃s its beak toward the point, and says: "Take away sickness, 除去する weariness and swellings. Give me life and health for a hundred years." Then the wife and each child in turn 一打／打撃 the chicken's beak, while the father repeats the same 祈り for each one. He next wrings the fowl's neck, scalds the bird in a jar of water, plucks its feathers and carefully puts them in a receptacle by the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and 除去するs the intestines and places them with the feathers. The flesh is 削減（する） up, cooked, and served, each member of the family taking a morsel. The father now places a small 量 of the rice and chicken on a tray and 召喚するs "the 広大な／多数の／重要な ancestors of old" to partake. 一方／合間 the family eat the feast, after which the father throws away the 申し込む／申し出ing. The pig is eaten on the に引き続いて day, but in Siam two days are 許すd to elapse before this part of the feast is celebrated. In 準備 for this event the father goes into the ジャングル after an 早期に breakfast, taking with him one of his children or, if he has no child, calling some other boy to …を伴って him. He carries his small basket and his "xeh" or sickle. He returns with two pieces of bamboo, each two 十分な 共同のs in length, some plantain leaves, and a 政治家 long enough to serve as a spit for the pig. He 削減（する）s one of the bamboo pieces into two sections in which to cook the rice and curry, and 分裂（する）s the other bamboo into withes. After the rice has been cooked, the mother mixes a little of it with chaff, puts some of it in a small マリファナ and a lump of it on 最高の，を越す of the マリファナ, besides ぱらぱら雨ing water on the fireplace.
Sgaw Karen Grandmother
Later the lump of chaff and rice is used as a bait in catching the pig that is to become the 申し込む／申し出ing. Two withes of the outside and two of the inside of the bamboo are used in tying the feet of the animal, and one more of each 肉親，親類d to 貯蔵所d the feet together. Other withes are 負傷させる around the snout, one turn 存在 passed through the mouth, which is thus の近くにd securely. The pig is now carried into the house and laid on plantain leaves spread on the 床に打ち倒す, a winnowing-tray 存在 placed in 前線 of it along with the マリファナ of rice and chaff and a small bamboo cup ("maw"). Three times in succession the father touches first the pig and then the マリファナ with the tips of his fingers, while 演説（する）／住所ing the "Bgha" as follows: "回避する all sickness from me. Let me be 井戸／弁護士席 and live a long life. I am feeding you with pork. Therefore, help me." The same 嘆願（書） is uttered as the other members of the family touch the pig in their turn. The father then strikes the animal three times with his "xeh" and を刺すs it thrice with a knife, but not to a greater depth than the width of four fingers. The 殺人，大当り of the pig is 完全に by binding its snout in a wet cloth to smother it and by wrenching its neck. The withes are now 除去するd from its feet, and the carcass is carried to another part of the room and washed. After 存在 laid again on the plantain leaves, an 開始 is made in its belly for the 目的 of 診察するing the gall-bladder. If this 組織／臓器 is plump, the omen is 都合のよい and the feast may proceed. さもなければ, another pig must be sacrificed on the に引き続いて day, and if necessary another, until a gall-bladder is 設立する that 会合，会うs the 要求するd 条件s.
A 満足な 申し込む／申し出ing having been 得るd, the intestines are 除去するd and the carcass is impaled lengthwise on the sharpened stick brought from the ジャングル, and the bristles are 燃やすd off at a new fireplace built for the feast in the inner room of the house. After the 団体／死体 is washed it is butchered: first the 長，率いる and stabbed shoulder 存在 削減（する） off in one piece, then the hind 脚 on the same 味方する, next the fore and hind 脚s on the other 味方する. The carcass is now opened 負かす／撃墜する the 前線 and 負かす／撃墜する the middle of the 支援する, the 味方する that was stabbed 存在 first 除去するd and 用意が出来ている. The wife puts the currypot on to boil, while her husband 削減（する）s up the meat, 含むing the heart, 肝臓, and 肺s, some of which is dropped into one of the bamboo 共同のs over the 最高の，を越す of which a plantain leaf is tied. The other bamboo 共同の is filled with rice and both 大型船s are 始める，決める over the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and watched carefully to 妨げる 燃やすing. However, the 大型船s must not be 除去するd from the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 before their contents are 完全に cooked, else the 申し込む／申し出ing would be 不快な／攻撃 to the "Bgha."
The 残り／休憩（する） of the pork is cooked in the currypot, which the wife has 始める，決める on the 解雇する／砲火／射撃. The wife must clean out the intestines, which she does outside the house. When she brings them in, the husband 小衝突s off any ashes that may be on the 最高の，を越す of the little マリファナ and covers the mouth of it with a plantain leaf. He makes little 穴を開けるs in the covering and 挿入するs short pieces of bamboo 負かす／撃墜する into the マリファナ obliquely, so as to 持つ／拘留する the cover on. He then 注ぐs water in through these 穴を開けるs. He now makes a sort of 基準, called "thi keh," out of a （土地などの）細長い一片 of bamboo. The bamboo is 分裂（する） into three （土地などの）細長い一片s, but not 完全に separated. They are bound together at three points with withes, and then the two outer ones are broken between the bindings but only enough to make them stand out like 武器 akimbo. The lower ends of each of the 味方する （土地などの）細長い一片s are bent out and then brought 支援する and 挿入するd in a 穴を開ける, or under the lowest withe around the 在庫／株. This is 始める，決める in the マリファナ. What the significance of this is, neither my informant could tell me, nor do the 言及／関連 調書をとる／予約するs help one to find the meaning of it.
When the food has been cooked, the husband empties the rice on one tray and the pork on another; and the members of the family--father, mother, and the children in succession によれば their ages--each take a morsel from both trays. Then the father takes a swallow from a マリファナ 含む／封じ込めるing water or アルコール飲料, 存在 followed by the others in 予定 order. He also 注ぐs out two cups of the アルコール飲料 for the ancestors of the family and throws the 残り／休憩（する） away. He collects into a bundle the withes used in tying the feet of the pig and hangs it on the end of one of the 床に打ち倒す 共同のs at the 後部 of the house. Finally, he washes his 手渡すs and returns to join his family in finishing the feast.
In 事例／患者 the grandparents are living, they are 召喚するd to the "Bgha" feast and arrive on the evening 先行する the event. After breakfast next morning, the 準備s are made much the same as 述べるd above, but 含む the 供給するing of three little bamboo cups ("maw") and the construction of a tiny model of a house ("hi hpo hkeh") about a foot long, which is 始める，決める in 前線 of the pig and in which the 都合のよい gall-bladder of the animal is placed, together with its heart and the 肺 and 腎臓 of the 味方する that has been stabbed. The 組織／臓器s of the other 味方する and any 血 remaining in the 復部の cavity are placed on a tray. Only the flesh of the stabbed 味方する is used at once. While it is cooking, the wife 続けざまに猛撃するs some rice, moistened with a little water, until it is 減ずるd to 罰金 flour. Two of the cups are filled with a mixture of this flour, chopped pork, and a little 血, and hung over the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to cook. The wife washes the intestines of the animal, while her husband arranges the "thi keh" as before and dishes out the food for the family. When all is ready each member of the 世帯 partakes of a morsel and sip of アルコール飲料, the grandfather and grandmother coming after the children. This 儀式の 存在 完全にするd, all eat together. In the afternoon the intestines are cooked and eaten. Next morning the husband 除去するs the heart, 肺, and 腎臓 from the miniature house, 削減（する）s them up, and cooks them. These are eaten, the room is cleaned, the little house is thrown away, the grandparents return home, and the sick person for whom the feast has been held is supposed to 回復する.
In some places the intestines of the pig and the 血-stained plantain leaves are put in a basket and hung on a tree in the ジャングル as an 申し込む／申し出ing to "Thi Hko Mu Xa," the lord of the demons.
The second 肉親，親類d of "Bgha" feast is not に先行するd by divination. It is held not to cure sickness in the family, but to 妨げる it. When one of the parents begins to worry lest illness may visit the family, the "Bgha" is feasted and venerated and the hearts of the family are thus 強化するd, as they 表明する it. Hence, this feast is called "Ta aw bwaw a' tha." The 儀式の does not 異なる from that 述べるd above.
The third 肉親，親類d of feast is that in 栄誉（を受ける） of the graeet "Bgha," in which all the kindred by 血 参加する. It is, therefore, called the feast of the whole family ("ta aw saw ke saw na"). The eldest 女性（の） of the family, the grandmother if living, or if not her eldest daughter or granddaughter, 統括するs as cheif priestess or 長，率いる of the "Bgha" ("Bgha a' hko"). If the feast is held 毎年, it occurs in April or May; but the priestess may 直す／買収する，八百長をする a time at her 楽しみ when she feels that the "Bgha" should be 栄誉（を受ける）d and propitiated. Those 要求するd to …に出席する this feast of the kindred are the 十分な brothers and sisters of the priestess, her sons, daughters, and daughters' children; but her husband, brothers-in-法律, sisters-in-法律, and their sons, together with her sons-in-法律 and the sons of her sons, are 除外するd and eat their feast with their own kindreds.
The 適格の members of the family having 組み立てる／集結するd, the grandmother 持つ／拘留するs a pair of fowls, male and 女性（の）, by their 長，率いるs and says: "O Lord of the demons, we are 申し込む／申し出ing to thee the flesh of fowls and pigs. 解放する／自由な us from all illness." After wringing the necks of the chickens, she orders their feathers to be 燃やすd off 準備の to cooking them with salt and chili only. Rice is also cooked. These viands are 始める，決める out and the priestess eats a morsel, followed by her sons and each of the other 親族s in the order of their ages. They are then ready to 消費する the feast of chicken and rice. As in the 事例／患者 of the other "Bgha" feasts, a repast of pork follows.
A pig is caught after dark, its feet are tied together, and it is carried up into the house where the whole family is 現在の. It is laid on a plantain leaf on the 床に打ち倒す in 前線 of a miniature house 始める，決める at the 長，率いる of the grandmother's sleeping-mat. Placing her 手渡す on the pig, she prays: "O 広大な／多数の／重要な Family Spirit and Spirit of the ジャングル ("Thi Hko Mu Xa, t' re t' hka'), we are 申し込む／申し出ing you the flesh of fowls and of a swine. Do not 害（を与える） us. When our children go out, if they happen to come 近づく you, let them pass unmolested." Then each member of the family touches the 味方する of the pig and afterwards the plantain leaf. After the animal has been beaten with the 味方する of an axe or 支援する of a sickle, but not hard enough to kill it or break any of its bones, it is strangled by 注ぐing water 負かす／撃墜する its nostrils whlie its 長，率いる is wrenched to one 味方する. The abdomen is 削減（する） open and the 団体／死体 smeared with the 血. The gall-bladder is 除去するd, and, if it is 十分な and 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, the other 内部の 組織／臓器s are taken out. If the gall-bladder is flabby, they must repeat the sacrifice on 後継するing days until they find a pig that affords the 都合のよい omen. They are then ready to transfix the carcass with a spit, 燃やす off the bristles at the special fireplace in the inner room, 削減（する） the 団体／死体 in twain lengthwise, and hang the upper half with the 長，率いる over the miniature house. The lower half and intestines are now cooked with salt and chilis and served. The grandmother takes her morsel and the 残り／休憩（する） follow her example in turn, while she again utters the 祈り to the 広大な／多数の／重要な family spirit, after which they all eat heartily.
Next, morning they cook the 長，率いる and the 部分 that was hung up the day before, the shoulder of the lower 味方する 存在 the last piece to be cooked. This piece is carried into the ジャングル in a basket, where another 祈り to the 広大な／多数の／重要な "Bgha" is repeated. The 儀式 is conclucded by bringing 支援する the shoulder, together with a clod of earth, giving a bit of this meat to each member of the family, and placing a little earth over one of the ears of each. In some parts of the hill-country the people place a マリファナ of アルコール飲料 in 前線 of the tiny house and cook bamboo sprouts with the pork. After the cooking, the heart, 肝臓, and spleen are taken out of the 大型船 and sparingly served with a little rice on three plantain leaves. The grandmother and the other members of the kindred 供給（する） themselves with pieces of plantain leaf and in turn help themselves from each of the three leaves while praying: "O Lord of the 広大な／多数の／重要な spirits, do thou, who carest for us, 妨げる all sickness and 悲しみ from approaching us. May we be 保護するd from 傷害 by sharp sticks of bamboo and 支持を得ようと努めるd, by the arrows and spears of our enemies, and from all evil that may 生じる us. Wilt thou be our 保護物，者 and 弁護." Through a small bamboo tube the grandmother-priestess drinks a little アルコール飲料 from the マリファナ, as do her 親族s in their turn. She then point a newly sprouted plantain leaf at the skull of the pig, which has been hung up over her mat, and repeats the last 祈り. Then all drink a little more of the アルコール飲料 and are ready to follow the example of the priestess in partaking of the feast.
The earthen マリファナ, in which the pork has been cooked, is ーするつもりであるd to remind the kindred that they are children of the earth; while the bamboo 共同のs, in which some of the offerings have been 用意が出来ている, serve to keep before their minds the 一時的な character of their bamboo houses and utensils.
Karen Villages, Tharrawaddy 地区
{Only the old men 保持する the Karen 衣装. On the plains 事実上 all
Karen men dress as do the Burmese.}
CUSTOMS INCIDENTAL TO THE "BGHA" FEASTS
確かな customs and tabus incidental to the "Bgha" feasts should be 公式文書，認めるd. Unless all the members of the family are 現在の at such a 儀式, except those 除外するd from the feast, the offerings are thought to be objectionable to the "Bgha." If a person absents himself from a feast that is 存在 held to 促進する the 回復 of a sick 親族, he is 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd of 願望（する）ing the continued illness or the death of the sick one. Or his absence may be 解釈する／通訳するd as an 成果／努力 to bring calamity upon some member of the family. Such 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s are made against the member of a family who becomes a Christian and remains away from the 儀式. The others 主張する that he no longer 保持するs his affection for his kindred and is willing to bring illness and 災害 upon them by his absence, which 怒り／怒るs the "Bgha."
While the feasts are in 進歩, no stranger is permitted to enter the family-room. When I first traveled in the hills, I noticed that as I passed through the 回廊（地帯） of that village-house some member of a family stood in the doorway of one or another of the family-rooms to 妨げる my entering. This seemed strange, in 見解（をとる） of the fact that I was usually received with cordial 歓待. On 調査 I 設立する that the guarding of the door was to keep me from unwittingly （判決などを）下すing their offerings futile. The advantage of the village guest-room then became （疑いを）晴らす to me. There I and other strangers could be entertained, and there the men who were ineligible to …に出席する the feast of the family they had married into could congregate and visit, while their 親族s were 参加するing in the "Bgha" 儀式.
The idea of sacrifice is undoubtedly at the root of the "Bgha" feasts. によれば the explanation of an old Karen woman, when one has 感情を害する／違反するd the family spirit or, as the people say, has "攻撃する，衝突する the 'Bgha'" ("pgha ba Bgha"), one has fallen on the worst possible 運命／宿命; for the demon will 捜し出す to devour the life 原則 ("k 'la") of the unfortuante one, unless propitiated by offerings of chicken and pork. The "Bgha" is supposed to be 満足させるd with the "k' la" of these sacrifices, which 構成する the best eating within the knowledge of the Karen people. Even those who no longer 恐れる their "Bgha" will call in the members of their family and makes a feast, principally on account of their own enjoyment of it. In such 事例／患者s they 追加する the spices for a curry, instead of cooking the meat with only salt and chili. The Karen, 特に those of Shwegyin, 宣言する that fornication, 姦通, and incest 怒り／怒る the family spirits more than any other 罪／違反s. Such 行為／法令／行動するs of immorality 刺激する the "Bgha" to 悪口を言う／悪態 the 国／地域, blight the 刈るs, and send 疫病／流行性のs の中で the people. Once 誘発するd, a "Bgha" will assume the form of a tiger or snake and wait for its 犠牲者s, ーするために destroy the "k'las" of the 違反者／犯罪者s and other inhabitants of their village. In 事例／患者 of a poor season and bad 刈るs the 年上のs become 怪しげな and いつかs 後継する in 脅すing young persons into a 自白 of their secret 肌s. Unusual offerings are 要求するd to appease the 感情を害する／違反するd demon, these 存在--によれば one 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） in my 所有／入手--first, a buffalo, next, an ox, and finally, a chicken and a pig. All the family must 部隊 in an earnest 祈り that these offerings may 証明する 許容できる to the"Bgha" and 回避する any その上の calamities from them. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 恐れる of blighted 刈るs, and of other evils not いっそう少なく 恐れるd because unknown, tends to keep the Karen a chaste people, which they certainly are for the most part.[24-2]
The 伝統的な explanation of the use of the the chicken bones and the pig's gall-bladder in divination, and of pork and fowls in the family feasts, is that the chickens and pigs ate most of the fragments of the God-given 調書をとる／予約する which the white brother 配達するd to the Karen 支援する in the mythological age, and which the latter carelessly 燃やすd when he 始める，決める 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to the 小衝突 and he had 削減（する） from his field. What offerings more 許容できる to the"Bgha" could be made than the creatures that had 吸収するd the 知恵 of the divine 調書をとる／予約する?[24-3] That the pig is regarded as a vicarious sacrifice is shown by the 儀式 in which the members of the family touch the 味方する of the animals, while the "Lord of the spirits" is asked to 保護する them from sickness and 悲しみ. However, the Karen do not 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 the pig with a message to the 広大な／多数の／重要な spirit, as do the Kenyah and Kayan tribes of Borneo;[24-4] nor do they put their sins on the pig, as did the 古代の Hebrews on the 長，率いる of the sacrificial bullock or on the scapegoat.[24-5] In Toungoo the dog is 代用品，人d for the pig in the family 儀式s, the tradition there 存在 that it ate some of the fragments of the 調書をとる／予約する of 知恵. The Rev. E. W. Blythe is 当局 for the 声明 that the cat is also 申し込む／申し出d to the "Bgha" in Toungoo.[24-6] The Bwe and Red Karen tribes, の中で whom the ox, buffalo, and goat are the ありふれた 国内の animals, use one or another of these creatures, によれば the manifestations 得るd through divination.[24-7] I am told that in Shwegyin there are some localities where the people do not sacrifice animals of any 肉親，親類d, but make offerings of flowers only.
The leaves used in the feasts must be those of the wild plantain ("ya"), which is 設立する everywhere in the ジャングル throughout Burma; for the tradition is that it was this variety of plantain which "Htaw Meh Pa," the mythical ancestor of the Karen race, 削減（する） off in 炎ing the 追跡する for his people to follow on the way to a more 実りの多い／有益な land.[24-8]
The miniature house ("hi hpo kheh") is ーするつもりであるd as 残り／休憩（する）ing- place for the "Bgha," when it comes to enjoy the feast 供給するd for it. This tiny structure is 始める，決める in the inner room where the pig is killed, the sacrificial fireplace built, and the feast held. This fireplace is a sacred family altar apart from the place where the cooking is carried on daily. The inner room affords greater privacy to the family during the feasts. The Pwo Karen have special trays and dishes for their feasts, which are kept sacredly for this 目的. I remember 存在 asked by a family, who had become Christians and were discarding the old ways, to destory these utensils for them. They had not yet 解放する／自由なd themselvse of their 恐れるs 十分に to 成し遂げる an 行為／法令／行動する that seemed to them like desecration.
Utensils ror the Sacred "Bgha" Feasts of a Pwo Karen Family, Bassein 地区.
Families who are about to 可決する・採択する Burmese customs or to 受託する Christianity, 一般に 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of all their pigs and fowls, with the exception of two or three of the latter and one of the former. When the time for a feast arrives, they make the usual 準備s; but before the pig is killed, one of the 年上のs will put his 手渡す on its 味方する and 知らせる the "Mu xa" that the family are about to make their last 申し込む／申し出ing and beg the demons to 解任する them and 許す them to go in peace. This 儀式 is called "Ta aw k' tew kwi Bgha" literally, "eating to finish the 'Bgha'." The 声明 that this is the final 申し込む／申し出ing is repeated in every 演説（する）／住所 to the spirit uttered during the course of the feast. If the parents of the 長，率いる of the family are living, they 建設する a little house and put into it offerings of rice and meat ーするために 満足させる the appetite of the "Bgha." Families, who thus 終結させる their relations with their special divinities, 観察する the tabu of not keeping pigs and fowls again for a period of three years. Not all families who become Christians 観察する this 儀式, for many times they make the 移行 by 簡単に forsaking the "Bgha" once for all.
THE SACRED MOUNT
In Karen lore について言及する is often made of the sacred mountain, "雪解け Thi," which was 早期に thought to be 同一の with the fabulous sacred mountain of the Buddhists, "Myenmo Taung." When, however, Dr. Mason went to Toungoo, he 設立する that "雪解け Thi" was the 支配するing 頂点（に達する） of the 範囲 of hills separating the valley of the Sittang from that of the Salween--a 頂点（に達する） evidently held in reverence by the Burmese who call it "Nattaung," that is, the mountain of the "nats" or demons. Of this 範囲 "雪解け Thi" is the most impressive 頂点（に達する）, although it is a thousand feet lower than 開始する "Pghaw Ghaw" four miles to the north, which rises to a 高さ of 8,607 feet above sea-level and from which a wonderful 見解（をとる） may be had over the surrounding hills. Of these two 頂点（に達する）s "雪解け Thi is thought to be the wife and the more important. Its 首脳会議 is a wide （疑いを）晴らす space which, the people believe, is swept clean every morning by the goddess "Ta La," who has her abode there.[25-1]
Several traditions 関心ing the mountain 示唆する that it may have been a place of veneration of the people in its 近隣. One story connects 開始する "雪解け Thi" with the flood that 潜水するd the world, except the 山の尾根 along the 最高の，を越す "as much as a 徹底的に捜す."[25-2] When the flood receded, the paecock pheasant ("pgho ghaw") alighted on the 首脳会議 now 耐えるing its 指名する. Another legend 代表するs "雪解け Thi" as 存在 considered the highest mountain in the world, whose 味方するs abound with all 肉親，親類d of game, these creatures 存在 constrained to （判決などを）下す homage to this kingly mountain. Hence, all the beasts and the birds of the 空気／公表する, inclding the tiger, 耐える, crocodile, wild dog, dragon, vulture, and adjutant, 上がる in 行列 to do reverence.
開始する "雪解け Thi" also 人物／姿／数字s in some of the 古代の folk-tales of the people. For example, one 見解／翻訳／版 of the story of the patriarch "Htaw Meh Pa" 位置を示すs his home there. The den of the White Python is still pointed out on one 味方する of the 開始する. It was to this den, によれば the tale of "Ku 法律 Lay" and "Naw Mu E," that the fabulous serpent carried off the latter, whose husband dug 穴を開けるs there in trying to 救助（する） her. These 穴を開けるs are also still shown.
When, in the middle of the nineteenth century, evangelists began to travel in the Toungoo 地区 they discovered that the people living in the villages 近づく 開始する "雪解け Thi" indulged in さまざまな more or いっそう少なく (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する 儀式s on the 頂点（に達する）. They had leaders or prophets in each village who 解釈する／通訳するd the 調印するs and 始める，決める the time for the 年次の 巡礼の旅 to the 首脳会議, where they sacrificed pigs and buffaloes, made offerings of 支持を得ようと努めるd and water, and built cairns of 石／投石するs. A 最近の 訪問者 to this 位置／汚点／見つけ出す 報告（する）／憶測s that the cairns may still be seen, as also the broken pieces of the jars and 瓶／封じ込めるs which once held the offerings; but that the paths are now overgrown, inasmuch as the former 儀式s have been long discontinued. Only a few old men recollect the 巡礼の旅s to the 首脳会議 made in their boyhood days. Some of these says that the people 上がるd the mountain to を待つ there the 外見 of the god, "Y'wa," in order that they might commune with him;[25-3] while others connect these 儀式s with the Karen goddess, "Ta La," who they say dwelt there and must be propitiated at her own 神社. That "Y'wa" was venerated on the mountain is 確認するd by the に引き続いて poem, which Dr. Mason 設立する in Tavoy, more than three hundred miles from "雪解け Thi" itself:
"'Y'wa' will come and bring the 広大な／多数の／重要な '雪解け Thi'. We must worship, both 広大な／多数の／重要な and small, The 広大な／多数の／重要な '雪解け Thi', created by 'Y'wa'. Let us 上がる and worship. There is a 広大な／多数の／重要な mountain in the ford. Can you 上がる and worship 'Y'wa'? There is a 広大な／多数の／重要な mountain in the way. Can you go up and commune with 'Y'wa'? You call yourselves the sons of 'Y'wa'. How often have you 上がるd to worship him? You （人命などを）奪う，主張する to be the children of 'Y'wa'. How many times have you gone up to worship 'Y'wa'?"
That so 目だつ a 頂点（に達する） as 開始する "雪解け Thi" should have been regarded as the がまんするing-place of the 広大な／多数の／重要な god, "Y'wa," and become an 反対する of veneration の中で the Karen is not difficult to understand in 見解（をとる） of the prevalence of animism の中で Oriental peoples. Other 広大な／多数の／重要な mountains in the East have been reverenced by the inhabitants of the 地域 一連の会議、交渉／完成する about.
RELIGIOUS CULTS
Like the Jews, who two thousand years ago were 絶えず 推定する／予想するing the Messiah and followed after those who 始める，決める themselves up as such, the Karen seem to have been ever ready to 受託する the teachings of some self-構成するd prophet. Dr. Judson met with a person of this sort north of Moulmein in 1832.[25-4] The 指名するs of a number of these 宗教的な teachers, 含むing a few women, are known. The 創立者 of one of these 教団s, which 達成するd a remarkable vogue and is known as the "Maw Lay," began his labors in the village of Pli hta, which lies about fifty miles north of Shwegyin, where they still point out the 初めの pagoda and the 抱擁する 石／投石する steps 主要な up to it, という評判の to have been built by the 創立者 of the sect. The teaching was eclectic, as is 一般に true of other 教団s of this sort, embracing in this 事例／患者 the "Y'wa" and other traditions of the Karen, together with some elements of Buddhism and some of Christianity. The 結論するing 宣告，判決 of the myth concering the incarnation of the という評判の author of this 宗教 relates that when he appeared の中で the white men he was called Jesus Christ, and that when he appeared の中で the Karen he was known as "Maw Lay." The new 教団 起こる／始まるd about the middle of the last centry and spread 速く into almost every 地区 where the Karen are 設立する. At one time its adherents seem to have numbered some thousands, and a few of them still remain. They have a 正規の／正選手 form of worship, consisting of a liturgy, hymns, and offerings of food and water.
Later movements of a 類似の nature, but more 影響（力）d by Christianity, have 伸び（る）d a large に引き続いて 主として の中で the 非，不，無-Christian Karens, to whose 国家の feeling the leaders have undoubtedly 控訴，上告d. 目だつ の中で these 宗教的な leaders has been Ko Pisan, also later known as Ko San Ye, who （機の）カム from Papun or Shewegyin, entered the Baptist 使節団, and for some years at the beginning of the 現在の century 演習d a かなりの 影響（力） toward a real 宗教的な 復活. Later he withdrew from his Baptist 関係 and started an 独立した・無所属 Christian church, which has 生き残るd its 創立者 and now has a 会員の地位 of between six and seven thousand persons. The 未来 developement of this movement will be watched with 利益／興味 for, under the direction of a few trained preachers and others, it affords an excellent 適切な時期 for the Karen to show what they can 遂行する in the way of 宗教的な 進歩 by themselves.
If they can 持続する their ideals, 治める the 事件／事情／状勢s and discipline of their church, and 増加する its 会員の地位, while continuing friendly relations with other Christian 団体／死体s in Burma, they will be worthy of all 賞賛する.
Contemporaneous with the 設立するing of the 独立した・無所属 church by Ko San Ye, a former priest of the Church of England started the "Hkli Bo Pa" 教団 in the Toungoo Hills, basing his preaching on a misapprehension of a passage of Scripture. He has 学校／設けるd a form of worship with peculiar practices, has been excommunicated from the Anglican 団体／死体, and has since been carrying on his labors with only indifferent success.
Village School Children With Their Teacher
{the Karen on the plains in the Prome 地区 have become Burmanized.
These children are wearing their hair trimmed Burmese fashion.}
The 分割 lines between 宗教, 魔法, and science, as these 事柄s appear to 原始の peoples, are hard to trace. In truth, the three fields so overlap and interpenetrate that it is almost impossible to tell where one begins and the other leaves off. However, 宗教 for them may be defined as consisting of the socially 認めるd practices and conceptions belonging to the tribe or group and relating to the supernatural 力／強力にするs or 軍隊s. Through their conceptions and practices the people try to enter into relation with these 力／強力にするs for their own 福利事業. 魔法 may be defined as the art of 影響（力）ing the 活動／戦闘 of spirits and occult 力／強力にするs for the 目的 of serving 私的な ends. This art may invovle 訴える手段／行楽地ing to secret and 悪意のある means for an anti-social 目的. As many, if not most, of the magical 儀式s are 関心d with 事柄s of health, the realm of 魔法 含むs a 部分 of that of science, 特に of 医療の science, which makes use of the 影響s of roots, herbs, and minerals on the human 団体／死体, 同様に as of other 治療s, which form the beginning of a real 科学の knowledge.
The underlying 原則 of Karen 魔法 seems to be the "pgho," that all-普及（する） impersonal 力／強力にする which is so potent for good or ill. By 観察するing 確かな 儀式s and incantations the individual is thought to be able to induce the "pgho" to （問題を）取り上げる its abode in some person or 反対する and have it 遂行する the end he has in 見解（をとる）.
The belief in the 力／強力にする of 魔法 doubtless grew out of incidental 観察 and 原始の experimentation with the unseen 軍隊s surrounding all human life, in which coincidence of events was ignorantly 掴むd upon as 設立するing a necessary 関係 between them. That the magical 力／強力にする of an 申し立てられた／疑わしい charm 残り／休憩（する）s on very insecure 創立／基礎s is illustrated in an experience which I had with a Karen, who brought me two magical 石／投石するs about the color and size of horse-chestnuts to be 実験（する）d. The Karen had 相続するd these 石／投石するs, which had long been regarded in his family as charms against 傷害 by 武器s. He 手配中の，お尋ね者 me to 解雇する／砲火／射撃 my gun at them; but I had one of my native helpers 解雇する／砲火／射撃 the gun, ーするために 妨げる the deduction on the part of the owner of the 石／投石するs that a foreigner's 扱うing of the gun had 妨げるd the working of the charm. The 発射する／解雇する of the 武器 knocked the 石／投石するs to bits to the 広大な／多数の／重要な surprise of the owner, who exclaimed 繰り返して that the 石／投石するs were worthless after all. Such 決定的な demonstrations of the uselessness of 魔法 were, of course, 欠如（する）ing in the olden time, and the 失敗 of a charm to 遂行する what was 願望（する）d could always be explained by some unfavorable circumstances, such as the omission of some necessary 儀式 or the ill-humor of the spirit whose 協調 was necessary. It should be remembered also that the absence of the accustomed charm produces an 逆の psychological 影響 on those depending on them. I am told that both Karen and Burman boys who play football, have a "薬／医学" to 保護する them from 傷害 and to bring victory. Without this talisman, which has its 相当するもの in the mascot of some American baseball and football teams, the players are apt to do 貧しく and lose the game. In like manner a Karen, who せいにするs his indisposition to the evil 影響（力） of some one who is bewitching him, is likely to become worse through the 力／強力にする of suggestion; just as his fellow-村人, who has placed himself under the 保護の charms and 治療（薬）s of the 薬／医学-man, often derives 利益 from his own 約束 in their efficiency.
In some 辺ぴな Karen 地区s there are still persons of both sexes の中で the Karens who profess to 持続する communication with the 力／強力にするs of the invisible world. Of these "wi," いわゆる, one group has 取引 with the 力／強力にするs of evil, while the other looks to "Y'wa," the eternal God, for the 発覚s of unseen things. The latter group is いつかs 指定するd leaders of 宗教 ("bu hko," 長，率いるs of the feasts). The prophesies of the deliverance of the Karen from the Burman yoke and of the coming of the white brother were uttered by some of these "wi." The members of the former group are believed to be able to see into hell and to bring evil 軍隊s to 耐える on men. They go into trances and work themselves into a 明言する／公表する of frenzy, writhing on the ground and frothing at the mouth until they have received a message. Then they 静める 負かす／撃墜する and 配達する their oracle in 詩（を作る）. They are という評判の to have often deceived their patrons. They are at 敵意 with the prophets of the second group. Their 影響（力） is 限られた／立憲的な to those of weak "so" or personal 力／強力にするs.[26-2] Not only have strong-willed persons been able to resist their 魔法, but also in some instances have put the 魔法-労働者s to death. These "wi" are not supposed to be easily 説得するd into 演習ing their 悪意のある 影響（力）. It is said that they reserve their offices for the （弁護士の）依頼人 who has 苦しむd a real 傷害, or one whose 苦しめる is 明らかにする／漏らすd by his 涙／ほころびs, or one against whom seven malicious 試みる／企てるs have been made. Usually they are men of high-strung nervous temperament. Occasionally, other persons think themselves 所有するd of 魔法 力／強力にする ("pgha pgho") and try to use it for good or ill in 影響（力）ing their own or some one else' life. However, a casual practitioner of the art must 観察する proper reticence in regard to such 事柄s, or run the 危険 of 落ちるing into disrepute or of exciting the envy of some more experienced "wi." Many persons living in Karen villages at the 現在の time are usually spoken of not as "wi," but as "k' thi thra" ("薬／医学-teachers" or doctors). They are very backward about referring to their art.
A class of persons supposed in the 早期に days to be gifted with magical 力／強力にするs, consisted of the 孤児s and other unfortunates who were driven from the villages and compelled to live by themselves in the ジャングル.[26-3] In Karen folklore many tales recount episodes in which an 孤児 演習s his uncanny 力／強力にするs, usually in 弁護 of some 女性 person whom he saves or helps to get the better of his 敵s. One such story tells of a 長，指導者 whose village had been （警察の）手入れ，急襲d again and again. Having no 孤児 magician at 手渡す to 援助（する） him, he was beaten every time; while the 勝利を得た villages were every one of them blessed in having such a 支持する／優勝者. The 長，指導者, 心配するing another （警察の）手入れ，急襲, sent his daughter away because he had no one else to give in 身代金, should he be vanquished again. She ran through the ジャングル until she fell exhausted, and next morning was 設立する by an 孤児, one of seven brothers, 近づく whose hut she had fallen. She 関係のある her story, to the 老年の grandmother of the seven, and they were so captivated by her that they detemined to 援助（する） her father in 回復するing the bronze 派手に宣伝するs and other treasure that he had 降伏するd, ーするために save his village from 破壊. Before the grandmother would 同意 to her grandsons' 企業, she 要求するd them to make a 裁判，公判 of their strength. This they did by each catching a tusker elephant in the ジャングル, しっかり掴むing him by the fore and hind 脚s and using him as a 抱擁する 肉親，親類d of 乱打するing-押し通す in knocking 負かす／撃墜する a clump of bamboos. やめる satisified with this demonstration of their 魔法 力／強力にする, the grandmother 許すd them to go on their 使節団. In the 戦う／戦い that followed the seven 孤児s severally engaged the 支持する／優勝者s of the seven 勝利を得た villages and won 支援する for the maiden's father the treasure that he had been 軍隊d to 支払う／賃金 over in the previous （警察の）手入れ，急襲s. The oldest of the brothers then received the 手渡す of the 長，指導者's daughter in marriage, having （疑いを）晴らすd himself of the 悪口を言う／悪態 that had 残り／休憩（する）d upon him as an 孤児.
Why such 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 力／強力にするs have been せいにするd to the once despised 孤児 is not known. At first he was 恐れるd for the bad luck he might bring to the other inhabitants of the village, if 許すd to remain within the stockade. That he did not 死なせる／死ぬ as an outcast in the ジャングル must have been regarded as a sort of 奇蹟 by the village community, whose members had always lived and worked together in の近くに interdependence. They must have looked upon him with awe and believed that he was 保護するd by some powerful 影響（力）, not only from the evily 性質の／したい気がして "Bgha" but also from the dangers of the forest. It was, therefore, natural enough to regard him in course of time as a person who had "pgho.' In these later days 孤児s appear to have been considered いっそう少なく 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の persons, as 示すd by the に引き続いて couplet:
"In olden times the 孤児s had 魔法.
孤児s now must talk" [like other person.]
The "k' thi thra" or "薬／医学-teachers" 構成する another group that should be について言及するd の中で 魔法-労働者s. It is true that they 所有する a rude knowledge of the efficacy of roots and herbs, but they also いつかs dispense disgusting and filthy concoctions The Karen, like other 原始の peoples, regard sickness as 予定 to some mysterious 軍隊 or "マナ" and believe that all 薬／医学, even that perscribed by European 内科医s, operates to 追い散らす or vanquish this 軍隊. They 推定する／予想する a dose to cure すぐに and discredit a 薬／医学 that must be taken 繰り返して. Hence, in general, they prefer their native "薬／医学-teacher" and his nostrums to the educated 内科医 and his 薬／医学, the 治療力のある 影響 of which are beyond their understanding. Doubtless, some Karens do distinguish between the charm and the 麻薬, but most of them seem to 粘着する to the idea that the 麻薬 has more or いっそう少なく of the charm connected with it.
魔法 の中で the Karen, as の中で the 原始の races, is divisible into white and 黒人／ボイコット 魔法. The former is the beneficent 肉親，親類d, 伴う／関わるing the use of 確かな 儀式s, practices, and conceptions by which one tries to 保護する one's self against unknown 力／強力にするs and 軍隊s. White 魔法 may be divided in turn into three varieties, すなわち, 防御の, 生産力のある, and prognostic 魔法.
As 示唆するd by its 指名する, 防御の 魔法 is 雇うd to 安全な-guard one from 傷害 and to 長引かせる one's life. Charms are used, such as the wild boar's tusk without a 神経 cavity, to 妨げる the possessor from 存在 負傷させるd by the 解雇する／砲火／射撃ing of a gun or the bolt from a crossbow. The tusk charm is called "soh."
The boar's tusk must be the tusk of an old and 猛烈な／残忍な animal (for the older the animal, the smaller the cavity), which was, therefore, hard to kill. This, によれば Karen belief, （判決などを）下すs its owner 平等に hard to destroy. いつかs the tooth of an ancestor is worn, ーするために 伸び（る） the という評判の courage and strength of the latter. A 女性（の） wears such a charm around her neck. A man may wear it 始める，決める in a finger-（犯罪の）一味. The latter method of wearing the tooth would not serve in the 事例／患者 of a woman or girl, for unavoidably it would be brought in 接触する with her skirt and that would be disrespectful to the dead, thus destroying the value of the charm. A lock of hair or the parings of nails from a 死体 are also frequently worn to 長引かせる the life of the wearer.
A 確かな 工場／植物 of 魔法 力／強力にする, called "k' thi baw tho" or "tiger 薬／医学" is said by the Karen to 会談する such 免疫 upon him who uses it that he may enter a den of 猛烈な／残忍な tigers at any time without the least 恐れる.[26-4] It is also 報告（する）／憶測d that by burying the root of their 魔法 工場／植物 at the 底（に届く） of a 穴を開ける seven cubits 深い, pulling the root up with one's teeth, and jumping out--によれば one of my informants--even when men are standing around the 開始 with sticks in their 手渡すs, one will be turned into a man-eating tiger and spend the 残りの人，物 of his life in the ジャングル composing 詩（を作る）s and springing 負かす／撃墜する upon unwary persons. Certainly, one who can believe that a man can leap out of so 深い a 穴を開ける and dodge the blows of his fellows at the 最高の，を越す, will experience no difficulty in believing the 残り／休憩（する） of this story.
A second form of white 魔法 is what is defined as 生産力のある 魔法. It has to do with 増加するing a 刈る, （判決などを）下すing a family 繁栄する, or 追加するing children to the family circle. 確かな 工場／植物s of the ginger family (Zingiberaceae) growing in Burma are supposed to be endowed with the 力／強力にする of bringing a good 刈る 生産／産物. その結果, they are 始める，決める out at the 入り口 of the fields. A native 報告（する）／憶測d to me an example of 生産力のある 魔法 in 関係 with the finding of a spiral coil of 激しい 厚かましさ／高級将校連 wire by his 広大な／多数の／重要な aunt. The coil was from four to six インチs in 直径 and was 明らかにするd by the aunt while digging a large yam in the ジャングル. The coil was carried home, but at first brought only misfortune. However, in the 十分な moon of "Thadingyut" (Burmese for October) the aunt 攻撃する，衝突する upon the happy idea of 申し込む／申し出ing the 血 of a red cock to the spiral coil, and in 予定 time the family became 繁栄する. A 失敗 to make the 年次の 申し込む／申し出ing was followed by ill-fortune. The 申し込む／申し出ing must not be made by an unchaste person or by one who had 落ちるd out of the house during the year. The coil, which いつかs assumed human form, must not be approached too closely. It was believed to 所有する the 力／強力にする of foretelling the 未来 when it appeared in human 形態／調整.
The red and yellow varieties of the flowering 工場／植物, cockscomb (Amarantus), wjhich grow abundantly in the hills, are という評判の to have a 有益な 影響 on the 刈るs. The red variety has the 追加するd virtue, によれば さまざまな tales, of dazzling the 注目する，もくろむs of 追求するing spirits, which are so attracted by it that they forget any evil 意図 they may have had against persons or 反対するs. A root taken from a red cockscomb 設立する growing in a field three years after cultivation, if bound up in the turban of a husband, will 妨げる the wife from conceiving, によれば Karen lore. The opposite result is 達成するd by the women of Shwegyin by wearing the bones of the "Ta t'hkaw hkaw" (a one-legged 女性（の） demon) as a necklace. They buy these bones from the Brecs.[26-5]
Paku Karen School Girls
{These maidens are carrying the smaller Toungoo baskets. They are wearing
the usual Paku 衣装s.
黒人／ボイコット 魔法 is bad 魔法 or witchcraft. The Karen speak of it as "ta 売春婦 ta yaw" or いつかs as "ta 売春婦 ta lo," meaning to work evil on a person and その為に 原因（となる） his death. It is difficult to learn very much about the practices 伴う／関わるd in the art, for those who 演習 it are 傾向がある to keep their methods secret, 明らかにする／漏らすing them, if at all, to one or two intimates only and thus 妨げるing their secrets from losing their potency. By blowing on a cup of water that is later to be 手渡すd to the ーするつもりであるd 犠牲者, the 労働者 of 黒人／ボイコット 魔法 imparts to it a baleful 活動／戦闘 that will 原因（となる） him to sicken and die. A quid of betel blown upon in the same way may be thrown at the person ーするつもりであるd to be 害（を与える）d, and, if it strikes him, will produce the 致命的な result 願望（する）d. Some sorcerers pretend to have the 力／強力にする of inducing a ぐずぐず残る 病気, which after a year or two will 終結させる the life of their 犠牲者s. Other methods 訴える手段／行楽地d to are という評判の to 刺激する the growth of tumors, 厚い membrances, or bones in the bowels of a person and thus 影響 his premature death. It was 報告（する）／憶測d to me that one sorcerer 論証するd his destructive 力／強力にする by 説得するing a squirrel to come 近づく and hitting it with a betel quid upon which he had blown, その結果 the little animal fell dead. The man telling me of this 実験 had not 証言，証人／目撃するd it, but learned of it from one who had. The practice of 魔法 by the blowing method is せいにするd to a 確かな man, 指名するd Saw Hteu (a famous prophet), who was gashed 厳しく by a wild boar in the chase. The prophet blew and spat on the 負傷させるs, which 傷をいやす／和解させるd すぐに. It was said that the mastery of this method could be 伸び（る）d only through 指示／教授／教育 from its author. It is a method that can be used either for good or evil 目的s. Those who 適用する it in doing 害（を与える） are often called fasle prophets ("wi a' bla") and are 大いに 恐れるd by those Karens who are still 深い in ignorance and superstition. Dr. Wade thinks this blowing charm is of Talaign origin, which is very likely, for it is used by all the peoples in Burma and is probably a 生き残り of the old demon-worship, which still remains powerful にもかかわらず centuries of Buddhist teaching.[26-6]
A 井戸／弁護士席-known method of 難破させるing vengeance on an enemy, but one that would be used only by the most craven wizard, is that of invoking the 活動／戦闘 of the skull of a 死体 that had been elft unburied. During the daytime the skull appears to be 害のない enough; but at night, if magical lore is to be credited, it takes on the 完全にする similitude of a wretched man, a 肉親，親類d of retributive スパイ／執行官, ready to be sent on a 使節団 of 殺人. Anothe familiar method of doing evil to a person is to take a piece of his 着せる／賦与するing, a lock of his hair, or even some of the dust from his foot-prints and, after blowing the baleful breath on whatever has been taken, to make a little image of him, stick a feather in the 底（に届く） of it, and hang it on a tree. When the 勝利，勝つd swings this manikin to and fro, the mind of the person it 代表するs will 存在 to give way, becoming capricious and unsettled. The imparting of bad luck is also 遂行するd by secreting a fragment of a monstrous woman's skirt in the pillow of the hated individual. I heard of a wife who did this out of spite to her husband, who had taken unto himself another woman. The result of her 活動／戦闘 was all that could have been 願望（する）d, for the man finally died.
確かな 石／投石するs ("ler na") and some 工場／植物s of the ginger family ("paw na") are credited with having the ability to 消費する food. If 申し込む／申し出d raw flesh and 血, they prefer the latter. The owners of such 見本／標本s can 原因（となる） 害（を与える） to any one against whom they have a grudge. In 事例／患者 one of the "ler na" is sent to a person, to take on the 外見 of the owner and produces the death of the 受取人. Such 石／投石するs, によれば 報告（する）／憶測, are usually 選ぶd up in swampy places, glow in the dark, and will eat into one's flesh like an 酸性の. It seems to be customary to send one of these carnivorous 石／投石するs to the ーするつもりであるd 犠牲者 when he is in a 弱めるd 条件 on account of sickness. He is, therefore, in a physical 明言する／公表する to experience such an hallucination as that referred to above.
To 中和する／阻止する the 影響s of the "ler na," a 薬／医学 is 構内／化合物d from the gall-bladder of one who has 苦しむd a violent death and been stolen from the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な at night. The remains of the gall-bladder are mixed with the charred dust 捨てるd from the bamboos used in piercing the 死体 when it was 存在 燃やすd. These 成分s are moistened with water and 形態／調整d into a ball, from which the 患者 takes dose when he finds the （一定の）期間 of the 魔法 石／投石する 主張するing itself. Other fragments of the 薬／医学-ball are pulverized and scattered in the 空気／公表する about the 患者. This 内部の and 外部の 治療 is supposed to afford both cure and 保護 from the menace of the "ler na."[26-7] Another method (called "po") of 妨げるing witches and wizards from working their evil （一定の）期間s, is by 挿入するing twigs of the indigo 工場／植物 in the 分裂（する） ends of three sticks, spitting on the twigs, and 申し込む／申し出ing a 祈り for deliverance.
Much of the 魔法 of the Karen prophets and "薬／医学-teachers" is 関心d with 解任するing the "k'las" of sick persons. The multitude of demons and 力／強力にするs by which the 部族の一員 believes himself to be surrounded, （判決などを）下すs it next to impossible for him to tell which of these spirits is 攻撃する，非難するing him when he 落ちるs ill. Hence he calls in a diviner, unless he should 請け負う to 協議する the chicken bones or make 示すs on a bamboo, ーするために 決定する for himself the 原因（となる） of his sickness. When he has learned the 原因（となる）, he makes offerings to placate the particular spirit 関心d. In 事例／患者 his 回復 is not as 早い as he thinks it せねばならない be, he calls in some "wi" to find out what the 事柄 is and what he must do. The "wi" who was 召喚するd to 定める／命ずる for a sick grandmother some years ago, 検査／視察するd the chicken bones several times and, when he got a 満足な divination, placed some rice, cooked chicken, and アルコール飲料 on a tray and drew it along the 床に打ち倒す of the house to the 最高の，を越す of the ladder at the 入り口. He then ran a string from the tray 負かす／撃墜する the ladder to the ground for the old woman's "k'la" or shade to come upon. The "k'la" did not return because, as the witch-doctor explained, it was held 捕虜 in a betel-box by some one. Thereupon, he asked for seven cubits of white cloth, 負傷させる it about himself, and lay 負かす／撃墜する to sleep with a "dah" (large knife) and an axe on either 味方する of him. With the shades of these 道具s in 手渡す his "k'la" was to go and 解放（する） the shade or spirit of the grandmother. On awaking, the witch-doctor 報告（する）／憶測d that he had had a hard struggle and been 発射 at by the man who was 抑制するing the old woman's spirit from returning, but that he had 後継するd in 解放（する）ing it. When the doctor unwrapped himself, so the granddaughter of the 患者 told me, the cloth was riddled with what appered to be 発射 穴を開けるs. The string on the ladder was broken, showing conclusively that the "k'la" had returned at last. A piece of this string was now tied around the 患者's wrist to 妨げる her spirit from again escaping. Needless to say, the old woman 回復するd her health.
A 儀式 is いつかs 観察するd の中で the Karen to keep the "k'la" of a 死んだ person from aimlessly wandering about and to beguile it into remaining with the 死体, until it shall 出発／死 to the king of spirits. In this 儀式 the 棺d 団体／死体 is placed in the 中心 of the fooor. A slender 棒 of bamboo is 挿入するd in a 穴を開ける in the 棺 lid, a thread reaching from the tip of the bamboo to the 床に打ち倒す. This thread has small tufts of cotton and bits of charcoal tied to it in 補欠／交替の／交替する order throughout its length. Under the loose end of the thread a small cup 含む／封じ込めるing a hard-boiled egg is placed. A silver for 厚かましさ／高級将校連 （犯罪の）一味 hangs at the end of the thread just over the cup. In 事例／患者 the thread is drawn downward with some 軍隊 so that it vibrates or breaks, the "k' la" is supposed to have returned from its wandering, さもなければ not. 陸軍大佐 MacMahon relates that he watched an experience of this 肉親，親類d, but that when he 要求するd everybody to go a かなりの distance from the cup, nothing happened.[26-8]
の中で the Karen and Burmese the abdomen is held to be the seat of the passions and the 病気s, 変化させるing moods and bodily 条件s 存在 せいにするd to the presence of 勝利，勝つd ("k' li"), 解雇する／砲火／射撃 ("me"), or water ("paw leh"). The 年上のs 主張する that fifteen hundred cavities in the abdomen 含む／封じ込める 勝利，勝つd, twelve 含む／封じ込める 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and one 含む／封じ込めるs water. The prevalence of 勝利，勝つd over the other elements produces pride, ambition, avarice, evil 願望（する）s, and hilarity. When 解雇する／砲火／射撃 is in the ascendancy, one is 刺激するd to envy, malice, 憎悪, and 復讐. When water predominates, 問題／発行するing from its 選び出す／独身 cavity, it disseminates peace, love, 親切, patience, quietness, and other 連合した virtues. The さまざまな 質s are intermingled in one's character in 割合 to the mingling of the several elements.[26-9]
Many of the charms worn by both the Karen and the Burmese are ーするつもりであるd to 妨げる 勝利，勝つd from 伸び（る）ing the ascendancy in the abdomen. の中で such charms are strings of 乾燥した，日照りのd berries of 確かな 工場／植物s, strings of coins that have been blown upon, and knotted cords that have been put on the wearer by 年上のs or prophets.
Something remains to be said about the"k' thi thras" or "薬／医学-teachers," who 構内／化合物 麻薬s from さまざまな roots and herbs with which they practice a sort of 医療の lore, in 新規加入 to their occult 儀式s. There is no 疑問 but that they understand the medicinal 活動／戦闘 of 確かな 工場／植物s. They will often point out a particular tree with the 発言／述べる that its leaves are good for fever or some other 病気. On my requst for some prescriptions a Karen doctor gave me a hundred of them. Dr. Wade has collected over forty pages of 医療の 決まり文句／製法 of さまざまな 肉親，親類d, の中で them many of real value. Dr. Mason について言及するs the 指名する of a small creeping 工場／植物 (Hydrocotyle asiatica) which, if 適用するd as a poultice in time, will 逮捕（する）, if it does not cure, leprosy.[26-10] How many of these Karen prescriptions are of Burmese, Shan, or Talign origin I am unable to say. I have been told several times that the Karen who still remain in their 原始の 条件s, depend wholly on 魔法 and offerings to cure sickness. My 観察 leads me to believe that the use of 薬／医学 増加するs, as the people come more and more into 接触する with other races.
The Karen believe that smells have a 示すd 影響 on the 団体／死体, both for good and for ill. There is hardly anything that a Karen or, indeed, a Burman 恐れるs so much as he does the smell of cooking fat ("ta neu xo"). They believe that the odor somehow enters the 団体／死体, 特に if there is an abrasion of the 肌, and 原因（となる）s all 肉親，親類d of trouble, even sudden death. To 避ける coming in 接触する with this smell, they usuall do any frying that may be necessary out-of-doors, and 持つ／拘留する their 手渡すs over their noses to keep off the dread danger. For curative 目的s smelling-salts are popular の中で both Karens and Burmans, when they can be bought in bazaar. Many of the 薬／医学s 含む／封じ込める asafoetida and other pungent-smelling 成分s, which are thought to have an 即座の 影響 on the paitent. Bitter and acrid-tasting 麻薬s are also in 広大な／多数の／重要な 好意.
Apart from such 治療（薬）s the Karen "薬／医学-teachers" 訴える手段／行楽地 to disgusting concoctions of the scrapings from the horns of the sambur, the hair and genitals of 確かな animals, tigers' and ヒョウs's whiskers, 確かな parts of human 死体s, the 団体／死体 hair of human 存在s, dung of all 肉親，親類d, the scrapings from the charred ends of bamboos used in piercing 死体s on the funeral pyre, etc. The urine of one sex is いつかs 定める／命ずるd as a liniment for persons of the opposite sex. The に引き続いて is a prescription taken from the Karen Thesaurus, where it is 述べるd as "a grand febrifuge": "Take the umbilical cord 削減（する） from a new-born child, the undigested kernels from the dung of a dog, white and red onions, ginge and 黒人／ボイコット pepper in equal 量s; mix 完全に and make into pills the size of the end of the little finger; dose, one at a time to be taken in hot water."[26-11]
The 決まり文句／製法 for other 肉親，親類d of pills are even more disgusting than that just given. Draughts, lotions, liniments, smelling-構内／化合物s, liquids for bathing, hot and 冷淡な 使用／適用s; herbs and other things to be hung over the 患者, placed under his bed, or in an 隣接するing room, are の中で the strange mixtures that might be enumerated without 利益／興味ing any but the curious.
頼みの綱 is had to the bones of the fowl of prognosticating the 未来 throughout many parts of southeastern Asia. In these 地域s the chicken is indigenous, and it may be that the custom of 診察するing their bones （機の）カム about in a natural way, as 示唆するd by Sir J. G. Scott.[27-1] It would be natural for people entering a new country for the 目的 of settling in it to take 公式文書，認める of all 指示，表示する物s as to its fertility, 含むing the size and 条件 of the fowls. Perhaps this gives us the 手がかり（を与える） to the origin of the Karen practice of 検査／視察するing the 穴を開けるs of the thigh-bones of the fowl. The words 指定するing this usage are "ka hsaw ki," which literally means to break the fowl's bones. It may be that 初めは they 現実に broke the bones and 診察するd their structure, strength, and 条件 to 決定する whether the fowls were 井戸／弁護士席 nourished or not, and that later the custom arose of 検査／視察するing only the 穴を開けるs in the bones. Why such a change should have taken place is without explanation, unless the people thought they had discovered a relation between the general healthiness of the bones and the pinholes along their 味方するs.
The Karen people themselves connect the origin of this custom with the legends of their 早期に golden age, before they had lost their 調書をとる／予約する or "Mu kaw li" (Satan) had temped their ancestors to disobey th eternal God, "Y'wa," and had then taught them divination. The story of the Lost 調書をとる／予約する is 設立する の中で other peoples in this 地域 of the earth and in 簡潔な／要約する is as follows: In the beginning in "Y'wa" had seven sons, the eldest of whom was the Karen and the youngest, the white man. The father, 存在 about to go on a 旅行, 招待するd the Karen to …を伴って him; but the latter 拒絶する／低下するd on the 得点する／非難する／２０ that he had his field to （疑いを）晴らす. The Burman also 辞退するd to go. However, each of them gave "Y'wa" a gift, the Karen 現在のing him with a bamboo 気圧の谷, such as the pigs 料金d out of, and the Burman, with a paddle.[27-2] The white brother was induced to …を伴って his father, and, when they got to the sea, they transformed the 気圧の谷 into a boat and the paddle into a mast and sail. By these means they soon reached the celestial shore. While there "Y'wa" 用意が出来ている three 調書をとる／予約するs: one of silver and gold for the Karen, because he was the oldest; one of palm-leaf for the Burman, and one of parchment for their white brother. These were given to the white man, and he 受託するd them, but kept the silver and gold 調書をとる／予約する himself, sending the parchment 調書をとる／予約する to the Karen by the 手渡すs of the Burman. The Karen was busy （疑いを）晴らすing his fields and, 支払う／賃金ing little attention to the 調書をとる／予約する, forgot to carry it home. When he 燃やすd off his （疑いを）晴らすing, it was lying on a stump and was nearly destroyed. The pigs and chickens ate the charred remains of it.[27-3] Thus, the 知恵 含む／封じ込めるd in the 調書をとる／予約する, which the ancestors of the race sorely needed after sickness and trouble （機の）カム upon them, was nowhere to be 設立する except in the pigs, chickens, and charcoal, and it was to these they turned in their 苦しめる. によれば the account 含む／封じ込めるd in the "Y'wa" lengend, the serpent, "Mu kaw li," was 直接／まっすぐに 責任がある 主要な them to these sources of 知恵.[27-4] SUch is the mythical story of the origin of divination の中で the Karen.
If one asks Karens 詩（を作る）d in the old poems, why the people 協議する these omens, they are apt to answer by 引用するing the に引き続いて lines:
"The 調書をとる／予約する of the ages was rooted by the pigs. At first the women neglected it. The men also did not look at it. If both men and women had 熟考する／考慮するd it, All the world would have been happy." "Our 調書をとる／予約する of gold that "Y'wa" gave, Our 調書をとる／予約する of silver that he gave, The 年上のs did not obey. Lost, it wandered to the foreigner."
Field-day, Tharrawaddy Karen High School
の中で the forms of divination the one most in vogue is that of 診察するing the chicken bones. It is used on all occasions. Nothing is undertaken by those 保持するing the old superstitions, whether of little consequence or 広大な／多数の／重要な importance to them, without divination, usually by 検査／視察するing the fowl's bones and 得るing a 都合のよい omen. 詳細（に述べる）d accounts, which I have 得るd of the 解釈／通訳 of the 協定 of the 穴を開けるs in the thigh-bones of chickens, show that these 変化させる more or いっそう少なく. The system of readings furnished to me by an old man of the Tharrawaddy 地区 correspond in general with data from other Sgaw sections. によれば this system, the left thigh-bone ("mi") 代表するs the ジャングル,. If this bone has a larger number of 穴を開けるs than the 権利 thigh-bone or has them arranged ina 確かな way, the omen is unfavorable. That is, the "k'la" or life 原則 will be 影響（力）d by this reading to 出発／死 from the 団体／死体 of the person 関心d, thus 原因（となる）ing his sickness or death. If, however, the bones are 存在 協議するd in regard to some 請け負うing, the reading above 示すd would 暗示する that it must be 延期するd until a 都合のよい omen can be had. The 権利 thigh-bone ("hsa") 代表するs the house, and, when it affords the 都合のよい reading, all is 井戸／弁護士席 for the 請け負うing or the person 関心d. The bones are held 逆転するd at the time of reading, the 最高の，を越す 存在 called the "hkaw" (literally, the foot,), the other end 存在 指定するd the "hko" (literally, the 長，率いる). The 権利 ("hsa") and left ("mi") are the 逆転する of the diviner's 権利 and left.
Chicken Bones Used in Divinations
Six different 手はず／準備 of the 穴を開けるs were 明示するd to me, as follows:
(1) In this 協定 the ジャングル bone ("mi") has three 穴を開けるs, while the house bone ("hsa") has only one. Hence, the diviner says: "Mi a, mi neu hsa," meaning that "the ジャングル has more and 勝利，勝つs over the house. This bodes bad uck or sickness.
(2) This arrangment is the opposite of (1) and is 報告（する）／憶測d as "Hsa a, hsa neu mi." This reading is a prognostication of good fortune.
(3) In this instance the bones show both a foot and a 長，率いる 穴を開ける on the 権利 and a 長，率いる but no foot 穴を開ける on the left. The reading is "Hsaw xi wa ti htaw," and the omen is good.
(4) In this instance both the 権利 and left bones show a 長，率いる 穴を開ける, the explanation is "Hsaw xi wa hkwa," and the omen is fair.
(5) The bones show foot 穴を開けるs on both 味方するs, the explanation 存在 "Shaw xi ku hko mi." The omen is いっそう少なく than far.
(6) In this instance the left bone shows only one 穴を開ける in the middle, a most unfavorable omen. The reading is "Hsaw xi htaw deh pgha k' le." Thra Than Bya says that in 事例／患者 the bones have no 穴を開けるs at all it is a most unfavorable omen; for once in the remote past the 調印するs read this way when a 確かな king was going to war, and the 結果 of his （選挙などの）運動をする was an utter 敗北・負かす. Hence, no one will now 請け負う anything, when he gets this reading of the bones.[27-5]
If the bones 陳列する，発揮する any of the unfavorable omens, three more 試みる／企てるs are made in the hope of 得るing a better 返答. Supposing that the omen is 存在 taken ーするために ascertain the 運命／宿命 of a sick person and 非，不，無 of the four 裁判，公判s is successful, his 親族s and friends will 保留する the discouraging （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）, lest by telling it they should 急いで the 患者's death. I am unable to give translations of most of the phrases 引用するd above, for they seem to be in archaic language not readily understood at the 現在の time. I am not sure that the six readings which I have について言及するd exhaust the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）.
Captain C. E. Poynder and 中尉／大尉／警部補 E. W. Carrick have 公式文書，認めるd that in some of the Bwe and Padaung communities hairs or bamboo 後援s are 挿入するd in the 穴を開けるs of the chicken bones. によれば Bwe practice, if these slant at the same angle the omen is regarded as 存在 都合のよい. によれば the practice の中で the Padaung people, if the 挿入するd 後援s slant 上向きs the 調印する is good, but if inwards it is bad.[27-6] Before 挿入するing the 後援s to see whether a 旅行 may be undertaken, the diviner 持つ／拘留するs the bones up before him and 演説（する）／住所s them, 説:
"O, you supernatural chicken bones! We are now planning to go and return. If it is 権利 for us, Show us a 都合のよい omen. Do not let the reply turn out bad."
In 確かな localities the 後援s are not 挿入するd until the bones have been spat upon, rubbed with charcoal, 捨てるd all over with a sickle, and the 穴を開けるs cleaned out. いつかs the wing-bones are used, but not so 一般に as the thigh-bones.
Before 準備するing and eating the feasts in 栄誉（を受ける） of the "Bgha," as has been pointed out どこかよそで,[27-7] the gall-bladder of a pig is 診察するd. If it is 十分な and 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, it is evident that the spirits will be pleased with the 申し込む／申し出ing and that good fortune, health, and plenty will follow. This form of divination is ありふれた not only の中で the Karen, but also の中で the tribes of Malaysia and Borneo.[27-8]
On occasions of little consequence, and perhaps more often nowadays than 以前は, the Sgaw 訴える手段／行楽地 to a form of divination in which a number of transverse 示すs are made at 無作為の with a piece of charcoal, which has been spat upon, on a stick of 支持を得ようと努めるd or a piece of bamboo. When the space allotted has been filled up, the 示すs are counted by twos. If it appears that an even number of 示すs has been made, the 事件／事情／状勢 in 手渡す will turn out 井戸／弁護士席; if not, the same 過程 is gone through a second time in the hope of 安全な・保証するing a different result. In 事例／患者 this 試みる／企てる also fails, the 事業／計画（する） is abandoned for the 現在の. The use of the charcoal is reminiscent of the charred remains of the Lost 調書をとる／予約する.
A method that is いつかs used to discover the 結果 of an illness may be 述べるd as follows. The diviner 持つ／拘留する a fresh egg to his mouth, spits upon it, and says: "May this egg show us what is the 原因（となる） of the illness. If 予定 to the 'Bgha,' may the egg have white streaks on its yolk; if 予定 to the 'th' re ta hka,' may it have red streaks on its yolk; if 予定 to witchcraft, may the red streaks be mixed with 血." After rubbing the sick person with the egg, the 年上の breaks it open in the palm of his 手渡す and carefully 診察するs the yolk for one of the 調印するs he has について言及するd. If he 観察するs any of these, he 定める／命ずるs the 申し込む／申し出ing to be made to the spirit 関心d. If, however, the yolk 公表する／暴露するs no particular 示すs, he repeats the 操作／手術 and this time prays to "Pa'k' sa Y'wa" (Father God) to 援助（する） him: "'Pa k sa Y'wa,' this man is sick. We do not know the 推論する／理由 for it. But you are in heaven and care for all of your children. As you have prophets, give them a word to say." Again the egg is rubbed over the sick person, broken open, and 診察するd. A peculiar 外見 of the contents, 述べるd to me as consisting of two points connected by fibres going around the yolk, is supposed to show that a "ta na" (one of the violent evil demons) has 原因（となる）d the illness and that he will be hard to appease. If the streaks are 黒人／ボイコット, the 患者 is thought to be doomed to die.
In practicing these さまざまな forms of divination the Karen, like other 原始の peoples, feel that they are peering into the realm of the unseen but powerful 軍隊s that 支配する the universe. To the Karen the omens 得るd are real 発覚s, without which they dare not 投機・賭ける into the 未来. When they fail in their undertakings にもかかわらず 都合のよい omens, they believe that some other 力／強力にする, …に反対するd to the one invoked, has held sway. Their 関心 then becomes to 勝利，勝つ the favour and 援助 of this more 影響力のある 力／強力にする in their next 投機・賭ける.
As の中で the Polynesians and South Sea Islanders, so also の中で the Karen people, 確かな foods, animals, persons, places, days, 指名するs, etc., are 一時的に or 永久的に 禁じるd under 刑罰，罰則 of a 悪口を言う／悪態 落ちるing upon those who 無視（する） the tabu. の中で the Karen such 禁止s ("ta du ta htu") are most 一般的に associated with marriage, 姦通, births, 未亡人s and 孤児s, portents, 調印するs of bad luck, 刈るs, 確かな 国内の animals, the "Bgha" feasts, the 指名するs of persons, high waters, and the 集会 of herbs for dyestuffs. The people's 恐れる of 感情を害する／違反するing powerful spirits and その為に bringing calamity upon themselves, is at the root of most, if not all, of these tabus, which serve to illustrate the fact that 原始の man does not 認める 幅の広い 原則s of 行為／行う, but depends on precepts covering 明確な／細部 experiences in his life. When asked why they do not do the tabued 行為／法令／行動するs, most Karens content themselves with the reply, "Ta t' ghe ba" (It is not good). The observance of these 禁止s, which are usually …を伴ってd by 確かな sacrifices or offerings, is a 事柄 of custom that has descended from former 世代s.
It is evident that most of the tabus are 関係のある to the 国内の life and the 占領／職業s of the people. Only in a few instances are they 関心d with 利益／興味s distinctly 部族の. It was 以前は the custom の中で the Red Karen for the mothers of 見込みのある 長，指導者s of the tribe, and for the 長，指導者s themselves, to 棄権する from the use of rice and アルコール飲料.[28-1] The tabu on the eating of rice by these persons is difficult to explain; but we know that the Red Karen use rice いっそう少なく extensively than the inhabitants of the plains, yams and other roots 構成するing an important part of their diet. The suggestion has been made that the tabu on アルコール飲料 drinking by the 長，指導者s and their mothers, was for the 目的 of 促進するing the clearness of mind so 望ましい in the leaders of the tribe; but it is truer to say that they believe that by ascetic practices one may 伸び（る） unusual 力／強力にするs--perhaps magical--either for oneself or, in the 事例／患者 of the 長，指導者, for his people. When the Red Karen 長，指導者s 観察するd their tabus they 栄えるd, but when they neglected them they 苦しむd adversity, it is 申し立てられた／疑わしい.
Marriage of a Karen with a person of another race was 以前は 厳密に forbidden. This exclusiveness kept the racial 在庫／株 pure and unmixed. In 最近の times the 禁止 has not been rigorously 施行するd. Hence, the 障壁s between the Karen on the one 手渡す and the Burmese and Shan on the other have been somewhat 弱めるd, betokening--it must be 自白するd--a moral looseness that was unknown before. The village 年上のs have always 持続するd that marriages outside of the tribe ("taw leu hko") were not good, although such unions have not been lately tabued. Marriages between members of the same tribe or of the same village, 供給するing the parties 関心d are not more closely 関係のある than cousins, are permitted. To marry a 親族 closer than a cousin would be incest, and all the tribes forbid such unions. On the day of a wedding in a village the inhabitants are forbidden to labor.
姦通 and fornication are under strict tabu, except in the Red Karen tribe,[28-2] the belief の中で the other tribes 存在 that these sins are 不快な／攻撃 to the "Bgha"[28-3] and destroy the productiveness of the field, the "Lords of the earth" 保留するing their 好意 from the 刈るs when they find that such 行為s have been committed. in making their 年次の feast to these deities, the Bwe tribe 以前は requried those who had been 有罪の of uncleanness during the year to 自白する their sins and did not 許す them to come 近づく the sacrificial altars.
A number of 禁止s are connected with birth. One of the Sgaw precepts forbids 妊娠している women to eat the flesh of the curious monkey-tiger (lctides ater), bitter herbs, and the long smooth pod called alligator's tongue. Before the men 可決する・採択するd the modern fashion of wearing their hair short, the husband of a woman who was with child was not permitted to 削減する his locks, for 恐れる of 縮めるing the life of his 推定する／予想するd offspring. During the first six days に引き続いて a birth the custom of the Padaung 否定するs to the father the 権利 of associating or even speaking with any one, except his own family. He alone cares for the mother and child during the period 指名するd.[28-4] The 目的 of thus secluding the father is to 妨げる the 伝達／伝染 of the danger and 証拠不十分 of child-耐えるing to other members of the village. MacMahon 明言する／公表するs that the Bwe husband of a newly 配達するd mother 従うs with the custom of cutting fresh bamboo 共同のs, in which he draws and heats the water for bathing the 幼児, over a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 kindled by himself in the open. He then carries the water to his wife's room up a new ladder, which he has made. After his wife has washed the child or he himself, in 事例／患者 she is too weak to do so, he hangs the bamboo 共同のs under the house and leaves them there for six days before they may be used again.[28-5] On the day of the birth of a child, or even of a 国内の animal, members of the village are forbidden to work. This is the tabu of births ("ta du ta ble").
In the 早期に times 未亡人s and 孤児s, 同様に as persons 設立する to be 持つ／拘留するing 妥当でない relations, became tabu and were expelled from the village, ーするために keep other inhabitants from 落ちるing under the vengeance of the evil-working demon, whose attention might be コースを変えるd from his first 犠牲者s. The 運動ing of these unfortunate into the ジャングル to live there by themselves, may be 述べるd as a 肉親，親類d of 原始の 検疫.[28-6] 警戒 of a different 肉親，親類d was at the 底（に届く） of the 必要物／必要条件 that a visiting stranger should enter and leave the village-house by the same ladder. It was also 要求するd that the 訪問者 must descend the ladder while 直面するing inwards. Leaving the house by a different way from that by which one had entered, created 疑惑 of 敵意を持った 意図 の中で the inhabitants and might lead to 敵意s. Like other 隣接地の peoples, the Karen 観察する a tabu in regard to women's 衣料品s, which must not come in 接触する with a man. 衣料品s that are put out to 乾燥した，日照りの must be hung away from the ありふれた paths in some inconspicuous place. Probably this custom 起こる／始まるd in the 恐れる that the supposed 証拠不十分 of women might be communicated to the men. For the same 推論する／理由, evidently, the Brec tribe 禁じるs married men from taking part in making the 棺 for a woman who has died in child-birth.
Tabus connected with portents, such as （太陽，月の）食／失墜s of the moon, 地震s, the cries of apes, and 確かな strange sounds in the ジャングル, have a 宗教的な significance for the Karen and are …を伴ってd by the prohibtion of work for one or more days. The 証言，証人／目撃するs of these portents are 掴むd with 恐れる, 減少（する） their work, and stand about in helplessness. This, undoubtedly, is the normal 行為 of 原始の people under such circumstances. They ascribe the portent to some angry demon, who may at any moment 課す a worse calamity upon them if they fail to 観察する this 警告. The tabu of labor, until their 恐れるs have 沈下するd, is 明確に the precept that would 示唆する itself to people of 深い-seated superstitions. によれば Karen legend, the dgos that 原因（となる） the （太陽，月の）食／失墜 of the moon by eating that luminary, are colder than water; while the one that swallows the sun, is hotter than 解雇する／砲火／射撃. ーするために 妨げる 過度の heat or 冷淡な and the sickness and death that would follow, the people must 棄権する from work on the days when an （太陽，月の）食／失墜 occurs. The Karen 指名する for the tabu of the （太陽，月の）食／失墜 is "ta du ta yu mu ta yu la."[28-7]
The portent of the 地震 is produced by the mythical 巨大（な）, "Hsi Ghu," when the beetle that 料金d on the 辞退する of human 存在s, tries to decive him into believing that the human race has disappeared from the earth. In his wrath the 巨大（な） 転換s the 惑星 from one shoulder to the other, and the people shout to him in びっくり仰天: "We are still here. We are still here." When, in times past, the 巨大（な） caught the beetle in this trick, he struck it in the 直面する, and the beetle has had a flat nose ever since. At the time of an 地震 the people 差し控える from their work for a day, ーするために help 回復する the equilibrum of the 惑星 and to mollify "Hsi Ghu." This practice is called the tabu of the 地震 or "ta du haw hko hu."[28-8]
When the apes howl it is a portent that the goddess "Ta La." who dwells on 開始する "雪解け Thi,"[28-9] one of the higher 頂点（に達する）s of the mountain 範囲 separating the Toungoo 地区 from Karenni, is uttering 悪口を言う／悪態s, which are 大いに 恐れるd. In Shwegyin the people ascribe the 落ちるing of the leaves in the latter part of February to her imprecations and 差し控える from work for three days. They believe that if they failed to 観察する this "ta du hpa taw" ( the long tabu), their 刈るs would be 廃虚d.
The portent of strange sounds in the ジャングル betokens a 戦闘 between two celestial 存在s, one of whom, "Kwe De," hurls his spear at the other. The whizz of the wapon as it 速度(を上げる）s through the 空気／公表する and its thud on striking the ground, evoke the cry, "Htaw 法律," from those who hear these startling sounds. They must stay at home that day, lest they should be in danger from these mythical spears.
A number of tabus are associated with 調印するs of bad luck. Many of these 調印するs are incidental to going on 旅行s. For example, if one sneezes on rising to start on a 旅行, or on the way hears the cry of a barking deer, or sees one of these animals or a snake crossing his path, or hears of somebody's death, or sees a civet-cat 近づく his path, he must give up his excursion until another day. さもなければ,he will 会合，会う with an accient, 落ちる sick, or experience some misfortune in his family. It was once the custom of those who were setting out on a 貿易（する）ing 旅行 to repeat the に引き続いて words:
"I am going to ------ to 貿易（する）. O Snakes, do not cross my path. O Barking-deer and Rabbits, do not 妨げる me. I am going across my land and along my path. There are many other paths on the earth. O white Civet-cat, do not 妨げる me."
If divination shows that one's illness is 予定 to having taken the wrong road on a 最近の 旅行, that road 残り／休憩（する）s under a tabu for a period of from four to seven days. The 支店 of a tree is laid across the forbidden 追跡する where it leaves the main path, and no one will enter it until the tabu is 解除するd. This is called the tabu of the road ("ta du kleh"). When a death occurs in a village, the death tabu ("ta du ta thi ta pgha") is 観察するd until the burial 儀式s are over. Children and persons of weak 憲法 are kept from 証言，証人／目撃するing the 除去 of a 死体 from the village, inasmuch as their "k'las" are said to be easily enticed away by that of the dead person. On an elephant 追跡（する） it is forbidden to について言及する the 指名する of the beast, lest its spirit should hear and take alarm, thus destroying the chance of success in the chase. Instead it is called "ta hpa do" or "the 広大な／多数の／重要な one." Other 調印するs of ill luck surely bring their tabus. If one does not return from work on 審理，公聴会 thei wildcat's cry, one will die. No one should live in a house whose owner dies, or by which a green pigeon flew while the house was building.
The observance of 確かな tabus are regarded as 役立つ to the 生産／産物 of good 刈るs or of 繁栄 in other forms. When the people have made the 申し込む／申し出ing, "theh a hku," they must 差し控える from going into their fields for seven days. さもなければ, the demons will follow them and spoil their 刈るs. This tabu is known as "ta du hku ta du theh." During the dark and the 十分な of the moon, in February and July, それぞれ, when people say that "it is hot," meaning that 条件s are unfavorable, they 避ける work for the 目的 of 改善するing the 条件s and keeping their 刈るs from 存在 廃虚d. 失敗 to 観察する this custom brings 失望 ("t' kle t htwa"), for one's labor will be worse than useless. On the plains, where they 準備する a dirt threshing-床に打ち倒す after the Burman style, it used to be 禁じるd to 運動 a cart across it or to walk on it with shoes on. In other sections,where the threshing is done on a 広大な／多数の／重要な mat, no one may step on it but the members of the family who 参加する the work. The succulent shoots of vegetables, which are grown with the 米，稲, must not be 削減（する） with a sharp knife or other 器具, inasmuch as cutting would 危うくする the "k'la" or life 原則 of the 米，稲 and 脅す away the demons that 統括する over the fields. Both the vegetables and their shoots, the latter 存在 大部分は used for greens, must be plucked with the fingers. Another tabu 妨げるs the eating of flesh during 収穫-time. Any family who should transgress this precept would find, it is believed, that thier 供給（する） of rice had 消えるd from the 貯蔵 貯蔵所.
The に引き続いて examples of tabus relating to 国内の animals may be 特記する／引用するd. If a （種を）蒔く or bitch has a litter composed only of 女性（の）s, they must all be killed. When いっそう少なく than three chicks are hatched from a nest of eggs, they must be killed. So also must the chick whose 負かす／撃墜する 乾燥した，日照りのs 急速な／放蕩な to the feathers of the mother 女／おっせかい屋. A crowing 女／おっせかい屋 is likewise doomed to death. These phenomena are supposed to be 調印するs of 証拠不十分 in the creatures 関心d, for which some 感情を害する／違反するd demons is responsible. Such 証拠不十分 must not be 許すd to spread.
確かな tabus 与える／捧げる to 保存する the 正直さ of the family through the 女性（の） line. One of these 妨げるs any 部外者 from entering a house where the family is celebrating the "Bgha" feasts. Indeed, a tabu debars from such 集会s the men who have married into the family, while those who are 特権d to …に出席する must remain in the house during the 業績／成果 of the 儀式s.
On the plains, where the Karen 村人s build separate houses after the manner of the Burmans, persons are forbidden to 運動 their carts through the village road の近くに enough to the houses to bump against the supporting 地位，任命するs. This tabu, which, in the 注目する，もくろむs of a 西部の人／西洋人, partakes of the nature of a town 法令／条例, is 施行するd upon the 違反者／犯罪者 by the 課すing of a 罰金, すなわち, four annas in money or a fowl, payable to the 長，率いるs of the 世帯 関心d. In the hills the money is put in a 穴を開ける in the bamboo ladder 主要な into the house or, in lieu of a money 支払い（額）, the fowl is hung under the house. Some persons, who have received the 罰金 in the latter form, have shown a prejudice against eating it. I have been told that the British 政府 公式の／役人s have upheld this tabu, when the collection of the 罰金 has been resisted by the 感情を害する／違反するing party.
Perhaps there is no more 普及した tabu の中で the Karen people than that of personal 指名するs.[28-10] I have known some individuals for years without knowing their 指名するs and have used the ありふれた expedient of calling them by the 指名する of their eldest son. A man who served as our cook for years in the Baptist school at Tharrawaddy I knew only as "Ba Gyaw's father"; although I did finally discover his own personal 指名する. For a boy to について言及する his father's 指名する is almost 同等（の）, によれば Karen ideas, to the son's wishing his parent's death; for the spirits, learning the latter's 身元, might destroy him. Instead of speaking of his wife, a man will talk of the mother of his children, or of his oldest child whose 指名する he may think it 安全な to について言及する. Not long ago a young man of good education, who was engaged in filling his blank 使用／適用 for a marriage 証明書, was 直面するd with the fact that he was unable to give his mother's 指名する. Not infrequently parents bestow opprobrious 指名するs on their children, ーするために deceive the demons into thinking them too unworthy to be （性的に）いたずらするd.
During the month of July, when the streams are in flood, the people 観察する the tabu of the rising and 落ちるing of the waters ("ta du ta htaw ta 法律"). They 差し控える from labor, make an 申し込む／申し出ing of a fowl all of one color on the path 近づく a stream, and utter the に引き続いて 祈り: "O Lord of the 広大な／多数の／重要な water and the small water, of the oceans and the lakes. We are 申し込む／申し出ing you a large 甘い fowl and 甘い rice. Flow in your own banks as usual, so that we shall not be 溺死するd or 落ちる into the water to be devoured by crocodiles and dragons. Watch over us on our 旅行s, eat our offerings, and do not （性的に）いたずらする us." They then 診察する the fowl's bones and the gall-bladder of pig, and, if the ones are 都合のよい, they swim the stream three times. In 事例／患者 no 事故 occurs, they believe that their offerings have been 許容できる and that they will 栄える. If the omen are not propitious the first time, they try a second time and if necessary a third,ーするために 得る a 都合のよい 返答.
A Christian Karen Village School, Tharrawaddy 地区
{A number of Burman boys from 隣接地の villages …に出席する this school in
新規加入 to the Karen children.}
The Karen esteem the gall-bladder of a 確かな variety of fish as a 価値のある 薬／医学, but 主張する that during the 早期に days of August this medicinal 組織／臓器 becomes 大きくするd and "hot" (that is, flabby). They, therefore, consider it necessary to desist from work, ーするために 回復する the gall-bladder to its normal 条件 and efficacy. During the other months this 薬／医学 is thought to be strong and useful in 確かな 厳しい illnesses.
The time for 集会 the herbs of which dyestuffs are made, is 決定するd by divination. If, however, some one happens to 選ぶ them on a day 設立する to be unfavorable, he becomes 支配する to a tabu, lest 冷淡なs and coughs should spread throughout the village. To 妨げる this 疫病／流行性の, the erring person must 削減（する） a sheaf of tall grass and 始める，決める it up in the ashes of his fireplace, and when the other 村人s come in they must spit on it. An 年上の then takes up the grass, 説: "May all coughs and 冷淡なs be 妨げるd. May we not catch them." Next, he leads the people out into a field, where he plies their 長，率いるs and the stumps in the field with the sheaf until it is broken, 合間 calling out: "（警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 here. （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 there. （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 the tails of the demons and キツツキs. Do not bring us illnesses, coughs, or 冷淡なs." When he has finished, he leaves the frayed grass gainst a stump, and they all return to their houses. Finally, the 年上の asks in a loud 発言する／表明する: "Is every one 井戸／弁護士席?" and they all shout 支援する: "All are 井戸／弁護士席." This is repeated three times, after which they all shut their doors and 差し控える from work during the 残り／休憩（する） of the day.
While all of these 非常に／多数の tabus have helped to nourish the 古代の superstitions of the Karen, it is 井戸／弁護士席 to remember that some of them, in the absence of other social and moral 許可／制裁s, have 演習d a 有益な 影響（力）. の中で the latter are the tabus against marriage outside of the tribe, and 特に outside of the race. These tabus have been instrumental in 持続するing the 正直さ of the さまざまな tribes and of the people as a whole, and in enabling the Karen to live 大部分は aprat from the corrupting 影響（力）s of 隣接地の peoples. Other tabus have served to magnify the importance of the 宗教的な 儀式s and to 施行する a 厳格な人 morality than 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs の中で some 原始の races. It is obvious that these 利益s have been 安全な・保証するd at a 広大な／多数の／重要な 経済的な cost, when one considers the large number of holidays which 落ちるs to the lot of the conscientious Karen. These holidays, however, have 与える／捧げるd in no small degree to sociability の中で the people, for they could spend them only 主張するing at home in conversation and gossip with their friends over the hospitable betel-box. The 早い 進歩 of the race in 最近の itmes has been 遂行するd by the breaking 負かす／撃墜する of the 有効性，効力 of these tabus--a thing that is to be commended. にもかかわらず, the civilizing 機関s will have failed of 成し遂げるing an 必須の service, if they do not 後継する in speedily creating a healthy public opinion and new social and 宗教的な 許可／制裁s in their place, ーするために 打ち勝つ the 現在の 傾向 に向かって moral slackness.
Two Karen Christian 牧師s
{The younger man (on the 権利) is the 牧師 and 経営者／支配人 of the school
shown above. The other is the son of the first 変える in the Tharrawaddy
地区.}
If one were planning to start a movement to transform the life and 宗教 of a race, one would not be 推定する／予想するd to choose a savage 強盗--a cutthroat who had taken part in the 殺人 of at least thirty persons--to 促進する his 企業. But such was the first Karen, under the providence of God, whom Dr. Adoniram Judson, the 創立者 of the American Baptist 使節団, undertook to teach.[29-1] Dr. Judson 購入（する）d this man, Ko Tha Byu, who was about to be sold into slavery in 支払い（額） for a 負債, in the hope of 伸び（る）ing 接近 to the Karen, of whom he had hitherto had only (n)艦隊／(a)素早いing glimpses. Notwithstanidng the fact that the 強盗 was then in middle life, seemed to be hopelessly stupid, and 産する／生じるd at times to his diabolical temper, Dr. Judson was rewarded for his months of 患者 成果／努力 in trying to teach this most unpromising pupil by seeing his mind begin to open. Ko Tha Byu became eager to learn and 伸び（る）d the ability to read the Burmese Bible. His whole life underwent a 漸進的な 変形. When the Rev. Geogre D. Boardman went to Tavoy for the 目的 of 設立するing a 使節団 駅／配置する, he took Dr. Judson's pupil with him and baptized him there on May 16, 1828. In this obscure way was begun the movement that has resulted in the remarkable growth of Christianity の中で the Karen can, therefore, be regarded as 完全にする, which does not 含む／封じ込める 使節団s during the last hundred years. No account of the Karen can, therefore, be regarded as 完全にする which does not 含む／封じ込める some について言及する of the 普及した 影響（力） of the Christian 宗教 の中で them, raising them from a humble position to one of importance and transforming them to such an extent as to 原因（となる） their Burman neighbors to marvel 大いに at the change.
すぐに after his baptism, Ko Tha Byu 始める，決める out for the Karen villages in the hills. He was すぐに to 確認する a tradition, then 現在の の中で the people, to the 影響 that one day their long absent "white brother" would return to them from across the 広大な／多数の／重要な waters, bringing the Lost 調書をとる／予約する which they had looked for with unabated 期待.[29-2] His message of good news was received with wonder and surprise by the 年上のs in the ジャングルs.[29-3] 代表s …を伴ってd him to Tavoy to see the "white brother" and listen to his teaching. の中で those who （機の）カム was a prophet, who a few years before had bought from a white sailor in Tavoy a 調書をとる／予約する that he had since regarded as a fetish. On examination this 調書をとる／予約する 証明するd to be a 調書をとる／予約する of ありふれた 祈り; but the 年上のs 受託するd the message of their white brother, Mr. Boardman, as the fulfilment of their own prophesies, and a number of them were soon baptized. They wished to learn to read, and Ko Tha Byu became their teacher. Later he traveled in the Moulmein 地区, and it was there in 1832 that Dr. Wade, while engaged in 減ずるing the Karen language to 令状ing, first learned to his 広大な／多数の／重要な surprise that the old poems of the Karen 含む／封じ込めるd the "Y'wa" tradition.[29-4]
In 1833 Ko Tha Byu 除去するd to Rangoon to carry the good news to his countrymen in the Burmese 領土 of Pegu. By the end of the first 雨の season the 報告（する）／憶測 had spread throughout the ジャングルs of this 地域, and groups of Karens （機の）カム in from a wide area, some to learn more about the 使節団 of the white brother and others to receive 即座の baptism and admission itno the Christian Church. The movement grew apace and attracted the attention of the Burmese 当局, who forbade the Karen to come to Rangoon and 拘留するd those whom they caught, の中で these 存在 the 影響力のある young 長，指導者 of Bassein, Ko Shwe Waing, who was only 解放（する）d through the good offices of the English 居住（者）, Mr. Edwards.[29-5]
決定するd to carry 支援する to his people a few copies of 確かな 宗教的な 調書をとる／予約するs which had been 用意が出来ている for the Karen, the young 長，指導者 後継するd in 密輸するing them out of Rangoon. He traveled by unfrequented ジャングル 追跡するs and, on reaching home, hid the 調書をとる／予約するs in a bundle of old 着せる／賦与するs. Long after nightfall, stealthily by ones and twos, men and women （機の）カム to his house. Guards were 地位，任命するd outside of the village, and the bundle was broght out and unwrapped until, by the 薄暗い light of a wick 燃やすing in an earthen cup filled with oil, the 調書をとる／予約するs were 公表する／暴露するd, 含むing a Bible that was regarded as the now 回復するd Lost 調書をとる／予約する. At the sight of this unspeakable treasure some of those 現在の 屈服するd 負かす／撃墜する and worshiped, others wept, some touched and caressed the sacred 調書をとる／予約する, some kissed it, and some gazed long and curiously at its 肩書を与える. They （人が）群がるd around the 容積／容量 so thickly that the 長，指導者 解除するd it high above his 長，率いる, in order that all might see, and all gazed at it with bated breath. They had been permitted to 証言，証人／目撃する the return of their 調書をとる／予約する, and they believed that they were no longer to be members of a despised nation.[29-6]
The years just 先行する then 併合 of Pegu by the British Empire, were hard ones for the Karen Christians. Their 約束 was 厳しく 実験（する）d by 迫害s. Thra Klaw Meh, 牧師 of a Bassein church, and the 変えるs of his village were 拘留するd for their 受託 of the new 宗教. Their friends collected a handsome sum for their 身代金, and all but the 牧師 were 解放（する）d. He was ordered to give up preaching, but, 辞退するing to do so, was 支配するd to 拷問 for days and finally was disemboweled and 発射. Others were much 迫害するd, many 苦しむing 殉教／苦難 both before and after the Second Burmese War.[29-7] Until Pegu was 別館d by the British 政府 in 1853, no missionaries were 許すd to remain 永久的に in Lower Burma. Hitherto the work for Bassein had been directed by the Rev. E. A. Abbott and his associates from Sandoway, in Arracan, and that for Rangoon and 周辺 had been 監督するd from Moulmein. But as soon as the country was opened to 居住（者） missionaries, Dr. J. H. Vinton 除去するd to Rangoon and 設立するd the （警察，軍隊などの）本部 of the 使節団 there, 近づく 使節団 Road, where his 子孫s are still 監督するing the activities of some ten thousand Karen Christians. The Rev. E. A. Abbott 除去するd to Bassein and put the 使節団 work of that 地区 on a 永久の and self-supporting basis. He has been 後継するd by several able missionaries, 含むing Dr. C. A. Nichols, the 現在の superintendent, under whose direction 確かな 産業s have been started, 含むing a saw-mill, a rice-mill, and a 開始する，打ち上げる-building 工場／植物. Twelve other important 中心s for work の中で the Karen were 設立するd by the American Baptist 使節団. The 設立するing and 行為／行う of churches and schools have been carried on in and from all of these 中心s. In 1853 Dr. Francis Mason finished his admirable 見解／翻訳／版 of the Bible in Sgaw Karen. 合間, Dr. Jonathan Wade was engaged in 準備するing dictionaries and a grammar of the Sgaw and Pwo dialects. The Bible was also translated into Pwo Karen by the Rev. D. L. Brayton. A Karen Theological Seminary was 組織するd by the Rev. J. G. Binney in 1845 at Moulmein. This 会・原則 was later 除去するd to Rangoon and still later to its 現在の 場所 in Insein, where the Rev. D. A. W. Smith, D. D., served for many years at its 大統領，／社長. The Baptist college at Rangoon, now called Judson College, has served the Karen young people, both men and women, since its organization in 1875.
Karen Theological Students
{The one on the left is the grandson of Thra Klaw Meh, Karen 殉教者, and
the other of Thra Ng Lay, who 辛うじて escaped 殉教／苦難.}
Careful 統計（学） do not appear to have been kept during the 早期に years of the Baptist 使節団, and it is, therefore, difficult to discover how many of the Karen became Christians. In 1856 eleven thousand, eight hundred and seventy-eight communicants were 報告（する）／憶測d, but this number 含むs many 概算の returns. From that time on there has been an almost 安定した 増加する in the 会員の地位 of the Baptist 使節団, which numbered in 1919 fifty-five thousand, three hundred and fifty-three communicants 入会させるd in Karen churches, 代表するing a 名目上の Christian community of two hundred thousand souls.[29-8] In this same year there were nineteen thousand, four hundred and twenty pupils in the Karen 使節団 schools, 含むing both the Anglo-vernacular and the village-vernacular schools, the 変えるs 与える／捧げるing 375,426 rupees or $125,142 に向かって the 維持／整備 of these. Not only do the Karen Christians 与える／捧げる to the support of their schools, but also to that of their churches and 牧師s. For this 目的 they expended 38,596 rupees or $12,856 in 1919. In the same year they gave to benevolences outside of their own fields 152,203 rupees ($50,734) for home and foreign missionary work and 184,627 rupees ($61,532), making a total of 375,426 rupees or $125,122 for all 目的s.
Apart from the generous sums of money which the Karen Christians give, many of the men who have been trained in the schools have manifested the spirit of self-sacrifice by going out to the more distant tribes and some even into 中国, にもかかわらず their small 支払う／賃金, ーするために carry the Gospel and its civilizing 影響（力） to the people in those 地域s.
The Roman カトリック教徒 使節団 began its labors の中で the Karen in the forties of the last century at Myaungmya, 近づく Twante, in Palaw 郡区, Mergul 地区, and at Bassein. About two thousand persons were baptized. It was not, however, until the arrival of Bishop Biganget that the work of 変えるing the Karen was undertaken in earnest, and it has been continued ever since. In 1919 there were seventeen 駅／配置するs under the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of 居住（者） priests and だいたい twenty-five thousand, three hundred and fifty 変えるs, 含むing 幼児s.[29-9] At many of these 駅／配置するs schools are 行為／行うd, which together 入会させる a large number of Karen children.
The Church of England Society for the Propagation of the Gospel entered the field at Toungoo in 1871, taking over some three thousand members of the Baptist 使節団. The work has been carried on from that city, where two separate 使節団s are 持続するd. 早期に in 1919 the Anglican Bishop of Rangoon wrote that "the total number of Christian people (in the Toungoo 地域) is about five thousand. Of these sixteen hundred are communicants. About six hundred are under 指示／教授／教育 with a 見解（をとる） to baptism. The Karens 与える／捧げるd about L250 to the 基金s of the two 使節団s during the year."[29-10] About fifty boys and the same number of girls are boarders in the Toungoo schools. The number of pupils in village schools is not 利用できる.
While the 人物／姿／数字s given above 供給（する） a 確かな 索引 to the success of the 使節団s の中で the Karen people, it must be remembered that they do not illuminate particular features that have become an important part of modern 使節団 work. The most 重要な of these features are the education of the children, the training of the men to become intelligent leaders in their communities, and the inculcation の中で the women of better ideals as homekeepers, all 与える／捧げるing to the elevation of the people. If these results are not measurably 達成するd by the 使節団 work at the 現在の time, it is regarded as 落ちるing short of its proper 目的（とする）s. When the people have realized 十分な growth and 安定 in Christian character and have 伸び（る）d the breadth of 見通し to enable them to assume leadership in their 宗教的な 事件／事情／状勢s, it will be time for the white teachers to 許す them to 請け負う the 責任／義務. In the past it has been too much the custom to place undue 強調 on creed and dogma. The 開発 of character through Christian experience is the 最初の／主要な 反対する to be 達成するd, and without the 形式 of admirable character no がまんするing result can be 達成するd. The Baptist 使節団--I can not speak for the others, although they may 持続する 類似の ideals--需要・要求するs total abstinence and the 降伏する of all animistic 宗教的な practices as 必要条件s for church-会員の地位. The Baptist denomination is 納得させるd that these 必要物／必要条件s have been the means of social and 経済的な 進歩, although the 施行 of them has tended to 限界 the growth in numbers. No 疑問, much may still be done in the way of character-building の中で the members of the churches; but when we consider the 環境 of the people and the fact that they have had いっそう少なく than a century of Christian 開発, may we not say that they have made remarkable 進歩.
A Christian Village School, Prome 地区
{There are more than a thousand village chapels in Karen villages
throughout Burma, built 完全に by the 村人s themselvse.}
The Chapel and Schoolhouse of the American Baptist 使節団 High
School, Tharrawaddy 地区
{One-fourth the cost of this building was 与える／捧げるd by the Karen
Christians of the 地区.}
Although the Karen tribes have probably lived in Burma and Siam for more than a thousand years, in company with the Burmese, Shan, Siamese, and Chin, 占領するing no 領土 that they did not 株 with other people except the hills of Toungoo and Karenni, they have remained curiously 孤立するd. 政治上 subordinate to the 判決，裁定 races in the countries in which they had settled, except in the last 指名するd localities, they were 支配するd to 圧迫 and 開発／利用, which they could resent only to the extent of 地元の （警察の）手入れ，急襲s against 貧しく defended villages or of 時折の 強襲，強姦s upon 逸脱する 敵s caught in the lonely ジャングル or in 辺ぴな 地区s. The 必然的な result of these 条件s was 相互の 憎悪 of the races, which was intenstified on the 味方する of the Burmese by their feeling of contempt for the 支配する race; while the 施行するd clannishness of the Karens drew sustenance from the 有罪の判決 that their "golden age" lay in the past, and that the customs and precepts which they had 相続するd from the matchless 年上のs of that age were not to be changed. There was nothing in the 宗教 or life of the Burmese that 控訴，上告d to the Karen, even if it had been 申し込む／申し出d to them--certainly nothing from which they could 推定する／予想する any amelioration of their 条件. 進歩 was almost impossible to people so 据えるd, who could only look ばく然と into the 未来 for the deliverer, the "white brother," whose coming was foretold in their traditions.
The 取得／買収 by the British East India Company in 1827 of the 州s of Arracan and Tenasserim, on the western and southern coasts of Burma, それぞれ, made little impression on the Karen at the time, although it was the beginning of a new 時代 in their history and that of Burma--one in which the ideals of 司法（官） and fair play were to become ますます operative. Christian missionaries were beginning their labors in the country at the same time, thus making possible the spiritual emanicipation to which the Karen had looked 今後. The significance of these events lay in a 二塁打 発覚, which the missionaries first imparted.
Schoolgirls At Calisthenics, Tharrawaddy Karen High School
Schoolboys Lined Up For 演習s
{This school of about five hundred pupils has both Karen and Burman
pupils working 味方する by 味方する, as in many schools in the country.}
That the Karen were eager for a change of 行政 is shown by several circumstances. In the first 探検隊／遠征隊 of the English 軍隊s against Ava in 1826 they served as guides and were commended for their good 約束 by Major Snodgrass.[30-1] In the 州s that fell under British 支配（する）／統制する they 設立する themselves sympathetically dealt with and soon began to take on new ways; but in the 州 of Pegu, where the old 政権 of Ava still held sway, they continued to を煩う 圧迫. They were 禁じるd from visiting their teachers in Rangoon, and the Burmese viceroy of the city 脅すd, even as late as 1851, to shoot 即時に the first Karen whom he should find 有能な of reading.[30-2] In the Second Burmese War (1852) they are という評判の to have again 行為／法令／行動するd as guides to the attacking 軍隊, which took the Shwe Dagon Pagoda, the most formidable 軍の work 近づく Rangoon, by 強襲，強姦 in the 後部.[30-3] The Burmese knew that the Karen regarded the English as their deliverers and took vengeance on them accordingly, 燃やすing all their villages within fifty miles of Rangoon, 掴むing or destroying their 蓄える／店s of rice, and putting men, women, and children to death in barbarous ways.[30-4] No wonder that a large number of the 抑圧するd and 迫害するd people migrated from the delta of the Irrawaddy to Moulmein, or across the Arracean hills into those 州s where they could dwell in 安全. Even under British 支配する 条件s were not what they might have been, for there were たびたび（訪れる） miscarriages of 司法（官） on acocunt of the 雇用 of Burmese officers in subordinate and 地元の positions.[30-5]
にもかかわらず, the new order of things in Burma has brought 進歩 in many 尊敬（する）・点s. The continual （警察の）手入れ，急襲s and forays, which 以前 荒廃させるd 非常に／多数の Karen villages, have been stopped. The 行政 of 司法（官） has been taken out of the 手渡すs of 私的な individuals and placed in those of 信じる／認定／派遣するd 公式の／役人s. 示すd 進歩 in education has been made. A new literature in the vernacular has come into 循環／発行部数. Christianity has made a strong 控訴，上告 to the Karen. Finally, in the World War the people again showed their loyaty to the British Empire by 申し込む／申し出ing their services in its 弁護. Such of these topics as have not been 扱う／治療するd どこかよそで in this 容積／容量 will be 簡潔に discussed in the に引き続いて paragraphs.
The 停止 of open 敵意s between the Karen and the Burmese has 大部分は mitigated the old animosity 存在するing between them. Where members of the two races living in の近くに proximity, however, some 摩擦 is still produced. にもかかわらず, the Karen's dislike of their neighbors is not so 広大な／多数の／重要な as to 妨げる many of those living on the plains from 可決する・採択するing Burmese ways and speech. They do this not out of 賞賛 for things Burmese, but becasue of the prevalence of Burmese culture and ーするために 避ける the 外見 of rusticity that 示すs those who fail to 適合する. Some not only wear the dress of the Burmese and speak their language--always with more or いっそう少なく of an accent--but also, except the Christians, go to the pagodas and 参加する in Burmese feasts. A number of 豊富な Karens, who have moved into the larger Burmese towns along the 鉄道 line and live there in Burmese style, have to all 外見 lost their racial 身元. In many 事例／患者s those who have copied the manners of their neighbors, experience a decided 弱めるing of their old 宗教的な 約束 and its moral 抑制s, 存在 led into evil ways by Burmans of the いっそう少なく respectable classes, with whom they fraternize.
The first 実験 of the British in the 行政 of 司法（官） の中で the Karen, was not succesful. It consisted in 任命するing 確かな 影響力のある Karen 長，指導者s to serve as 治安判事s for their people. This 計画（する） was unsatisfactory, because some of the 任命された人s were 気が進まない to assume authortiy, and also because the different tribes were much intermingled. It was,therefore, decided to try the 事例／患者s of Karens, like those of the members of the other races, in the ordinary 法廷，裁判所s. While this method is 訂正する in 原則 and an 改良 in practice, it has not always been 治めるd by 代表者／国会議員s of the English nation or in the spirit of British 司法（官）. A closer 監督 of the 法廷，裁判所 is needed to 抑制（する） the prejudices いつかs manifested by the 地元の 治安判事s.
The 進歩 of the Karen in education has been very 示すd. Their "Lost 調書をとる／予約する" having been 回復するd to them by their "white brother" in the person of the Christian missionary, they have been most eager to learn to read it. This has been true from the 早期に years of missionary activity. Before the British had 設立するd 整然とした 政府 in Burma, one American missionary had pupils in her school in Moulmein almost every year who （機の）カム over two hundred miles through the ジャングルs by night, "not daring to travel by day," for the sake of learning to read the Bible in their own tongue."[30-6] The number of 使節団 and 政府 schools began to 増加するs 速く, 存在 scattered in all parts of the country. Every Christian church had its …を伴ってing school, and in 最近の years many, if not most, of the 非，不，無-Christian villages have come to have their schools also. The 早期に Christian teachers, realizing the dangers lurking in the new 条件s, began aright by teaching self-支配（する）／統制する, 同様に as the usual 支配するs, infusing the whole 教育の movement with moral 目的. The result has been more than gratifying. "It is not often given," says Mr. D. M. Smeaton., late 長，指導者 Commissioner of Burma, "to 証言，証人／目撃する such a remarkable 開発 of a 国家の character as has taken palce の中で the Karens under the 影響（力） of Christianity and good 政府." Another 観察者／傍聴者 追加するs: "Where only a few years ago were 部族の wars, child-stealing, house-燃やすing, and savagery, now are 静かな, 整然とした villages, each with its preacher and teacher, chapel and school."[30-7]
A Karen Teacher and Lahu Boys
{The man in the long 衣料品 is a Sgaw Karen, who is a missionary in the
North Shan 明言する／公表するs の中で the Lahu people. He has brought three pupils to
Lower Burma with him.}
The Fifth Quinquennial 報告（する）／憶測 on Public Education in Burma, covering the years 1913-1917, inclusive, gives the number of Karen children in school as 34,896, an 増加する of twenty-five パーセント over the total for the previous five-year period. This number is about three パーセント of the total Karen 全住民. The 人物／姿／数字s for the Burmese are not given. 裁判官ing, however, from the number of Buddhsit school children, which is 531,541 and 含むs the children of some Karens and most of the Shan, while 除外するing those of a few Burmans, the Burmese have under six パーセント of their 全住民 in school. The Shan have 5,730 school children, or about one-half of one パーセント of their 全住民.[30-8]
From their village school the children, boys and girls, go to the 使節団 搭乗-school at the 地区 or 使節団 （警察，軍隊などの）本部 or to some 隣接地の 政府 school, where they learn English and, if they progrss so far, 準備する for college. A かなりの number of Karen young men and few young women are college 卒業生（する）s and are 主要な useful lives in さまざまな communities, as may be seen by looking over the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of officers in 政府 positions in the Education, Forest, Police, 軍の, and subordinate 支店s; while others are doing 井戸／弁護士席 in 商売／仕事 and the professions. Perhaps the most 目だつ Karen, the Hon. Dr. San C. Po, is a 内科医, 卒業生（する） of an American 医療の college, who has served for several years in the Legislateive 会議 of the 州 of Burma, 存在 the first member of his race to be thus 栄誉（を受ける）d.
With the 進歩 of Christianity and education has come literature. As soon as the Karen language has been 減ずるd to 令状ing, the missionaries began to 準備する 調書をとる／予約するs for the people. In this work they have been 補助装置d by a number of educated Karens. Thus far these 翻訳家s have 供給するd in the vernacular the Bible, a few plays of Shakespeare, 巡礼者's 進歩, the Arabian Nights, and short stories and 小冊子s in large number. Dr. Wade, with the 援助（する） of Saw Kau Too, has 収集するd The Karen Thesaurus, a vernacular encyclopedic dictionary of language and customs in four 容積／容量s, which is a work of 広大な／多数の／重要な value. Christian literature, in the form of commentaries and text-調書をとる／予約するs of さまざまな 肉親，親類d, has been 大部分は 供給（する）d by Dr. E. B. Cross, Dr. D. A. W. Smith, and the Rev. T. Than Bya, D. D. An admirable collection of hymns has been brought together, 含むing both some of the English favorites and some 初めの hymns composed by Karens 同様に as by missionaries. The largest number in the collection by one writer is by Mrs. J. H. Vinton. Of the seven or eight vernacular newspapers and 月毎の 定期刊行物s all but one or two are under native 管理／経営. The "Dwakula" (Karen 国家の News) is a biweekly, the others 存在 月毎のs, of which the Karen Morning 星／主役にする, 設立するd by Dr. Francis Mason at Tavoy in 1841, has had a continuous 存在 and is the oldest vernacular 定期刊行物 in southeastern Asia.
The American Baptist 使節団 圧力（をかける） at Rangoon has been from its 設立 the （警察，軍隊などの）本部 for Karen printing. Karen type were first 製造（する）d here and the first pages struck off in the new characters. Here also the linotype machine has been adapted to vernacular use. Other Karen 圧力（をかける）s are in 操作／手術 at Bassein and Toungoo.
At the time of the Third Burmese War (1885), when the Karen were 苦しむing from brigandage which 脅すd to 荒廃させる the whole country, 確かな leaders of the race began a movement to develop a 国家の spirit の中で the people, who had always been clannish and 地方の. Some 進歩 was made すぐに after the war through the 形式 of Karen 徴収するs, without which the 州 could scarcely have been brought 支援する to a 明言する／公表する of good order. At length the Karen 国家の 協会 ("Daw k' lu," meaning literally "the whole race") was 組織するd. All the 地区s in which the Karen live were 現在のd at its first 会合, a few 非，不，無-Christians …に出席するing, although the leaders were Christians. The 目的（とする） of the 協会 was 簡単に to 促進する the 経済的な and 教育の 利益／興味s of the people, 同様に as to 計画（する） for their 代表 at public 機能（する）／行事s, such as on the occasion of viceregal visits. 基金s have been raised for these 目的s, but, unfortunately, through mismanagement, have not 証明するd to be 永久の. During the World War the 協会 served as a mouthpiece for the 表現 of the 忠義 of the race and did some active work in 新採用するing. It その上のd the sending of deputations to 会合，会う the Montague （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 and later sent a rather ill-advised 代表 to England to 促進する the 国家の 利益／興味s, which have been so much 強調するd as a result of the world 衝突.
Rev. Thra Maung Yin, of Bassein
{He held the 階級 of 名誉として与えられる havildar in the Karen 大隊 of the
Burma ライフル銃／探して盗むs, 1917-1920, and was most 高度に commended by his 命令（する）ing
officers for his wholesome 影響（力） as a 宗教的な teacher.}
The 軍の activities of the Karen have been 大部分は 限定するd in the past to village （警察の）手入れ，急襲s. There had been times when there was a prospect that a real leader might arise to 部隊 a large group of villages into a 肉親，親類d of 明言する／公表する and carry on 戦争 on a large 規模. One such 試みる／企てる was made by a Karen, of Martaban or Shwegyin, who assumed the Burmese 肩書を与える of "修道女 Laung" or Coming Prince--a favorite 肩書を与える with 反抗的な members of the Burmese 法廷，裁判所 who tried to usurp the 王位. This adventurer 組織するd a religio-political movement の中で his compatriots throughout the 地域 from Siam to Bassein. They 推定する／予想するd him to fulfil a prophecy to the 影響 that the Karen would 運動 out the foreigners and 設立する a new 王朝 at Pegu. However, this 反乱 was soon put 負かす／撃墜する and its leaders were driven into Karenni, where they disappeared.[30-9]
The Karen 徴収するs, which did so much to re-設立する peace throughout the 州 of Burma after the Third Burmese War, and, for the most part under their missionaries as officers and with but little 軍の organization, 逮捕（する）d some of the dacoit leaders after scattering their 信奉者s, （判決などを）下すd a service deserivng of more credit than it received at the time. 地元の and racial feeling was still running too high, and 公式の／役人 circles did not always understand the 状況／情勢 fully.[30-10]
Soon after these services, which were （判決などを）下すd by most of the Karens gratuitously and with 武器 which they had paid for, malicious 噂するs were 循環させるd that these men were of doubtful 忠義. The result was that they were divested of their 武器 and given no 補償（金） whatever. It still remained true, however, that they had saved their homes, 保護するd the 栄誉（を受ける） of their wives and daughters, and （判決などを）下すd an important service to the 政府, the fruits of which have not yet disappeared. After all their long 苦しむing and 患者 endurance this experience was a hard one, to which they should not have been 支配するd.[30-11]
Karen 軍の Police
{These men were a part of a squad who 発射 some 悪名高い dacoits in the
Insein 地区, 1917. They are all from Toungoo 地区.}
合間, a 大隊 of the Karen 軍の Police had been 組織するd and was （判決などを）下すing service to the 政府. It remained a separate 部隊 until 1899. At that time an unfortunate 事件／事情／状勢, in which アルコール飲料 played a 目だつ part, resulted in the dispersion of the 大隊, the companies that were 保持するd 存在 sent into different sections of the 州. These 生き残るing companies have not failed to give a good account of themselves, for example, in scattering within the last few years the dacoits in the Okkan 地域 of the Insein 地区 and also in the Bassein 地区.
At the 突発／発生 of the World War in 1914 the 忠義 of the Karen people manifested itself in the large number of 使用／適用s to enter 軍の service in 弁護 of the Empire. Some of the 使用／適用s were made through the author. 非，不，無 was 受託するd at the time, for the 政府 had not yet 可決する・採択するd the 政策 of 新採用するing in Burma. Later, when this was done, the 返答 on the part of the Karens was not equaled by that of any of the 隣接地の races. However, the number of Karens taken into the service was 限られた／立憲的な. In the Burma ライフル銃／探して盗むs, the one 連隊 新採用するd in the 州, of a total of sixteen companies three were Karen; one, Shan; one, Arracanese, and the others, Burmese. Karens were in all the other 連隊s in about the same 割合.[30-12] In the Sappers and 鉱夫s, the first 部隊 to leave the country for 義務 abroad, the highest native officer was a Karen. There was also a small group of Karens in the company which did itself credit in Mesopotamia. An officer of that company told them that other officers, in calling for detachments, often asked that Karen might be sent. In one Karen company so many of the men were 詳細（に述べる）d for 指示／教授／教育 service in other companies that 正規の／正選手 演習 was much 干渉するd with. These 出来事/事件s 示唆する that the enlisted men の中で the Karens were （判決などを）下すing an honorable and 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がるd service in the war.
Should one 問い合わせ as to the 未来 of the Karen people, my answer would be that not as a separate people, living apart and 捜し出すing special advantages for themselves, will they make the most 進歩; but, forgetting racial feeling as far as possible and throwing themselves into the life of the land in which they find themselves and 追加するing their 割当 to the general good, they will not only raise themselves, but also the level of the ありふれた life which they must 株 with their neighbors. In this way they will truly find themselves and 与える／捧げる to the growth and 進歩 of a country that is 有能な of untold 進歩.
公式文書，認める. The vowels in this glossary are to be pronounced after the usual 大陸の method. Eh is pronounced as e in met, and eu as e in her. The Greek x is used for the gutteral which is pronounced as ch in loch, and th is as in thin. Asperated consonants are 示すd by placing the h in 前線 of the letter as hk, hp, ht, etc. The half vowel is shown by the apostrophe に引き続いて the letter, as k', t', etc. In pronouncing, slip over this half vowel as in the first syllable of cajole or the coloquial pronounciation of t'morrow.
Bgha, family demon. bgha a hko, leader of the bgha feast bla e, bat dung; 砕く blaw, young men's club room, or guest room Brec, 指名する of a Karen tribe Bu deu htaw li, the 米，稲 has 長，率いるd out (lit., conceived) bwe, seeds of the coix 工場／植物 Bwe (for Bghai), the 指名する of a Karen tribe dah (Burmese), long knife daw do, a relation by marriage daw t' ka, race of 巨大（な）s who 料金d on the k'las of mortals deu, room or section of a village-house. deu mu lwa hpa, three 星／主役にするs just east of the Pleiades De nya, a lily, the lily month (May) du la, a 陰謀（を企てる） selected for cultivation in the hills. Ghw Le Be & Ghaw Ser Paw, two Pwo Karens who stole the 初めの 派手に宣伝するs Ghaw Kwa Htu & Ghaw Kaw Se, 指名するs of the two 初めの bronze 派手に宣伝するs Gai hko, the 指名する of a Karen tribe Hi, a house hi hpo xch, tiny model of a house used in bgha 儀式s hkaw, the foot hkli, the crossbow hkli p' ti, a 肉親，親類d of long 屈服する hko, the 長，率いる hko hti, the fontenal hko peu, a headdress or turban hko peu ki, a woman's woven headdress hko saw, a hut-形態／調整d receptacle for the bones of the dead. hko so 法律, a receptacle as above, but pagoda-形態／調整d. hk' ye, trumpet-形態／調整d fish 罠（にかける）. Hku de, demon of the 乾燥した，日照りの season Hku Te, king of hades hpa k' pu, a fireplace hpa hpaw mu, midnight hpa ti, uncle hpaw, a flower hpaw baw, yellow cockscomb hpaw ghaw, red cockscomb hpi ba, musical 麻薬を吸うs Hpi Bi Yaw, 指名する of the goddess of the 刈るs hpo, child; little hpo khwa, a son hpo mu, a daugher hpo nya mo, & hpo nya pa, part of wedding 儀式, (lit., children tease mother, children tease father) hpo tha hkwa htaw, to become abdolescent (spoken of a boy). hsa, a 星／主役にする; also the 権利 thigh bone of a fowl used in divination hsa a hsa neu mi, a good omen derived from reading the chicken bones Hsa bu hpaw, the 乳の Way Hsa deu mu, the Pleiades Hsa hki hku, the 星座 Sagittarius Hsa k' hsaw, the 広大な／多数の／重要な 耐える, (lit., the elephant) Hsa kwa hka, Orion. hsa t' so, a 星座. Hsa hta hko, three 星／主役にするs south of the Pleiades Hsa tu ghaw, the morning 星／主役にする Hsa tu ha, the evening 星／主役にする hsa mck htaw, a 惑星 Hsa mo la, a 星／主役にする 近づく the moon. Hsa yo ma, the three 星／主役にするs of Orion's belt hsa yu, & hsa hpo tha, 狙撃 星／主役にするs. hsaw, a fowl; also a basket for catching fish hsaw xi wa li htaw, a good omen 得るd from reading the fowl's bones hsaw xi wa hkaw, a いっそう少なく 都合のよい omen hsaw xi ku hko mi, a rather unfavorable omen hsaw xi htaw deh pgha k' la, an unfavorable omen hsaw o, the crowing of the cook; 早期に morning hse, a Karen 衣料品; a smock hse plo, man's 衣料品 Hsi hsa, the tenth month Hsi mu, the ninth month hso hko, a 壇・綱領・公約 for receiving guests hta, a 手渡す ぼんやり現れる, a song hta do, an epic poem hta mo pgha, a 広大な／多数の／重要な poem hta na do, poems 詠唱するd over the dead hta hpo, lyric poems, or narrative poems of light character hta plu, poems of the dead hta thi kwaw, extempore poems of betrothal hta thwe plu, poems 詠唱するd at funerals 演説（する）／住所d to the spirit hta yeh 法律 plu, poems for the king of hades htwa 法律, a cry which one utters on 審理，公聴会 strange noise in the ジャングル Htaw meh, Monday hteh, a 骨折って進む hteu, a 捕らえる、獲得する Hte ku, the second month hti, water hti hsaw, a scoop for catching fish in shallow water Hti k' saw k'sa, the lords of water and land; the lords of the earth hti pu 法律, place in the house for the water-共同の hti th' mu, charmed water hti seh meh ywa, the river of running sand, or the sandy river hto bo, a 政治家 for 政治家ing a boat hto tu, a harrow, htwi maw sch, a 追跡（する）ing dog K'la, the shade or spirit of a person K'la pych, a booth k'li, the 勝利，勝つd K'paw ta thu, a demon who 原因（となる） total （太陽，月の）食／失墜s K'sa, lord, (a person or a 肩書を与える) k'taw, a 保護物，者 k'thi, 薬／医学 k'thi baw tho, a magical tiger 薬／医学 k'thi thra, a doctor (lit., a teacher of 薬／医学). ka hsaw xi, the 検査／視察するing of fowl's bones for divinations ka 法律 ta, an 申し込む／申し出ing for demons Ka ya, the Red Karen tribe Kayin (Burmese), the Karen people ki ku, a creeper, the leaves of which are used in 確かな 儀式s klaw, a mat klo (couplet, klo ogh tra ogh), bronze 派手に宣伝するs klo a deu, the base tube of a Karen xylophone klo ka paw, & klo ma ti, & klo ghaw ple, three 肉親，親類d of Karen Bronze 派手に宣伝する ku, a basket kwa, the cry of the wildcat kweh, the wedding horn kyee zee (Burmese), a triangular gong La, the moon; a month La hkli, the fourth month La hku, the ninth month La naw, the eleventh month La nwi, the seventh month La plu, the twelfth month La xo, the eighth month 法律, demons of the 雨の season 法律 hpo, demons who bring about the reproduction of the 穀物 ler na, 石／投石するs having magical 力／強力にする li, grandchildren Li naw, Sunday lo, to 送信する／伝染させる life longyi (Burmese), a loin cloth or skirt worn by men and women Ma, wife ma hpo tha, little wife or concubine maw, a small bamboo cup maw keh, a 巨大（な） creeper, the seeds of which are used as playthings Maw 法律, kwi, the king of the crocodiles me taw, rice cooked in 共同のs of bamboo me u, 解雇する／砲火／射撃 Meh la ka, the Southern Cross meu do, a large bamboo 罠（にかける） mi, the left thigh bone of a fowl used in divinations mi a mi neu hsa, an evil omen 得るd from reading the fowl's bones Mu daw hpa, Friday mo, mother mo a si, an 申し込む／申し出ing made to bring a good 刈る of 米，稲 mu, the sun mu gha, aunt mu haw 法律, 早期に evening mu heh htaw, sunrise mu heh htaw hpa htaw, the sun is high Mu Hka, the king of spirits mu hse wa htaw, 夜明け (lit., the sun's 衣料品 whitens) Mu htaw K'hou, Saturday mu htu, noon Mu kaw li, the evil 力／強力にする of devil mu 法律 nu, the sun is 始める，決める mi xe 法律, the sun 拒絶する／低下するs mu yaw ma, late evening (lit., the sun is 深い 負かす／撃墜する). mu pgha, a married woman Mu xa, celestial spirits that 統括する over births Mu xa do, one of the 主要な／長／主犯 demons of the Karen Mu xa hklew, a divinity 統括するing over the banyan tree mwi, a 血-brother; a friend Na, a sword na nya hti mch, a sword 形態／調整d like the tail of an eel na theh hko, a sword with two 辛勝する／優位s and a sharp point na xu hko, a blunt-pointed cutting sword naw blu tha, sling-発射 pellets Naw k'plaw, the evil demon …に反対するd to Y'wa (God) naw xaw, wild indigo ni, a woman's skirt; a day; a year ni-雪解け, the couplet meaning a day ni-la, the couplet meaning a year nya, fish nya u, fish paste, (lit., rotten fish); Burmese, ngape P'yo, a 広大な／多数の／重要な dragon or a demon in the form of a 広大な／多数の／重要な dragon pa, father Pa k' sa, Father God (used of Y'wa) paw, (Burmese, pauk), a 肉親，親類d of fish-罠（にかける） paw ku, a xylophone paw leh, the sea paw na, 工場／植物s having magical 力／強力にするs pgha, a person; also means old pgha a pgho, a wonder 労働者 or magician pgha ba bgha, one who has 感情を害する／違反するd the family demon Pgha k' nyaw, the Karen 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 for themselves, (lit., men) pgha htaw leu hko, one who marries outside the tribe pgha tha pgha, an old man; an 年上の pgho, an impersonal all-普及（する） 軍隊; (Melanesian, マナ) phgo ghaw, the peacock pheasant Pghaw ghaw, the twin 頂点（に達する） of Mt. 雪解け Thi, the sacred mountain po, the method of 妨げるing witches from working evil charms po dwa, open bamboo 麻薬を吸うs pru-u-u, a call for children, fowls, spirits, etc. pu, a fish-罠（にかける） pula, betel-leaf vines trained to run up tall trees Pu Maw Taw, mythical owner of the first bronze 派手に宣伝するs Seh, a rough basket sgheu, the fructifying 原則 in life so, 力／強力にする to resist an evil charm; personality; a 世代 soh, a charm made out of a wild boar's tusk so so xa xa, 世代 upon 世代; eternally Sgaw, the 指名する of a Karen tribe T'ba, 消極的な 粒子 t'kaw, a 手段 of distance; the distance one can hear a call t'hka, a pace T'hke mo baw, the demon that 原因（となる）s 部分的な／不平等な （太陽，月の）食／失墜s t'hkwa, a cousin t'hkli, a yard t'hpi, the stretch of the thumb and forefinger t'hta, a 手渡す's breadth Thwe kaw, the third month t'kle t' htwa, a 失望 brought about by 無視（する）ing a tabu t'kwi leu, a 石／投石する's throw t'le, a 地位，任命する 始める，決める up at funerals over the receptacle 持つ／拘留するing the bones t'leu, a fish-罠（にかける） made by placing a jar in the water t'lo pa, a 調停者 who arranges weddings t'mu tu leh, a hald-day's 旅行 t'na, a harp t'ni leh, a day's 旅行 T'nu, the destroying angel who 皆殺しにするs the wicked t'pia, a cubit t're t' hka, ghosts of tyrants, etc., who 悩ます mortals t'so, a 部隊 of 手段 t' su mu, the length of the forefinger t'xe, the jew's-harp t'xo, Karen armor t'yaw, a decoction of the bark of a tree used for washing the hair t'yaw lo ke a k'la, 儀式s ーするつもりであるd to 解任する the k'la or spirit of the dead ta, the 名目上の prefix ta aw bgha, the feast to the 世帯 demons ta aw bwaw a tha, a feast as above to 妨げる illness ta aw saw ke saw na, the feast at which all 親族s must be 現在の ta aw k'teu, a final feast before giving up the worship of the demons ta di 法律 kweh leh, an 申し込む／申し出ing to the king of hades ta do hkaw, the rhinoceros Ta do k'the, ta do k'hsaw, the 広大な／多数の／重要な Elephant 演説（する）／住所d as a demon ta du ta htu, tabu, 主として 禁止 of work ta du haw hko hu, tabu to be 観察するd at the time of an 地震 ta du hku ta du theh, the tabu after offerings for good 刈るs ta du hpa htaw, the long tabu ta du kleh, the tabu on traveling ta du ta ble, the tabu connected with births ta du to yu mu ta yu la, the tabu connected with （太陽，月の）食／失墜s ta du ta htaw ta 法律, the tabu connected with the rising and 落ちるing of a stream ta du ta the to pgha, the tabu conected with death ta he ta yaw, & ta 売春婦 ta lo, witchcraft or bad 魔法 ta hku hka, the 冷静な／正味の season ta hpa do, the 広大な／多数の／重要な one, used of the elephant by men 追跡（する）ing lest the spirits should hear its 指名する について言及するd ta hpi htaw a k'la, to 解任する a human spirit from under the water ta hseh hsu ma beu, a （警察の）手入れ，急襲 ta k'heu, things that will 勝利，勝つ ta ko hka, the hot season ta kweh k'la hpa do, the 広大な／多数の／重要な 儀式 of 解任するing the human spirit ta le mi, lighting the dead on their way ta leh kaw, a game at funerals (lit., stretching the neck) ta lu, a sacrifice or 申し込む／申し出ing ta lu hpa do, a 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifice to the lords of the earth ta lu hpo, the small sacrifice to the lords of the earth ta lu klu htu hti, an 申し込む／申し出ing to the water witches ta lu 法律 pa 法律, offerings to the celestial spirits that 統括する over births Ta mu xa, the spirits of those who have been 悪名高くも evil ta na, malevolent supernatural 存在s ta neu xo, the smell of 燃やすing fat ta plu aw ka, the (n)艦隊／(a)素早いing 存在 of babies who dies soon after birth ta se kle, the game of jumping bamboo 政治家s ta su hka, the 雨の season ta t' ghe ba, lit., it is not good (spoken of things tabued) ta t' ka, ghost of person left unburied ta t'hkaw hkaw, a one-legged 女性（の） demon ta t' su, a canopy 築くd over a beir ta taw 法律 ta, offerings to the demons ta taw the hka keh, offerings for the spirits of 悪名高くも evil persons ta to ku, 続けざまに猛撃するing pestles (a funeral game) ta wi ta na, evil spirits ta xeh, a sickle ta yaw ke a k'la, 解任するing human spirits from the clutches of a wizard ta yaw kha, the 乾燥した，日照りの season taw, a 米，稲 basket, (Burmese, taung) taw kwe 法律, & taw klaw taw, a 儀式 成し遂げるd at funerals of very old men taw leu hko, to marry outside the tribe Taw Meh Pa, the mythical ancestor of the Karen race Teu kweh, the rainbow teu, a 捕らえる、獲得する Th' le, the first month th' reh t' hka, spirits of those who have died violent deaths th' waw, a village tha, soul th' ma, a crocodile the na, a 君主 of hades theh a hku, to make offerings for the field ta th' mo, to make offerings for the field Thi hko mu xa, the lord of the demons, of heaven and earth thi keh, a bamboo 政治家 or 基準 used in the bgha feast thit se, (Burmese), lacquer Thi thwa, Thursday tho, a 血 brother Thwe kaw, the third month To kyaw, Wednesday lo me to pi, paste made of glutenous rice To mu, Tuesday tu, 罠（にかける）s in which 負わせるs 落ちる on the 犠牲者s U, to embroider ugh de de, to thrust the finger into one's 海軍の to 妨げる the rainbow demon fron 負傷させるing one. Wa, bamboo Wa hkaw, a spring 罠（にかける）; a spear made of bamboo Wa hklu, a 肉親，親類d of large bamboo Weh, a basket work 米，稲-貯蔵所; 年上の brother or sister weh hpo hkwe, 年上の brother weh hpo mu, older sister wi, prophet, soothsayer Xeh, sickle xaw hta, a 工場／植物 used for 毒（薬）ing the water in fishing Y'wa, the 広大な／多数の／重要な Spirit of the Karen; God ya, wild plantain or 白人指導者べったりの東洋人.
年次の 報告（する）／憶測, American Baptist Foreign 使節団 Society, 1919.
Baptist Missionary Magazine, The.
（船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕, Rev. Alonzo, D.D., Soo Tha, A Tale of the Karens, New York, 1901.
（船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕, Rev. Alonzo, D.D., Sketches from the Karen Hills, New York, 1903.
Carrick, Lieut, K. W., 報告（する）／憶測 on the Bwe 探検隊／遠征隊, Rangoon (Gov't), 1894.
Cross, Rev. E. B. D.D., On the Karens, in 定期刊行物. American Oriental Society, Vol. IV. (1851)
Gilmore, Rev. D. C., D.D., A Karen Grammar, Rangoon, 1901.
Gilmore, Rev. D. C., D.D., The Karen Traditions, in 定期刊行物, Burma 研究 Society, Vol. I
Pt. II, 36. Phonetic Change in the Karen Language, Vol. VIII, Part II, 122.
Karen Morning 星／主役にする, The.*
Karen Recorder, The, Rangoon, Burma, 1915-1917
Logan, J. R., On the Ethnographic Position of the Karens, in 定期刊行物, Indian 群島, Vol. II, (1854).
孤独な, Ko San, Sketch of Rev. Jonatham Wade, D.D., and Karen Tradition, Rangoon, 1907*
Lowe, Lt. Col. James, The Karen Tribes or Aborigines of Martaban, in 定期刊行物, Indian 群島, Vol. IV, 413 (1854)
Luther, Mrs. Carlista Vinton, The Vintons and the Karens, Boston, 1880.
MacMahon, Lt. Col. A. R., The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, London, 1876.
Mason, Rev. Francis, D.D., British Burma, Its People and 生産／産物s. Rangoon, 1860, 改訂するd, edited by Theobald Hertford, 1882.
Mason, Rev. Francis, D.D., The Karen Apostle, A Memoir of Ko Tha Byu. Boston, 1861.
Mason, Rev. Francis, D.D., 宗教 and Mythology of the Karens, in 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society
of Bengal, (1858), Vol. XXXIV, Pt. I; Physical Character of the Karens, Vol. XXXV, (New
Series, CXXXI) (1866); On Dwellings, 作品 of Art, etc., of the Karens, Vol. XXXVII. (1868).
Mason, Rev. Francis, D.D., The Story of a Workingman's Life (Autobiography) New York, 1870.
O'Riley, E., Esq., 定期刊行物 of a 小旅行する in Karen Nee, in 定期刊行物, Indian 群島, Vol. II,
(N.S) (1858) 391; 公式文書，認めるs on Karen Nee, in Vol. IV, (N.S) (1859) 25.
Poynder, Capt. E. W., 報告（する）／憶測 on Bwe 探検隊／遠征隊. Rangoon (政府 出版（物）), 1894.
Rangoon Gazette, The, June 6, 1917; Sept. 27, 1919.
Smeaton, D. M., The Loyal Karen of Burma. London. 1887.
To Rev. Ba, "The Union of the Karen Tribes," in Minutes of the Second 年次の 会合 of
the Karen 貿易（する）ing Society, etc. Rangoon. 1912.*
Than Bya, Rev. T., M.A., Karen Customs, 儀式s, and Poetry. Rangoon. 1906.*
Than Bya, Rev. T., M.A., The Karens and Their 進歩, 1854-1914. Rangoon, 1914.*
Vinton, Rev. J. B., D.D., and Rev. T. Than Bya, Karen Folk-lore Stories, Rangoon. 1908.*
Wade, Rev. Jonathan, D.D., The Grammar of the Sgaw and Pgho Karen Language. Tavoy, 1842.**
Wade, Rev. Jonathan, D.D., The Karen Thesaurus, Vols. I-IV., Tavoy. 1847** New ediiton in
圧力（をかける）, Vol. I. Rangoon, 1915.
Wade, Rev. Jonathan, D.D., A Dictionary of the Sgaw Karen Language. (Karen into English).
Rangoon, 1896. 改訂するd by Rev. E. B. Cross, D.D.**
Wade, Rev. Jonathan, D.D., The Anglo-Karen Dictionary. (完全にするd by Mrs. J. G. Binney).
Rangoon, 1883.**
GENERAL WORKS DEALING WITH BURMA
Burma Archaeological 調査する, 年次の 報告（する）／憶測s.
Cochrane, Rev. H. P., の中で the Burmans. New York. 1913.
Cochrane, Rev. W. W., The Shans. Rangoon, 1912.
Colquhoun, N. R., Amongst the Shans. New York. 1885. Introduction on History of the Shans by Prof. de Lacouperiet.
Crawfurd, J., 定期刊行物 of an 大使館 from the 知事 General of India to the 法廷，裁判所 of Ava,
Vol. I and II. London, 1834.
Cumming, E. D., In the 影をつくる／尾行する of the Pagoda. London. 1893
Fifth Quinquennial 報告（する）／憶測 on Public Education in Burma.
Forbes, Capt. C. J. F. S., Burma and Its People. London. 1878.
Frazer, Sir J. G., The Golden Bough, Vols. I-XI. Oxford, 1911.
Frazer, Sir J. G., The Old Testament and Folk-lore. Oxford, 1919.
Graham, W. A. Siam, A Handbook of Practical, 商業の, and Political （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）. London, 1913.
Hanson, Rev. O., Litt. D., The Kachins. Rangoon, 1911.
Heger. F., Alte Metalltrommeln aus Sudost-Asien, Leipzig, 1902.
靴下／だます and MacDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, London, 1912.
皇室の Gazetter, Burma, Vol. I.
Jevons, Introduction to 宗教.
Laufer, Berthold, The Si Hia Language, A 熟考する／考慮する in Indo-Chinese Philology, in Teoung-Pai, 2nd.
Series, Vol. XVII, No. 1. Leyden, 1916.
Laufer, Berthold, "Review of Mythology of all Races," in 定期刊行物, American Folklore, Vol. XXXI,
No. CXX.
Lowis, C. C., "The Tribes of Burma," in Ethnological 調査する of India, Rangoon. (Gov't), 1910.
Nieuwenhuis, Dr., Quer Durch Borneo. Leyden. 1907.
Parker, E. H., 中国 and 宗教. New York. 1905.
Parmentier, H., "Anciens Tambours de Bronze," in 公式発表, l'Ecole d' Extreme-Orient, Hanoi, 1918.
Richardson, Dr., "小旅行するs in the Shan Country," in 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal. (1837).
Sangermano, Father, Description of the Burmese Empire, 1783-1808. (Reprint) 政府 of Burma. Rangoon. 1885.
Scott, Sir J. G., "Indo-Chinese Mythology," in Mythology of All Races, Vol. XII. Boston. 1918.
Scott, Sir J. G., Burma, A Handbook of Practical, 商業の and Political （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）. London. 1911.
Scott, Sir J. G., and Hardiman, J. P., The Upper Burma Gazetter, 4 vols (政府). Rangoon. 1901.
Scott, Sir J. G., ("Shwe Yoe"), The Burman and His Life and Notions. London. 1883.
Skeat and Blagdon, The Pagan Tribes of the Malay 半島. London.
Snodgrass, Major, The Narrative of the Burmese War. 2 vols. London. 1827.
Spearman, Col. H., British Burma Gazetter, 2 vols., Rangoon. (Gov't) 1880.
Yule, Col. Sir Henry, Narrative of the 使節団 to the 法廷，裁判所 of Ava in 1855. London. 1858.
Wayland, Rev. Francis, D.D., Life of Adoniram Judson. Boston. 1853.
OTHER GENERAL WORKS
Carpenter, J. E., Comparative 宗教. New York. 1913.
Codrington, R. H., The Melanesians. Oxford. 1918.
Cole, 妖精／密着させる Cooper, The Wild Tribes of the Davao 地区. Chicago. 1913.
Davies, Maj. H. R., Yunnan. The Link between Burma and the Yungste. London. 1913.
Deniker, J., The Races of Men. New York. 1906.
Foy, W., "Uber Alter Bronzetrommeln aus Sudost-Asien," in Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen
Geselschaft in Wien, Vol. XXXIII, 1913.
Indian 皇室の 国勢（人口）調査, The, Part I. 1911.
Ross, John., The 初めの 宗教 of 中国.
* Denotes 作品 in Karen.
** Denotes 作品 in both English and Karen.
[1-1] J. S. Scott: Burma 虫垂, pp. 470-481.
[1-2] W. A. Graham, in the Handbook of Siam, 見積（る）s the Karen of that country at 30,000, but I think this 見積（る） rather low.
[1-3] These citationts are all from the 国勢（人口）調査 of India, 1911, Vol. IX, pp. 275, ff.
[1-4] Karenni means literally Red Karen, in Burmese. It has been used of the tribe dwelling in the country now called by that 指名する, because they wear red 着せる／賦与するing. Similarity some writers have spoken of the White Karen and the 黒人／ボイコット Karen, "Karenbyu" and "Karennet."
[1-5] Rev. W. H. Young, 以前は of Kenteung, tells me that the Wa language 似ているs the Karen in structure but not in vocabulary, while the Lahu and Pwo Karen have 類似の customs and vocabulary but a different 宣告，判決 structure.
[1-6] Vol. I, Pt. I, 一時期／支部 IX.
[2-1] This tradition is 設立する の中で the Lhu and also, によれば Thra Ba Te, の中で the Chin in the northwest of Burma.
MacMahon, in The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, p. 106, 言及するs to a different 見解／翻訳／版 of this story, in which the Chinese go ahead instead of "Htaw Meh Pa," and on p. 104 MacMahon says he 設立する traditions 示すing that the Karen formed part of a Chinese 探検隊／遠征隊 into Burma and that they were left behind because of their 不振の movements. These all point to 早期に relations with the Chinese.
[2-2] Mason, British Burma, p. 831.
[2-3] E. B. Cross, 定期刊行物, American Oriental Soc. (1854) Vol. IV, pp. 293, ff, and D. C. Gilmore, 定期刊行物, Burma 研究 Soc., Vol. I, p. 191.
[2-4] J. B. Vinton, D. D. and Rev. T. Than Bya, M. A., Karen Folklore Stories.
[2-5] Dr. B. Laufer, Curator of Anthropology, Field Columbian Museum, Chicago, in a 公式文書，認める to the writer, Jan 6, 1920.
[2-6] By the Rev. Thra Ba Te, in a letter 時代遅れの August 14, 1917.
[2-7] Dr. ツバメ in the Lore of Cathay gives the 指名する of the other three of the four 古代の tribes of 中国 as the La in the North, the Yi in the East, and the Man in the South.
[2-8] Maj. H. R. Davies, Yunnan, The Link between Burma and the Yangtse.
[2-9] D. C. Gilmore, "Phonetic Changes in the Karen Languages" in 定期刊行物, Burma 研究 Society, Vol. VIII, Pt. ii, pp. 122, ff.
[2-10] Several 小冊子s and articles in anthropological 定期刊行物s 取引，協定 with these 派手に宣伝するs. The most 広範囲にわたる work on the 支配する, which is in German, is by Franz Heger and is する権利を与えるd Alte Metalltrommelu aus Sudost-Asien, Leipzig 1902. An excellent short work する権利を与えるd "Anciens Tambours de Bronze," is by H. Parmentier and is printed in the 公式発表 l'Ecole d' Extreme-Orient, Hanoi, 118. See also 一時期／支部 XIII on Bronze 派手に宣伝するs, pp. 115-126.
[2-11] W. W. Cochrane, in The Shans, について言及するs the Shan towns of Tagaung or Ta Kawng and Mogaung or Mong Kawg as denoting, それぞれ, 派手に宣伝する フェリー（で運ぶ） and 派手に宣伝する Town, and on page 62 he says: "They took also a palace 派手に宣伝する, whose reverberations could call the people together, daunt enemies, or bring rain in time of draught." He makes no その上の 言及／関連 to their use.
[2-12] The tradition of the Lost 調書をとる／予約する is not peculiar to the Karen, but seems to be 設立する also の中で other tribes in and about Burma, e.g., the Kaws, Was, Palaungs, and the Hkamoks of Siam; letter of Mr. Taw Sein Ko to Thra Ba Te, 時代遅れの 10th Oct., 1917.
[2-13] In a letter to the Baptist Missionary Society, 時代遅れの Oct., 1832, Dr. Mason について言及するs 審理，公聴会 of the shipwreck on the Tenasserim River some １０年間s before of a foreign merchant who told the Karen that other white men would come and teach them about God. He 追加するs that he thought that the traditions （機の）カム from Portuguese priets who had earlier come to the East. But in a later letter, 時代遅れの Oct., 1834, Dr. Mason 令状s that he had come to believe that the traditions were indigenous with the Karen, whom he thought to be the lost Hebrew tribes. He wrote a communication to the 政府 to that 影響 from the "（警察，軍隊などの）本部 of the Tenasserim," 時代遅れの Dec. 6, 1833. (See Missionary Magazine, Dec., 1833, p. 469, and Oct. 1834, p. 382).
[2-14] See 定期刊行物, American Folklore, Vol. XXXI, No. CXX, pp. 282, ff. for his review of Sir J. G. Scott's Indo-Chinese Mythology, in Mythology of All Races, Vol. XII.
[2-15] See also 中国 and 宗教 by E. G. Parker, who says (page 108) that there is no について言及する of any Western 宗教 in 中国 up to the end of the sixth century. A. D., when Christianity entered the country, except Buddhism which had come in centuries before. On page 165 he gives the date of the arrival of the ユダヤ人の 植民地s in 中国 as 1163, A. D. The Article on 中国 in the 最新の 版 of the Encyclopedia Brittanica also 耐えるs out this 証言.
[2-16] John Ross, in The 初めの 宗教 of 中国, makes this the 支配する of an 利益／興味ing 容積／容量. Also E. H. Parker, in 中国 and 宗教, gives a few hints that may show that the earliest ancestors of the Chinese held one god in much greater esteem than the other 存在s in their mythology.
[2-17] Sir J. G. Scott, Introduction to Indo-Chinese Mythology, Mythology of all Races, p.258.
[2-18] C. C. Lowis in Burma, Ethnological 調査する of India. (1910) p. 15.
[2-19] Lt. Col. A. R. MacMahon, The Karen of the Golden Chersonese, p. 114.
[2-20] J. O'Riley, Jounral, Indian 群島. Vol. IV, N.S. (1859). p. 8.
[2-21] Ibid.
[3-1] I took a few 測定s with the tape line, and 設立する that about seventy men on the plains gave the above 普通の／平均（する）. The tallest was five feet, nine インチs, and the shortest was four feet, eleven インチs. In the hills my 測定s were 限定するd to one village. Here the headman was the tallest, 手段ing five feet, six インチs. The shortest man in the village was four feet and eleven インチs in 高さ. Of about twenty women 手段d the tallest was five feet, five インチs, and the shortest, four feet, nine インチs. Three were each four feet, ten インチs. The 普通の／平均（する） の中で the women was a very small fraction over five feet. Dr. Mason gives the shortest man, a Bghai 長，指導者, as 存在 only four feet, eight インチs high, while the shortest woman he 手段d was four feet, five インチs tall. (Jour., Asiatic Soc. of Bengal, Vol. XXXV, p. 7.) MacMahon 公式文書，認めるs that in Red Karen country the women are usually as tall as, if not taller than, the men. (The Karen of the Golden Chersonese, p.56.)
[3-2] によれば Breca's plates for 分類するing the color of the 肌 I 設立する, in 診察するing about ninety persons, that twenty-five matched No. 30 of his series: nineteen, No. 25; fifteen, No. 44; eight, No. 26; five each, Nos. 29 and 45; three each, Nos. 24 and 31; two, No. 21, and one each, Nos. 37, 40, 47 and 53. The lighest color 設立する was No. 24. One of the fair ones was an 幼児, and the other two were men, すなわち a clerk and a hill boy. The darkest complexion corresponded to No.37, of which I 設立する but one. No. 29, which was the color of five of the 支配するs 診察するd, is a much redder hue than No. 37. All 決意 of color were made on unexposed parts of the 団体／死体 where the 肌 had not been tanned by sunlight.
[3-3] The Indian 皇室の 国勢（人口）調査, 1911, Burma, Pt. I, 281-286.
[4-1] Sir J. G. Scott, Burma, A Handbook, p. 120.
[4-2] Sangermano, Description of the Burmese Empire, 1783-1808. (Rangoon, 1885) p. 36; Maj. Snodgrass, The Narrative of the Burmese War. (London, 1827) Vol. I, p. 142.
[4-3] "Shiko" is a Burmese word signifying the 行為／法令／行動する of worship, or of showing 尊敬（する）・点 to 公式の／役人s.
[4-4] See Pages 139, 142, 192, 288.
[5-1] 定期刊行物, Burma 研究 Society, Vol. VIII. Pt. II, pp. 122, ff.
[5-2] Dr. Mason in the 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1858, Vol. I, Pt. II, pp. 129, ff.
[5-3] The Grammar of the Karen Language by Dr. Wade, now reprinted at the American Baptist Missionary 圧力（をかける）, Rangoon, Burma, and that by Dr. Gilmore, from which the writer has 大部分は derived his 構成要素s for this 一時期／支部, are 利用できる for those who wish to make a 熟考する／考慮する of the language. The Karen Thesaurus, an ecyclopedic dictionary of the Karen language, people, and customs, is a 価値のある work. 容積／容量 I of the new 版, which appeared in 1915, is 特に useful, as it 含む／封じ込めるs 鮮明度／定義s in English such as are not to be 設立する in the later 容積／容量s.
[6-2] Gazetter of Upper Burma, Vol. I, Pt. I, p. 537.
[6-3] J. G. Scott, Burma, A Handbook, pp. 212, ff.
[6-4] J. G. Scott, Burma, A Handbook, pp. 121, ff.
[7-1] The Karen Recorder, a vernacular paper published by the Sgaw Karen 使節団 at Rnagoon, printed a long discussion on the order of the months and the significance of their 指名するs, which appeared in さまざまな numbers from 1915 to 1917. The 結果 of the discussion was not at all 納得させるing.
[7-2] A writer in the Karen Morning 星／主役にする in January 1918, 示唆するd another meaning for the 指名する of this month, which comes at the 開始 of the 雨の season when, as often happens, there are 補欠／交替の／交替する weeks of 日光 and rain. Karens 一般に, probably almost without exception, understand the 指名する of this month to 言及する only to its 数値／数字による position in the calendar.
[7-3] 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXVII, 43.
[7-4] See 一時期／支部 XXVIII on Tabu, p. 289.
[8-1] See p. 102.
[8-2] 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, XXXVII, Pt. II, 129.
[9-1] Messrs. 靴下／だます and MacDougal speak of some writer, whose 指名する they do not give, as 伝えるing the impression that the Karen do not eat the flesh of animals belonging to the cat tribe. I have not 設立する this to be true. (Vide 靴下／だます and McDougal, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, 239).
[9-2] This word means literally "rotten fish".
[9-3] The 解雇する／砲火／射撃 piston is used by the Ibans in Borneo. It is also 設立する throughout the Malay 半島 and in Sumatra: 靴下／だます and MacDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo.
[9-4] "Chota hazri" is the Hindustani word used throughout India for the little basket of toast and tea or coffee that European take すぐに on rising.
[9-5] Skeat and Blagdon, Pagan Tribes of the Malay 半島, Vol. I, pp. 395, ff: Cole, Wild Tribes of the Davao 地区, 71; 靴下／だます and MacDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, 228-230.
[10-1] The "ya" cultivation, it is obvious, is most destructive of the forests. 不成功の 成果／努力s have been put 前へ／外へ to induce the Karen in the hills to give it up. It has been 示唆するd that the people keep gardens and raise produce for sale. This 提案 overlooks the 欠如（する） of 適する roads for 輸送（する）ing the 刈るs to market. The Karen are backward about engaging in new undertakings. They raise their food and 得る what else they need by 物々交換する. Until recently this 方式 of living has 十分であるd for them. They have not been accustomed to 扱うing money or making it last long.
With the introduction of new ideas and the 増加する of 採掘 譲歩s and forest 制限s, changes are 必然的な and should be planned for, 特に as the 認めるing of new 採掘 譲歩s will 増加する the number of 部外者s. It has seemed to the 現在の writer that "ya" cultivation might be lined to a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of years, during which a number of British officers who should become familiar with the Karen people and language, should develope a 計画（する） in 一致 with which these tribes might be given 保留（地）／予約s of land in 交流 for the 価値のある areas now under their 支配（する）／統制する. These 保留（地）／予約s might be either in the hills or on the plains, but the Karens should be taught to cultivate them によれば 認可するd methods. ーするために 伸び（る） an ample 暮らし. Old racial animosities and the 誘惑 for one people to 偉業／利用する another militate against ゆだねるing such a 政策 to Burman 公式の／役人s. It せねばならない be placed only in the 手渡すs of earnest, straightforward 政府 公式の／役人s, who have 伸び（る）d the 信用／信任 of the Karen and are able to を取り引きする them sympathetically but 堅固に. This general program would doubtless 伴う／関わる some 支出 in 供給（する）ing cattle, not to speak of competent 指示／教授／教育 in modern 農業の methods, animal husbandry, etc.
[10-2] See pages 27, 149.
[10-3] The divinity who 統括するs over the cultivation of the 米，稲;
[10-4] British Burma, Its People and 生産／産物s, p. 495
[10-5] See page 110
[10-6] See pp. 84, 93. 226
[10-7] The size of baskets 変化させるs in different 地区s, 範囲ing in capacity from forty to sixty 続けざまに猛撃するs. Those having a capacity of forty-six 続けざまに猛撃するs are now considered to be of 基準 size. As the price 変化させるs inversely with the size, the result is about the same.
[10-8] See 賭け金, pp. 78, 79.
[11-1] For a discussion of the blow-gun, see Skeat and Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay 半島, Vol. I, 254-257.
[11-2] The crossbow is 設立する all over Yunnan の中で the Lisu and the Lolo. It is used in 中国, having been evidently 可決する・採択するd from the Lolo, as its 指名する there 示すs. It is not seen in Tibet, or is it used by the Burmese or by the Malay tribes, except as a toy by the children in Borneo: 靴下／だます and MacDougall, The Pagan Races of Borneo, Vol. I, 46. The crossbow does not seem to be 設立する in the Philippine Islands.
[11-3] See p. 158.
[11-4] Cf. Mason, British Burma, 489. For an account of the 毒（薬） made in Borneo from the Ipoh (Antiaris toxicaria) see 靴下／だます and MacDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vo. I. 218. Skeat and Blagdon, in Pagan Tribes of the Malay 半島, Vol. I, Chap. VI, pp 242, ff. give an account of the 準備 of 毒（薬）s 雇うd by the さまざまな tribes of that country. But a man of the area in which the 毒（薬）s are used does not 含む Burma, probably because their use の中で the Karen was unknown to the writers.
[11-5] The similarity of these 罠（にかける）s to those of Malaysia and Borneo is striking: see 靴下／だます and MacDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, 146, ff; Skeat and Blagdon, Pagan Races of the Malay 半島, Vol. I, 206, ff.
[11-6] The 指名する "wa hkaw" is taken from the spear that forms an 必須の feature of this 肉親，親類d of 罠（にかける）. The 長，率いる of the spear is of bamboo, 存在 削減（する） from the 味方する of a large piece. The hard silicious 肌 of the bamboo is left on to form the cutting 辛勝する／優位s of the spear. The Karen have different 指名するs for different sizes of these 罠（にかける）s, which are 始める，決める for smaller or larger game from wildcats or tigers.
[12-1] See 靴下／だます and MacDougall's The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, 221, for description of the 過程s of cotton-ginning in the 地域 of which they 扱う／治療する. The methods they 述べる are remarkably like those used by the Karen.
[12-2] For an account of dyes and methods of dyeing in Burma, see The Upper Burma Gazetter, Vol. II, Pt. I, 337-399.
[12-3] See 賭け金, p. 82.
[13-1] In 新規加入 to the 当局 について言及するd at the foot of page 9, 一時期／支部 II, the article by W. Foy, する権利を与えるd "Uber Alte Bronzetrommeln aus Sudost Asien" in the Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft in Wein, Vol. XXXIII. (1903) is a 価値のある 出資／貢献 to the general 支配する of bronze 派手に宣伝するs. Herr Foy, however, 異なるs somewhat in 分類 from Franz Heger, who is followed by M. Parmentier. Origin, 形態／調整, and ornamentation form the basis for the differentiation into classes. Heger puts the Karen 派手に宣伝するs in Type III, while Foy distinguishes them as Type V.
[13-2] The Swa are について言及するd in some of the old Karen tales and appear to have been wild cannibals, of whom but little was known. Their 場所 seems uncertain. Some of the tales place them beyond the 広大な／多数の／重要な waters, while others sugest that they live to the north. Probably the 言及／関連s are to the Waer, who are one of the 長，率いる 追跡（する）ing tribes still living in the northern Shan 明言する／公表するs, on the Chinese frontier.
[13-3] The Karen Thesaurus, 1847, Vol. I, pp. 327, ff.
[13-4] 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1868, Vol. XXXVII, Pt. II, pp. 128, ff.
[13-5] Mr. Taw Sein Ko, in 年次の Archaeological 報告（する）／憶測, Burma, 1917, pp. 22, 23. Mr. Po Lin Te 令状s in the Rangoon Gazette, Sept, 27, 1919, that the Yu were the oldest of five families who emigrated from the Sandy River and were, therefore, する権利を与えるd to use the 派手に宣伝するs.
[13-6] See 一時期／支部 I. pp. 9, 12.
[13-7] "Gaw" is the prefix used for 派手に宣伝するs, as "saw" is for men.
[13-8] Mr. Po Lin Te in the Rangoon Gazette of Sept. 27, 1919. I 悔いる that this writer's article appeared after I had left Burma on my furlough. I have not been able, therefore, to identify the design について言及するd by him on any picture or sketch of the few I have with me or that are accessible to me.
[13-9] Heger, Alte Metalltrommeln aus Sudost-Asien, 227, ff. The quotation goes on to say that "the frogs on the 最高の，を越す of the 派手に宣伝するs are cast in one piece which, considering the thinness of the metal, is a good example of Karen art." I think the author of this account is mistaken in ascribing the 製造（する） of these 派手に宣伝するs to the Karen. It has always been said in 最近の times that the Shan are the 製造者s of them.
[14-1] The British conquest of Burma was 遂行するd in three wars, each of which was brought on by the arrogance and stupidity of the Burmese kings and their high-手渡すd 取引 with British 支配するs. The First Burmese War (1824-26) resulted in the ceding of the 州s of Tenasserim and Arakan to the British, in the former of which there was a かなりの Karen 全住民. The Second Burmese War (1852-53) ended with the 併合 of the country of Pegu or Lower Burma, in which dwell the 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体 of the Karen people in Burma; and the 残りの人，物 of the 領土 支配するd by the despotic Burmese kings （機の）カム to enjoy the 特権s of the Indian Empire after a 選び出す／独身 short （選挙などの）運動をする of only two month's duration in 1885, known as the Third Burmese War. Soon after this an 整然とした 政府 was 設立するd throughout what is now known as the provicne of Burma: Sir J. G. Scott, Burma, A Handbook, 190-206.
[14-2] See 一時期／支部 XX, p. 202.
[14-3] See 一時期／支部 XXIV, pp, 248, 249.
[14-4] See 一時期／支部 XXVI, pp. 269-270.
[14-5] Dr. J. Wade, D. D., A Dictionary of the Sgaw Karen Langauge.
[14-6] 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXVII, 159.
[14-7] In Sir J. G. Scott's Burma, A Handbook, p. 123, this 会・原則 is referred to uner the 指名する of "haw." See also Upper Burma Gazetter, Vol. I, Pt. I, 539, ff.
[14-8] This 穏やかな form of slavery, which we find 以前 存在するing の中で Karen, seems rather general の中で some of other peoples in the 隣接地の 地域s, as in Borneo: see 靴下／だます and MacDougal, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. I, 71. ff, and Cole, Wild Tribes of the Davao 地区 of the Philippine Islands, 96, 182.
[15-1] See 賭け金, p. 127. What follows in this 一時期／支部 is 大部分は condensed from Dr. Mason's article: 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXVII. Pt.II, 130-150.
[15-2] See pp. 134, 288.
[15-3] See pp. 192, 287
[15-4] See p. 157.
[16-1] This 祈り, in which superhuman 力／強力にするs are せいにするd to the fowl, is simlilar to 祈りs of the Kenyas of Borneo, who ascribe like 力／強力にするs to the pig.
[16-2] 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXVII, Pt. II, p. 161.
[16-3] For the 武器s used in 追跡（する）ing, see pp. 104, ff.
[16-4] Karen Thesaurus, Vol. III, 154; Cross, Karen-English Dictionary, 907.
[16-5] 報告（する）／憶測 of 1894-95, p. 22.
[17-1] For this 公式文書，認める on Karen music and the 得点する／非難する／２０ of the …を伴ってing "hta' I am indebted to Mrs. U. B. White, of Rangoon.
[17-2] The Burmese harp is 類似の in form to the first one 述べるd above, but has thirteen strings, although the musical 規模 of both the Burmese and Karen harps 構成するs only five トンs. For an account of Burmese music, see SIR J.G. SCOTT'S Burma, A Handbook of Practical, Commerical, and Political （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）, 352-357.
[17-4] These 卒業生（する）d-麻薬を吸うs 展示（する） a striking similarity to those 設立する in Malaysia, Borneo, and the Philippine Islands; Skeat and Blagdon, Pagan Races of the Malay 半島, Vol. II, p. 145; 靴下／だます and McDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, p. 192, and the 人物／姿／数字 opposite p. 122; Cole, Davao Tribes, p. 110.
Illustrations of musical 器具s used by the Bangals and Bajande tribes of the Congo 地域, 含むing just such a harp as the Karen have, are given in George Grenfell and the Congo, Vol. II, p. 719. An 器具 like the 卒業生（する）d-麻薬を吸うs of the Karen is shown in A. W. Niewenhuis's Quer durch Borneo, Vol. II, p. 142.
[17-5] MacMahon, The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, p. 291.
[18-1] Cf. Dr. Alonzo （船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕, Soo Tha, 21.
[18-2] Cf. 公式文書，認めるs on the Bwe 探検隊／遠征隊, by Capt. Coynder (Rangoon, 1894); also 公式文書，認めるs on the Bwe and Padaung Countries, by Lieut. E. W. Carrick (Rangoon, 1895). These are 政府 出版（物）s.
[18-3] Mason in 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1866; （船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕, Soo Tha, p. 21.
[18-4] Parents いつかs 表明する their satisfaction over the male sex of a child by 適用するing to him a 愛称 indicative of the presence of the male genitals. Such 呼称s, as 条件 of endearment, are 定期的に 認めるd 指名するs and carry no opprebrium with them.
[18-5] On account of the fact that the Karen do not keep 正確な age 記録，記録的な／記録するs, and also because of the shyness of the 青年, it is difficult to 得る exact （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） as to when the children come to the age of puberty. The ages usually given me have been twelve for the girls and a year or two later for the boys. Two 事例／患者s of 逮捕（する）d 開発 of girls have come under my notice. Both of these died when they were 報告（する）／憶測d to have been about sixteen or seventeen, and both were 報告（する）／憶測d never to have had any periods. One appeared to be not more than a girl of nine or ten, while the other was larger but was emanciated and had 欠陥のある 注目する，もくろむs.
[18-6] Burmese children also play with these seeds.
[18-7] John Crawfurd, 定期刊行物 of an 大使館 from the 知事 General of India to the 法廷，裁判所 of Ava, Vol. II, 164.
[19-1] In the 定期刊行物 of the Asiatic Society of Bengal for 1866, Dr. Mason について言及するs 類似の customs as 存在するing の中で the Karen of Toungoo.
[19-2] See 一時期／支部 XXVII, pp. 280, ff.
[19-3] The Karen often use the word "larger" in referring to an older child.
[19-4] This booth is often called a "mandat." The 指名する, "k'la pyeh," is from the Burmese. Perhaps the booth itself is of Burmese origin, but I do not know.
[19-5] The years of 十分な 刈るs always bring a 疫病／悩ます of ネズミs in the hills. Thus, the time of ネズミs is a time of 繁栄.
[19-6] This 詩（を作る）, recited by the 村人s, 言及するs to the girls who have not yet married and are still waiting from one moon to the next.
[19-7] This 言及するs to the white kernals of the cooked rice, which are often spoken of as the "children of the マリファナ."
[19-8] Dr. Mason tells us that it was the custom for the bride to be 行為／行うd to the groom's house and to be there drenched with water: 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1866.
[19-9] A 愛称 for the intermediary.
[19-10] In some places the pig's 長，率いる was hung about the intermediary's neck, and he went about barking at one or another of the company, as the spirit moved.
[19-11] On the 支配する of 姦通 and its relation to 離婚 の中で the Karen, see p. 148.
[20-1] See 一時期／支部 XXIII, pp. 239-245, and 一時期／支部 XXIV, pp. 249-254, 257.
[20-2] For an account of betel chewing see pp. 72, 73.
[20-3] At a funeral which the writer …に出席するd in the Pegu Hills in 1917 only a few of the 年上のs, and a young man who had come from Papun, could repeat the "htas" which were used in the 儀式s. The young folks of the village itself could only be 説得するd to take part after much talking, and then they appeared to be ashamed and shy. Only one night did they 試みる／企てる to recite the poems, and the next morning the 死体 was taken out through the 味方する of the house and carried to the burial place where, they told me, no その上の 儀式s were 観察するd.
[20-4] This fabulous 広大な／多数の／重要な river is supposed to separate this world from the next.
[20-5] A 減少（する） of water rolls from the axil of a caladium leaf like a 減少（する） of 水銀柱，温度計.
[20-6] Dr. Nieuwenhuis tells of a rice-pounder dance in Borneo 成し遂げるd by the women, who skip into the 中心 and out again between the 同時の 一打／打撃s of the rice pestles. This dance is not unlike the funeral game 述べるd above. He also shows a peculiar of 格闘するing in Borneo, a sport evidently 行為／行うd like 格闘するing の中で the Karen. See plate 13, p. 137 of Dr. Nieuwenhuis's Quer durch Borneo (Leyden, 1907).
[20-7] See 一時期／支部 XIII on Bronze 派手に宣伝するs, pp. 121-123.
[21-1] This 見解（をとる） was first brought to the attention of scholars by Bishop R. H. Codrington in his work, The Melanesians, pp. 227 ff. Compare also J. E. Carpenter, Comparative 宗教, pp. 80. ff. for a 簡潔な／要約する but 十分な discussion of the 支配する.
[21-2] The Karen Thesaurus, old ed., Vol. III. p. 489.
[21-3] In speaking of the せいにするs of "Y'wa" the people say: "Y'wa a pgho a pkhaw." The use of the couplet gives a more finished form of speech.
[21-4] See 一時期／支部 XXII on Supernatural and Mythical 存在s, p. 223.
[21-5] See pp. 10-12.
[21-6] Rev. T. Than Bya. D.D. Karen Customs, 儀式s, and Poetry, p. 51. The Karen 指名する for the edolius is "hto hklu." Dr. Mason speaks of it as the Moulmein nightingale: Burma, p. 219.
[21-7] This 見解／翻訳／版 is printed in D. M. Smeaton's The Loyal Karens of Burma.
[21-8] Mason, The Karen Apostle, p. 97.
[21-9] The derivation of the 指名する of this 存在 are 利益／興味ing. "Naw" is the usual feminine prefix of the 指名するs of all 女性（の）s, "k' plaw" signifies quickly, in 言及／関連 to the suddenness with which his 力／強力にする to tempt one was 演習d. The later 指名する, which has now come into 全世界の／万国共通の use both の中で 非，不，無-Christian and Christian Karens at the 任命 of the Devil, is composed of "mu," meaning woman; "kaw," signifying the 明言する／公表する of or 付随するing to, and "li," denoting the 女性（の） locus impudicus. This combination 構成するs a 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of the 最大の contempt and 言及するs to the 侮辱 which Satan visited upon "Y'wa" when offerings are 存在 brought to him. The Devil's 申し込む／申し出ing was a flower on which he had micturated. His 行為／法令／行動する was discovered and 誘発するd the 怒り／怒る of the entire celestial company.
[21-10] See p. 221.
[21-11] The form of the tradition which is 設立する の中で the Gaihko tribe is more explicit than the 見解／翻訳／版s 設立する どこかよそで. The 初めの ancestors of the human race are by them called "Ai-ra-bai" or "E ra bai," and "Mo ra mu" or "Moren meu." (の中で the Sgaws they are called, それぞれ, "Saw Tha nai" and "Naw E u"). From the first pair they count by 指名する thirty 世代s to the time of "Pan dan man," when the people 試みる／企てるd to build a pagoda which should reach to heaven. When the pagoda was half built, God （機の）カム 負かす／撃墜する and confounded the speech of the people and they became scattered. The father of the Gaihko tribe was という評判の to be "Than man rai," who （機の）カム 西方の from the Red Karen country in which they had all 以前 dwelt, and with eight 長，指導者s settled in the valley of the Sittang River. Dr. Francis Mason 疑問s the antiquity of this legend, for it certainly shows the 示すs of Hebrew 影響（力）. (Dr. Mason in 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1868, Vol. XXXVII, p. 163).
[21-12] The above paraphrase is based on the translation of the legends by Dr. Mason as printed in the 定期刊行物, Burma 研究 Society, Vol. I, Pt. II, pp. 36, ff.
[21-13] A 十分な 熟考する／考慮する of the Karen "k' la" and "tha" was made by the 早期に missionaries to 決定する which of these two words should be used in translating the word, soul. "Tha" was the word finally chosen. The results of these 熟考する／考慮するs are 記録，記録的な／記録するd, those of Dr. Wade, in The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, 442, ff, and those of Dr. Mason in the 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXX, Pt. II, 195. ff.
[21-14] Sir J. G. Frazer 引用するs Dr. Nieuwerhuis, who tells of a 類似の experience の中で the people of Borneo: Golden Bough, Vol. III, p. 99. Some of the Karen 反対する to having their photographs taken on account of their 恐れる of 同情的な 魔法, that is, they 恐れる that an anccident to the photograph would 原因（となる） a 類似の one to the 初めの.
[21-15] See Dr. J. Wade's account in The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, pp. 450, ff.
[21-16] See 一時期／支部 XXII on Supernatural and Mythical 存在s, p. 230.
[22-1] Dr. J. Wade, The Karen Thesaurus, ed. of 1915, Vol. I, pp. 455-484; Dr. F. Mason. 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXIV, Pt. II. pp. 195, ff: Rev E. B. Cross, 定期刊行物, Oriental Society, Vol. IV. (1854) pp. 312, ff.
[22-2] See 一時期／支部 XXV in regard to 開始する "雪解け Thi", pp. 262-264.
[22-3] For a description of the 儀式s tendered to the "Mu xa" see pp. 248, 254, 260.
[22-4] See 賭け金, pp. 76, ff.
[22-5] See 賭け金, p. 62. An account of the 儀式s 成し遂げるd in 関係 with the cultivation of 米，稲 占領するs pp. 54-62. The myth concering "Hpi Bi Yaw" 似ているs more or いっそう少なく that of the Irish and Scotch corn maiden, Kernaby, and 示唆するs that of the Roman Ceres and the Greek Demeter: Sir. J. G. Frazer. "The Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild," in The Golden Bough, Vols. VII and VIII.
[22-6] See 一時期／支部 XX on Funeral Customs, p. 200.
[22-7] See 一時期／支部 XXVIII on Tabu, p. 289.
[22-8] The Karen 任命 of this group 異なるs in pronunciation from that of the celestial 存在s (Mu xa) not only in having three syllables, but also in that its last syllable has the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な or 激しい トン, while in the latter 事例／患者 "xa" is given the rising or light トン.
[22-9] For the 儀式s in 関係 with these, see p. 240.
[22-10] See 一時期／支部 XXVI on 魔法, p. 274.
[22-11] See 一時期／支部 XXVIII on Tabu, p. 289.
[22-12] See 一時期／支部 XXI on 宗教的な Conceptions, p. 222.
[22-13] For the tale of the origin of （太陽，月の）食／失墜s see 一時期／支部 XI on 対策 of Time and Space. Karen Astronomy. p. 59.
[22-14] See "Shwe Yoe" (Sir J. G. Scott), The Burman, His Life and Notions, Chap. XXII. pp. 299. ff.
[23-1] See pages 225.
[23-2] Dr. Mason in the 定期刊行物 of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Vol. XXXIV, pp. 212, ff.: Rev. T. Than Bya in Karen Customs, pp. 20, ff.
[23-3] In these 儀式s one can readily see the similarity to that of the scapegoat of 古代の イスラエル. (Lev. 16: 21-23). For a 十分な discussion of this 普及した idea, see Sir J. G. Frazer's article on "The Scape Goat," in The Golden Bough, Vol. IX.
[23-4] So far as I have been able to ascertain, it seems to have been many years since one of these 広大な／多数の／重要な sacrifices has been 観察するd by the Sgaw Karen of Lower Burma. I have been able to get no 同時代の accounts of such a 儀式. As to the legend of time since the Bwe have held such a sacrifice, I can give no 限定された （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）.
[23-5] See p. 247 on priests の中で the Bwe.
[23-6] It is not uncommon to see a 黒人／ボイコット line tatooed about a Karen's wrist, the obvious 目的 of which is to serve as a 永久の hindrance against the escape of his "k 'la," thus 妨げるing sickness.
[23-7] In traveling if one who goes ahead wishes to 警告する those に引き続いて not to take a 確かな path, one puts 支店s across its 入り口. Thus, notice is given that the path is "killed" and not to be taken.
[23-8] I am told now, with the 病弱なing of the 約束 in these old customs, the person who has taken out the 申し込む／申し出ing occasionally becomes angry if the people in the house do not give a 都合のよい answer 関心ing the return of "k' la" and the 改良 of the 患者 and 辞退するs to repeat the 儀式, as he is supposed to do.
[23-9] Rev. T. Than Bya, Karen Customs, p. 30.
[23-10] The leaves 指名するd (those of the "thabye" or Eugenia malaccensis) are 一般に called for this 目的, but I do not know why.
[23-11] When the Karen on the plains 成し遂げる these 儀式s, in which the wandering "k' la" is 推定する／予想するd to return to the house by the ladder, they 保持する the old-fashioned notched スピードを出す／記録につける that has served from time immemorial as the means of 入り口 to the house, but that is 存在 superseded in modern houses by flights of stairs. They think the "k' la" will more easily return by the 肉親，親類d of stairs to which it has been accustomed.
[23-12] "Pru-u-u" is a sort of trill which the women use in calling their children, pigs, or fowls, 同様に as their "k' las."
[23-13] See p. 207 of 一時期／支部 XX (Funeral Customs) for a 類似の method of 決定するing the presence of the "k' la" of the dead.
[23-14] （船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕, Soo Tha, pp, 66, ff.
[23-15] For the "wi's" 関係 with 魔法, see p. 275.
[24-1] Dr. Wade in The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I., p. 469.
[24-2] See pp. 30, 139, 142, 148, 192, 225, 288
[24-3] 陸軍大佐 A. R. MacMahon, The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, pp. 140, ff. For the story of the Lost 調書をとる／予約する, see p. 333.
[24-4] 靴下／だます and MacDougall, Pagan Tribes of Borneo, Vol. II, pp. 60, ff.
[24-5] Leviticus, 16:21-23.
[24-6] Rev. E. W. Blythe in The Rangoon Diocesan 年４回の, 1917, p. 9.
[24-7] E. O'Riley in 定期刊行物, Indian 群島, 1859, p. 16.
[24-8] See 賭け金, p. 5.
[25-1] See p. 289.
[25-2] Dr. Mason, who is 引用するd in MacMahon's The Karen of the Golden Chersonese, 242, ff., is 当局 for this 解釈／通訳. A 類似の meaning was given me in Toungoo, but the （一定の）期間ing of the 指名する of the bird and of the word meaning "as much as" 異なるs a little from that 一般的に 雇うd. These difference are probably 予定 to 地元の usage.
[25-3] Rev. E. W. Blythe, of Toungoo, in The Rangoon Diocesan Magazine, (1917) Vol. XXI. No. 11, pp. 98, ff.
[25-4] Dr. Francis Mason, The Karen Apostle, p. 96.
[26-2] See 一時期／支部 XXI on 宗教的な Conceptions, p. 221.
[26-3] See pp. 133, 134.
[26-4] Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, pp. 643, ff.
[26-5] See 一時期／支部 XXII on Supernatural and Mythical 存在s, p. 233.
[26-6] The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, p. 445.
[26-7] Dr. Wade, The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, p. 463.
[26-8] A 類似の 儀式 is gone through at noon of the last day of the funeral 儀式s. See 賭け金, p. 237: Col. A. R. MacMahon, The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, p. 138; Cross, in the 定期刊行物, American Oriental Society, Vol. I.
[26-9] The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, p. 500.
[26-10] Dr. F. Mason, British Burma, Its People and 生産／産物s, pp. 501, ff.
[26-11] The Karen Thesaurus, new ed., Vol. I, p. 641.
[27-1] Sir J. G. Scott, Burma, A Handbook, 399, ff.
[27-2] Another 見解／翻訳／版 of this myth says that the Karen gave "Y'wa" a "saw ku" or rain cover such as is worn when the people are 移植（する）ing rice in the 雨の season.
[27-3] There are two accounts of the loss of the 調書をとる／予約する, which are about 平等に ありふれた. Besides the 見解／翻訳／版 which says that the 調書をとる／予約する was left on the stump, is another relating that the 調書をとる／予約する was left on the 床に打ち倒す, 近づく the 入り口 to the house. Here it lay unheeded, till at last it fell through the 割れ目s and was 選ぶd by the fowls and chewed by the pigs under the house, 存在 finally 完全に destroyed. Then, at last, the unhappy people began to feel the needs of its 指導／手引.
[27-4] See 一時期／支部 XXI on 宗教的な Conceptions, p. 213.
[27-5] Rev. T. Than Bya, M. A., Karen Customs, 儀式s, and Poetry, p. 42.
[27-6] Capt. C. E. Poynder, 公式文書，認めるs on Bwe 探検隊／遠征隊 (政府 圧力（をかける）, Rangoon) 1894-95, p. 1; 中尉／大尉／警部補 E. W. Carrick, 公式文書，認めるs on 報告（する）／憶測 of Bwe & Padaung Countries, 1894-95, p. 11.
[27-7] See 一時期／支部 XXIV on Feasts to the "Bgha," pp. 251, 252.
[27-8] For Borneo, see 靴下／だます & MacDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo. Vol. II. 60, ff.
[28-1] Upper Burma Gazetter, Vol. I, Part II, p. 308.
[28-2] See Dr. Mason's account in the 定期刊行物, Asiatic Society of Bangal, 1866.
[28-3] This is true in those localities where the "Bgha" are regarded as the family penates. In other localities, as の中で the Bwe, the 感情を害する／違反するd 力／強力にするs were the "lords of the earth."
[28-4] 中尉／大尉／警部補 E. W. Carrick, 報告（する）／憶測 on Bwe 探検隊／遠征隊, 1894-95, p. 23.
E. B. Cross, J. A. O. S. (1854) Vol. IV, 293, ff, and D. C. Gilmore, Journ, Burma
[28-5] MacMahon, The Karens of the Golden Chersonese, p. 319.
[28-6] See 一時期／支部 XIV on Social 条件s, pp. 133, 134.
[28-7] See 一時期／支部 VII, p. 54.
[28-8] See 一時期／支部 XXII, p. 230.
[28-9] See 一時期／支部 XXV, p. 262.
[28-10] See 一時期／支部 XVIII on Birth Customs and Childhood, p. 170.
[29-1] The Rev. Adoniram Judson, D. D., was the first missionary of the American Baptist Foreign 使節団 Society. He landed in Burma, July 13, 1813, and began his labors の中で the Burmese under 広大な／多数の／重要な difficulties. His zeal as a Christian apostle, his remarkable linguistic attainments, and the terrible 監禁，拘置s he 耐えるd, have given him a place の中で the 真っ先の missionaries of modern times. While he always 持続するd a friendly and helpful 態度 toward the Karen people, he 充てるd himself almost 完全に to the Burmese. His 編集 of the Burmese grammar and dictionary and his translation of the whole Bible into Burmese, are の中で his 広大な／多数の／重要な 出資／貢献s to the Christianizing of the country.
[29-2] The Karen Apostle, or Memoir of Ko Tha Byu, by Dr. Mason, gives an 利益／興味ing account of this first Karen 変える. Unfortunatey this 調書をとる／予約する is now out of print.
[29-3] Letter of the Rev. George Dana Boardman in the Missionary Magazine, Boston, 集まり., Jan, 1830, p. 22.
[29-4] 定期刊行物 of the Rev. Jonathan Wade, Missionary Magazine, May, 1833, pp, 196, ff.
[29-5] Rev. T. Than Bya, The Karens and Their 進歩, p. 21.
[29-6] Thra Than Bya, then a little boy, went with his mother to see the 調書をとる／予約する on this 著名な occasion.
[29-7] In the Rangoon 地区 Thra Ng Lay escaped 殉教／苦難 only through the 即位 of a new 知事, whose first 公式の／役人 行為／法令／行動する was to 解放（する） him on the eve of his 死刑執行 day. However, presecution did not 阻止する such men or their 子孫s from becoming preachers. Both Thra Klaw Meh and Thra Ng Lay have had sons in the 省, and their grandsons have since been in the Theological Seminary at Rangoon, 準備するing for the same calling.
[29-8] 年次の 報告（する）／憶測, American Baptist Foreign 使節団 Society, 1919, p. 195.
[29-9] 公式文書，認めるs on the Roman カトリック教徒 使節団 in South Burma by the 長官 of the Diocese, 時代遅れの Moulmein, March 3, 1919.
[29-10] Letter of the Bishop of Rangoon, 時代遅れの Rangoon, February 12, 1919.
[30-1] Major Snodgrass, Narrative of the Burmese War, pp. 140, 142.
[30-2] Calista V. Luther, The Vintons and the Karens, p. 30.
[30-3] I have 繰り返して heard the 声明 that Karen served as guides in the war, but I can not 立証する it by 言及／関連 to any work at 手渡す.
[30-4] Calista V. Luther, The Vintons and the Karens, pp. 89, 90, 92, n.
[30-5] For instances of miscarriage of 司法（官）, see Mason, Burma, pp. 610-618; Smeaton, The Loyal Karens of Burma. I 悔いる that 類似の instances are not hard to find, even at the 現在の day.
[30-6] Calista V. Luther, The Vintons and the Karens, pp. 82, 83.
[30-7] H. P. Cochrane, の中で the Burmans, pp. 278, 279.
[30-8] Fifth Quinquennial 報告（する）／憶測 on Public Education in Burma (for the years 1912-13 to 1916-17), p. 28.
[30-9] British Burma Gazetter, Vol. I, p. 488; 皇室の Gazetter, Burma, Vol. I. p. 335; Lieut. Gen. A. Fytche, C. S. I., Burma, Past and 現在の, Vol. I, Ch. 3, 引用するd in an article する権利を与えるd "The Karens" in the Rangoon Gazette of June 6, 1917.
[30-10] For an account of the 逮捕（する） of Bo Hline, the 悪名高い dacoit, in Toungoo, see the の近くにing 一時期／支部s of Cumming's In the 影をつくる／尾行する of the Pagoda. These 一時期／支部s are 引用するd in Dr. （船に）燃料を積み込む／（軍）地下えんぺい壕's Soo Tha, pp. 248-276. The 殺害者s of Mr. Barbe, the 副 commissioner of Bassein, were apprehended by the Karen 徴収する in that 地区.
[30-11] This 声明 is based on correspondence between members of the American Baptist 使節団 and the 長官 to the 政府 carried on at the time.
[30-12] The に引き続いて 声明 is taken from a letter of Feb. 16, 1919, from the officer in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of 新採用するing at Meiktila: "In all other 部隊s Burmans and Karens are mixed up together, but probably the 割合 would be about the same as in the Burma ライフル銃／探して盗むs. There are also Karens in the 軍の Police."
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