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肩書を与える: The Troubles Of Australian 連合
Author: G. B. Barton
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The Troubles Of Australian 連合

by

G. B. Barton

THE 連邦／共和国 of Australia has been 就任するd in Sydney with all the pride, pomp, and circumstance that can be brought to 耐える on the occasion. The Earl of Hopetoun, first of a long line of 知事s-General, was welcomed on his 公式の／役人 上陸 on the shores of Port Jackson by hundreds of thousands of people gathered together from all parts of this Continent, and from many other corners of the British dominions. For some time 事前の to the event the mighty 仕事 of 工夫するing the most appropriate forms, 機能（する）／行事s, and 儀式s, without regard to expense, had 吸収するd the energies of the 政府 of New South むちの跡s, 補佐官d by a 議会の and a 国民s' 委員会, with 非常に／多数の sectional sub-委員会s, to say nothing of a host of newspaper 特派員s brim-十分な of the silliest possible suggestions for their consideration. With all this brain-力／強力にする 充てるd to the simple 反対する of 建設するing a gorgeous 野外劇／豪華な行列, beautifying the city of Sydney, and 供給するing a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する of entertainments during the first week of the year, it would have been strange indeed if the spectacle then 現在のd did not 競争相手 a Venetian carnival.

One of the most attractive features in the programme will be 与える／捧げるd by the 皇室の 政府.

The Duke of York will visit Australia for the special 目的 of 開始 the first 開会／開廷／会期 of the 連邦の 議会, and a select 団体／死体 of 軍隊／機動隊s, to the number of 1,000, chosen from the finest 連隊s in the army, and 代表するing every 支店 of the service, will form His 王室の Highness's guard of honour.

These 軍隊／機動隊s formed part of the 行列 through the streets of Sydney on the day of the Earl's 公式の／役人 上陸; and they were joined on the march by 代表者／国会議員 軍隊／機動隊s from all the federated 植民地s, from New Zealand, and also from Canada, 含むing those who have served with so much distinction in South Africa. The 王室の 海軍 will also be 井戸／弁護士席 代表するd. In 新規加入 to the ships of war forming the Australian (n)艦隊／(a)素早い, and the auxiliary 騎兵大隊, there will be first-class 巡洋艦s and 戦艦s.

Theatrical 陳列する，発揮するs have an irresistible charm for the multitude, of course, and the multitude will be enthusiastically pleased. But it is not a cheerful reflection for the student of politics that all this 集中 of thought, 力／強力にする, and 目的, to say nothing of the money, should be 充てるd to the 選び出す／独身 反対する of amusing a 広大な （人が）群がる of sightseers. If only a tithe of it were 雇うd on the 解答 of the many political problems which 嘘（をつく） in wait for the statesmen of the 連合, there might be something to show for it in the end. The three 最初の／主要な questions-the 連邦の 関税, the 連邦の 資本／首都, and the 連邦の 財政／金融-are 複雑にするd enough to 反抗する all the ingenuity that can be brought to 耐える on them. As soon as the さまざまな amusements have run out and the （人が）群がるs have scattered to their home the serious 商売／仕事 of the 連邦／共和国 will have to be taken in 手渡す. When the 令状s have been 用意が出来ている and 問題／発行するd for the first 選挙s, the people will be 圧倒するd with a 一連の political discussions, 伴う／関わるing bitter party 問題／発行するs, for which no previous experience will have 用意が出来ている them. At the 現在の time, for instance, I 心配する that one of the most commonplace topics of Australian politics is the degeneracy of the 議会s and the general incapacity for sound and 慎重な 行政 shown by 連続する 大臣s. After nearly half a century of responsible 政府, it is a dismal fact that it has 証明するd an unmistakable 失敗, disappointing all the hopes that were formed of it by its 創立者s, and entailing upon the people an enormous 負担 of public 負債, with a corresponding 重荷（を負わせる） of 課税.

There is 証拠 enough and to spare to show that these 声明s are not unfounded generalizations. During a general 選挙 which has just been 結論するd in Victoria a Melbourne daily 定期刊行物 of 広大な／多数の／重要な 公式文書，認める as the 組織／臓器 of Victorian 僕主主義 published a 一連の "Papers for the People," in which it reviewed the political 状況／情勢 of the time. It began with an uncompromising （危険などに）さらす of 議会の degeneracy, which it せいにするd 大部分は to the corrupting 影響（力） 演習d by 支払い（額） of members. This system, by the way, was introduced in Victoria おもに through the strenuous advocacy of the 定期刊行物 referred to as one of the most 心にいだくd planks of the democratic 壇・綱領・公約. The result is seen in the degraded 条件 of the 普通の／平均（する） member. He is 述べるd as nothing better than a greedy professional 政治家，政治屋, 捜し出すing every means of 増加するing his salary by the 料金s and allowances paid to members of Boards and 王室の （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限s, 任命するd at his instance by subservient 大臣s. His greed for office is not いっそう少なく remarkable than his lust for 伸び（る）. There is such a dead level of mediocrity の中で the members that one man considers himself やめる as 有能な as another, and everyone 主張するs his （人命などを）奪う，主張する to a 大臣の地位 with 絶対の 信用／信任 in his own 長所s. The manner in which they …に出席する to their 法律を制定する 義務s corresponds 正確に／まさに with the 基準 of 議会の morality they have 始める，決める up. Most of them never take any 苦痛s to 知らせる themselves on the 支配するs before the House. For half the time it is in 開会／開廷／会期 there is barely a 定足数 in 出席, and when the 分割 bell （犯罪の）一味s they come 軍隊／機動隊ing in from the billiard-room, the refreshment 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業, the hotel across the street, the 賭け金-rooms, or other haunts to which they retire ーするために escape a 審議. The only 商売／仕事 to which they 支払う／賃金 any serious attention is the town 機関 of their country 選挙権を持つ／選挙人s, which 含むs all sorts of （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限s and 半端物 職業s, from interviewing a 大臣 負かす／撃墜する to the most ordinary 処理／取引.

Out of such 構成要素s as these it is impossible to suppose that 有能な and energetic 行政官／管理者s of public 事件／事情／状勢s can be 設立する. The 政府 is of much the same mould and character as the 議会 from which it is 発展させるd.

One of its distinguishing features is its 苦悩 to shirk its proper 責任／義務 on every 事柄 of importance by 任命するing a Select 委員会, a Board, or a 王室の （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 to を取り引きする it. At least thirty instances of this 肉親，親類d have occurred within the last year or two, 構成するing all 肉親，親類d of 調査s, from 法律 改革（する）, Old Age 年金s, and 明言する／公表する Banks, to （民事の）告訴s of personal grievances and 嘆願（書）s for 是正する. Some of these questions are manifestly such as to 要求する かなりの technical knowledge; but that makes no difference, they are 手渡すd over as a 事柄 of course to men who do not even pretend to have any knowledge of the 肉親，親類d. The most 極悪の 事例／患者 in point is that of the 鉄道 Standing 委員会, to which 議会 has ゆだねるd the 商売／仕事 of 報告（する）／憶測ing upon all 提案s for the construction of new lines, and also of public 作品 一般に-say a question of water 供給（する）. The members who compose this 団体／死体 know nothing of 鉄道 or civil 工学; there are no 専門家s の中で them, although they are 許すd 料金s at the 率 of &続けざまに猛撃する;1 1s. for each sitting, and &続けざまに猛撃する;1 11s. 6d. for the chairman. A 類似の 団体／死体 in New South むちの跡s, by the way, is paid at the 率 of &続けざまに猛撃する;2 2s. for each sitting, and &続けざまに猛撃する;3 3s. for the chairman; and sittings are 延期，休会するd from day to day so often that the 料金s paid 量 to a 相当な salary.

This line of 批評 was 適用するd to the 長，指導者 departments of the public service, and with 類似の results.

Incapable 行政 and wasteful 支出 were 設立する to be their ありふれた 特徴, while the theory of 議会の 責任／義務 was 証明するd to be a sheer delusion. It is not too much to say that these strictures might have been directed at the 明言する／公表する of 事件／事情／状勢s in New South むちの跡s with equal point and 正確. In that 植民地, or 明言する／公表する, as we may say now, the same degeneracy has shown itself in its 議会. Its members can hardly （人命などを）奪う，主張する to stand on a higher level than their 隣人s, and the 行政 of 事件／事情／状勢s is open to the same 非難. The 議会s of the other 明言する／公表するs may have a better 記録，記録的な／記録する to show; but whether they have or not, the question arises, What is the prospect before us with 尊敬（する）・点 to a 連邦の 議会?

Every country, it is said, is 治める／統治するd 同様に as it deserves to be; and since the same electors who have deliberately returned these corrupt and time-serving 政治家，政治屋s to 代表する them will choose the members of the 連邦の 議会, is it to be supposed that they will return men of a higher class to 代表する them in its two Houses? There is no difference in the franchise, and there are no 条件s to be met by 候補者s other than those 存在するing under the 現在の system. There is nothing to show that 候補者s at the 連邦の 選挙s will be materially different, in point of character and capacity, from those who have so often hoodwinked the 地方の electors. 法律s have been 提案するd, and will probably be passed, to 禁じる 二重の 代表, so that no one will be 許すd to 持つ／拘留する seats in the 連邦の and 地方の 議会s at the same time. There are 指示，表示する物s, too, that the few able and experienced men in the latter will 切断する their 関係 with them ーするために 限定する their attention to 連邦の politics and 地位，任命するs of honour. That, of course, would mean the perpetuation of 地方の degeneracy.

The one thing needed ーするために realize the dreams of 連邦の 熱中している人s is a 完全にする 革命 in the character of Australian politics and 政治家，政治屋s, and without that there seems very little prospect of the new order of things 存在 much better than the old. The 外見 of a higher order of 候補者s than those we have been so long accustomed to would certainly give 信用／信任 in the 未来 of the 連合; but up to the 現在の time there is no 推論する／理由 to suppose that the type of 代表者／国会議員 so much needed is likely to be seen in practice. There is a special 推論する／理由 for a 徹底的な change in the character of our 代表者／国会議員s, and a remodelling of our 法律を制定する methods. For nearly ten years past each of these 議会s has been 支配するd by a small section of its members, known as the 労働 Party, mostly men of the working class, elected for the 単独の 目的 of 支持するing and 施行するing their class 利益／興味s. This 目的 they have 後継するd in 影響ing to their hearts' 願望（する）. Forming a third party in the House, and 事実上の／代理 独立して, they have held the 勢力均衡 in their 手渡すs, and have given their support to 大臣s on the 選び出す／独身 条件 that their 政策 is 具体的に表現するd in the 大臣の programme. Each 省 in its turn depends for its very 存在 on the 投票（する）s of this section. However powerful or popular a 首相 may be in the country, his position is no better than that of Faust with Mephistopheles at his 肘.

This 条件 of 事件／事情／状勢s is inexpressibly degrading to 議会 and 政府 alike, since both are 奪うd of their independence. While it is undoubtedly 権利 that the working classes should be 代表するd in the 立法機関, it is not 権利 that they should be in a position, 簡単に through the 証拠不十分 of party 政府, to 演習 a controlling 影響（力） of this character over the 法律制定 of the country. They 主張する on "大多数 支配する" as their basic 原則; but, 実験（する）d by it, they form but one-sixth of the total number of electors in New South むちの跡s, and probably not more in the other 植民地s.

The largest number of 代表者／国会議員s they have been able to return is twenty-two in a House of 125 members. Under normal 条件s their 投票（する）s would be of no 広大な／多数の／重要な account, but when it happens, as it 一般に does, that the 残り／休憩（する） of the House is about 平等に divided, they 持つ／拘留する the 重要な of the 状況／情勢, and make or unmake 省s at their 楽しみ.

And yet, にもかかわらず the obvious dangers arising from the tyranny of a class, the other sections of the community-代表するing as they do the さまざまな producing and 商業の 利益／興味s, and その結果 the 安定 and 繁栄 of the country-cannot shake off the apathy with which they have regarded the 状況／情勢 from the first. Conscious as they must be of their own political strength if they should choose to 発揮する it, they prefer to remain inactive, and to leave their 代表 in the 手渡すs of the professional 政治家，政治屋s who have 終始一貫して betrayed them. It needs only a ちらりと見ること at the course of 最近の 法律制定 to see the necessity for 即座の 活動／戦闘, in order to 回避する the 災害s with which the country is 脅すd. At the 口述 of the 労働 Party the 選挙（人）の 法律s have been re-cast, ーするために （土地などの）細長い一片 所有物／資産／財産-支えるもの／所有者s of their plural 投票（する）s and 設立する the 原則 of One Man, One 投票（する）; the 植民地 has been divided into 選び出す／独身 選挙民s, ーするために 容易にする the return of democratic 候補者s; and now the 選挙権／賛成 is about to be conferred on women, as it has been in South Australia and Western Australia, without anything to show that the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of them 願望（する） to have it. In the same manner the system of 課税 has been altered, ーするために 転換 the 重荷（を負わせる） as much as possible from the poor to the rich. Customs' 義務s, never felt to be oppressive, have been 除去するd, and their place 供給（する）d by land and 所得税s, the latter undoubtedly inquisitorial and obnoxious to all whose incomes 越える &続けざまに猛撃する;200 a year. At the same 命令 the 法律s 規制するing the relations of 雇用者 and 雇うd have been 改訂するd 完全に in the 利益／興味 of the latter. The 最高潮 has now been reached in an 仲裁 法案, which 提案するs to 始める，決める up a 法廷，裁判所 with 力／強力にする to 施行する its awards against 雇用者s, 事実上 placing them at the mercy of the 貿易（する） unions, whose 義務／負債 in 事例／患者 of 敗北・負かす is said to be mythical. Not the least of these 勝利s has been 達成するd by simple thumb-圧力 on 大臣s. A 最小限 率 of seven shillings a day has been 直す／買収する，八百長をするd as the 量 of 給料 to be paid to labourers on all 契約s for the public service, one result of which is that 雇用者s in the country 地区s find it ますます difficult to 得る 労働.

There cannot be any 原因（となる） for wonder, in the 直面する of such facts as these, that the leaders of this omnipotent party should 率直に 誇る of their successes, and 布告する their 意向 to repeat in the 連邦の 議会 the 策略 which have won such victories in the 明言する／公表するs. They have already opened their （選挙などの）運動をする in New South むちの跡s, where they confidently 推定する／予想する to 安全な・保証する five or six seats in the 衆議院, which will number seventy-six. Supposing that an equal 割合 of seats should be 得るd in the other 明言する／公表するs, their 連合させるd strength would certainly place them in a position to 持つ／拘留する the 運命／宿命 of every 連邦の 政府 in their 手渡すs. Their programme would 含む, in 新規加入 to more class 法律制定, several 改正s in the 連邦の 憲法 for the 目的 of enabling them to make what alteration they pleased in it by the 投票（する）s of a simple 大多数 on a 国民投票. The spirit in which they have entered on the （選挙などの）運動をする may be seen in the words of one of their members, in a speech 配達するd at a 最近の 会合 of the Political 労働 League. He 宣言するd that "the working classes during the past five years had shown the country that they were masters of the 状況／情勢. 総理大臣s had been taught that their 賃貸し（する） of 力／強力にする would only last with their fidelity in regard to the 需要・要求するs of the 労働者s. They had revolutionized the politics of the country. Some of the enthusiastic 支持するs of the 連合 法案 believed that they were going to 廃止する the 労働 Party, and it was the 願望（する） of that party to 敗北・負かす that 反対する, and break 負かす／撃墜する beyond 復古／返還 the old régime which 統治するd a few years ago."

A striking instance of the 力／強力にする 演習d by this section was seen に向かって the end of last year, when five out of the six Australian 政府s were 追い出すd by their 投票（する）s. Their 敗北・負かす was せいにするd to the anti-democratic 活動／戦闘 of the 首相s during the two 国民投票 （選挙などの）運動をするs on the 連合 法案, the second of which took place in the previous June. On both occasions there had been a violent contest between the Democratic and 保守的な 軍隊s, in which the former 苦しむd a 厳しい 敗北・負かす, 主として through the 影響（力） of the 首相s. This was 特に the 事例／患者 in New South むちの跡s, which formed the 戦場 of Australian 僕主主義. The 首相 of the time (Mr. Reid) was the first to go under, and the 投票（する）s which destroyed his 政府 were those of the 労働 Party, to whom he 借りがあるd his five years of office and his Jubilee honours. The 投票（する）s were given on a question which had nothing to do with 連合; but it served the 目的 of the 民主党員s just as 井戸／弁護士席-indeed, much better-because it 奪うd their 予期しない 敵意 of any 外見 of 復讐.

To understand their 活動／戦闘, it is necessary to recollect that all through the sittings of the 条約 he 行為／法令／行動するd as the 支持する of their 原則s, 顕著に in 関係 with the 準備／条項s of the 法案 for 安全な・保証するing "大多数 支配する" in 論争s between the two Houses, and also on a 国民投票 on any 提案するd 改正 of the 憲法. On the former question the 条約 agreed, おもに at his instance, to a 条項 for the 予防 of 行き詰まるs. It 供給するd that, in the event of a 法案 存在 拒絶するd by the 上院 a second time, after an interval of three months, that 団体／死体, although elected for six years on the rotation 原則, might be 解散させるd at the same time as the House, elected for three; and, その上の, that after their re-選挙 a 共同の sitting should take place if they again 同意しないd, at which the question should be decided by a three-fifths 大多数.

This 提案, however, 証明するd to be utterly distasteful to the 民主党員s, who 主張するd that a three-fifths 大多数 would mean the 敗北・負かす of the House on every 分割, and その結果 of 大多数 支配する.

To 妨げる such a 災害, they 需要・要求するd the substitution of a simple 大多数, and carried their point in the New South むちの跡s 議会 when the question of 改正s in the 法案 was under discussion.

At a 会議／協議会 of the 首相s held in Melbourne, in January, 1899, at Mr. Reid's instance, to consider this and other 改正s, he endeavoured to get a simple 大多数 in place of a three-fifths one. The other 首相s, however, 代用品，人d an 絶対の 大多数 of both Houses, and the 法案 was finally so 修正するd.

So far from pacifying his imperious 支持者s, this last 改正 served only to inflame their discontent. The hubbub grew louder and louder. "大多数 支配する is in danger," they cried, and as the day 直す／買収する，八百長をするd for the final 国民投票 approached, every 民主党員 in town and country was adjured to 投票（する） against the 法案. At their instance a public holiday was 布告するd, and electors' 権利s were 問題／発行するd to all who 適用するd for them, whether their 指名するs were on the rolls or not, in order that "the manhood of the country" might decide the event.

Although it might seem obvious enough that the dead-lock 準備／条項s, even with a three-fifths 大多数, placed the 上院 at the mercy of the House, the 民主党員s 競うd that the House would be 敗北・負かすd whenever a 裁判，公判 of strength should take place between the two. They worked out the sum in this fashion. Supposing that there should be six 植民地s in the 連合-as there are-the number of members allotted to each would be as follows:

                  衆議院.   上院.
New South むちの跡s         26                      6
Victoria                23                      6
Queensland              10                      6
South Australia          7                      6
West Australia           5                      6
Tasmania                 5                      6

                        76                     36

Total 112

A three-fifths 大多数 of 112 存在 sixty-eight, it follows that the sixty-one members 代表するing the two largest 植民地s, with a 部隊d 全住民 of over 2,500,000, would be 敗北・負かすd by the fifty-one members 代表するing the four smaller, with a 共同の 全住民 of, say, 1,200,000. They would be seven 投票（する）s short on a 分割. On the other 手渡す, although it is not いっそう少なく （疑いを）晴らす that, with an 絶対の 大多数 in place of a three-fifths one, the sixty-one members would have a 大多数 of ten over their fifty-one 対抗者s, they assumed that the 代表者／国会議員s of the larger 明言する／公表するs would always be caught napping by those of the smaller.

The main source of their 不満 lay in the 原則 of equal 明言する／公表する 代表 in the 上院, undoubtedly one of the 過激な defects in the 憲法. The 在庫／株 arguments in its favour as a basis of union made no impression on them. They were not reconciled to it by the fact that the 明言する／公表する of Nevada, with 45,000 people, has equal 投票（する）ing 力／強力にする in the 上院 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs with that of New York, notwithstanding its 6,000,000 inhabitants. 大多数 支配する is their basic 原則, and without 絶対の 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限s for it, they would 見解（をとる） with 疑惑 any 憲法, however 自由主義の it might be in other 尊敬（する）・点s. The fact that the island of Tasmania, with a 全住民 of 170,000, is to enjoy the same 投票（する）ing strength in the 上院 as New South むちの跡s with 1,450,000, 量s, they say, to giving one man in the former eight times the 投票（する）ing 力／強力にする of one in the latter.

The result of the 投票ing at the last 国民投票 証明するd a still bitterer pill for them. Notwithstanding their vigorous and 井戸／弁護士席-組織するd 成果／努力s to 敗北・負かす the 法案, it had a 大多数 of 25,000 in New South むちの跡s, and that 大多数 might have been more than 二塁打d had it not been for the 対立 of a strong 保守的な section, who 反対するd to the 財政上の 条項s of the 手段. The 労働 Party was utterly 大勝するd. The 敗北・負かす was hard to 耐える, but it might have been 耐えるd with some patience had it not been attributable so 大部分は to the 二塁打-取引，協定ing of their once-信用d leader. To しっかり掴む the prize of the 連邦の 首相の職, he threw all his democratic professions to the 勝利，勝つd, and appeared on the 壇・綱領・公約 as the eloquent and earnest 支持する／優勝者 of a 手段 which they regard as 土台を崩すing the first 原則s of 僕主主義.

The sore humiliation from which they 苦しむd in the defection of their too versatile 長，指導者 was not the only unpleasant experience they had to put up with. They were 平等に deceived and disappointed in the working of the 国民投票. Looking upon it as an infallible 武器 of offence, they saw it easily turned against them, and used with deadly 影響 against their own 階級s. When it （機の）カム to a 裁判，公判 of strength between them and the 残り／休憩（する） of the 全住民, they 証明するd to be in a hopeless 少数，小数派. It was not in human nature that 失望s of this 肉親，親類d should be tamely 耐えるd, still いっそう少なく forgotten, by fighting 政治家，政治屋s, and it speaks 井戸／弁護士席 for their organization and 戦術の 技術 that they should have been able, in the 直面する of such 鎮圧するing 敗北・負かすs, to 所有する their souls in patience until the whirligig of time brought in his 復讐s. Now it remains to be seen whether the 連邦の 議会 and 政府 are 運命にあるd to pass under their 支配（する）／統制する, and with them the 憲法 itself.

THE END

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