If the members of the Zodiac Club dined ひどく and 井戸／弁護士席, they at least made no special 試みる／企てる to 高める the grandeur of the surroundings in which they ate. A more all-一連の会議、交渉／完成する 成果／努力 was made by Randolph Guggenheimer when he gave a dinner for forty ladies and gentlemen at the old Waldorf-Astoria on February 11, 1899. His guests 設立する the Myrtle Room of the Waldorf transformed into a garden, with roses, hyacinths, and tulips in bloom, and with hedges of モミ. Nightingales, blackbirds, and canaries sang in the 青葉. (It had been something of a trick to induce the 200 当局 to 貸付金 some nightingales for the 事件／事情／状勢.) The （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する was 始める，決める in an arbor with a vine-covered trellis 総計費 and with green turf underfoot. The menus were painted in gold on 捨てるd and polished cocoanuts; there were fans for the ladies on which the ワイン 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） had been painted. As 好意s there were beautifully engrossed vinaigrettes for the ladies, and jeweled matchboxes for the gentlemen. To 供給する music, six Neapolitans in native garb played guitars. And the dinner, which was served on gold plates, went as follows:

Buffet Russe
Mumm's Extra 乾燥した，日照りの and Mo? & Chandon Brut
Diamond 支援する Terrapin
Ruddy Duck (likewise 急ぐd by 表明する in small refrigerators)
Orange and Grapefruit Salad
Fresh Strawberries
Blue Raspberries
Vanilla Mousse
Bonbons, Coffee, Fruit

What did the evening's 楽しみ cost? Ten thousand dollars--$250 a 長，率いる. (Again, these were 1899 dollars; the cost in today's 条件 was $750 a 長，率いる.) So said Oscar of the Waldorf, who should have known because he planned and 行う／開催する／段階d the party for Mr. Guggenheimer.

One その上の word may not be wholly superfluous to some readers in the nineteen-fifties: these 広大な／多数の／重要な feasts and (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する balls did not go on anybody's 法人組織の／企業の expense account. They were paid for by individuals, out of their own 広大な incomes.

In those days the word Society (with a 資本／首都 S) carried much more 限定された connotations than it would today. In every community, probably, and in any 世代, there is social emulation: there are 確かな families, or 確かな individuals, 協会 with whom will seem to other people to number them の中で the elect. You will find this emulation in its most 激烈な／緊急の form today in the fraternity systems of some colleges; in adult communities the lines are いっそう少なく inexorably drawn. The smaller and いっそう少なく fluid the community, the clearer this 現象 is likely to be; in larger cities, and in 郊外の communities where there is a 絶えず changing 全住民, it is usually 混乱させるd and obscured. One may find a 広大な／多数の／重要な variety of groups, such as the old, tradition-bound 主要な families; the 流行の／上流の group; the newly 繁栄する who are not yet 認める to 流行の／上流の standing; the 井戸／弁護士席-bred professional people and 知識人s who touch these other groups but do not やめる belong to them; the earnest 商売／仕事 people who are 中心存在s of the churches and charities; the second 階級 of 商売／仕事 people who live comfortably but have little traffic with these other groups; and so on through the whole ばく然と defined spectrum--the pattern 存在 はっきりと 修正するd in each community by factors of 国家の origin and of 宗教的な, professional, and 商売／仕事 協会. What was striking about the social pattern of 1900, as we look 支援する upon it today, was that in most communities it was much clearer and simpler, the stratifications more 一般に 認めるd; and 特に that they were 一般に taken much more 本気で than they are today.

訪問者s from England or フラン would explain to their countrymen that Society in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was not 中心d in any one metropolis such as London or Paris, but that each big city here had a Society of its own; yet that of New York was pre-著名な. When 区 McAllister, in 1892, made his famous 発言／述べる to the 影響 that even if Mrs. Astor's ballroom held only four hundred people it was big enough, since there were only about four hundred people in Society, there was much scornful laughter; but there were also 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of people to whom McAllister seemed to be defining the 限界s of the most select and enviable company in the land.

A few years earlier, Henry Clews had written fulsomely about the attractions of Manhattan life, 主張するing that "New York . . . is really the 広大な／多数の／重要な social 中心 of the 共和国. . . . Here is the glitter of peerless fashion, the ceaseless roll of splendid equipages, and the Bois de Boulogne of America, the Central Park." Clews had 主張するd that "it does not take much of this 肉親，親類d of life to make enthusiastic New Yorkers of the wives of Western millionaires, and then nothing remains but to 購入（する） a brownstone mansion, and swing into the tide of fashion with 歓迎会s, balls, and kettle-派手に宣伝するs, elegant equipages with coachmen in 有望な-buttoned livery, footmen in 最高の，を越す boots, maid-servants and man-servants, 含むing a butler and all the other adjuncts of life in a 広大な／多数の／重要な metropolis." Clews's enthusiasm may have been comic, but he was 述べるing a 認めるd 現象. While the socially 設立するd were 努力する／競うing to 持つ／拘留する the 階級s of Society 損なわれていない against the inroads of the new rich, the new rich in their turn were 努力する／競うing even more furiously to 伸び（る） 承認 by irresistibly lavish but carefully 訂正する entertaining; and there were uncounted women to whom an 招待 to one of Mrs. Astor's 大規模な dinners would have seemed a ticket of admission to 楽園.

For sidelights on the 演劇 of social climbing and social 除外 at the turn of the century there is no better source than the satirical 製図／抽選s of Charles Dana Gibson. Here one will find, over and over again, the beautiful girl of socially 安全な・保証する but financially insecure family trying to decide between the bald-長，率いるd, 高齢化 millionaire and the handsome young man who is a penniless nobody; the ungainly little middle-老年の man whose wife and daughters drag him to entertainments where they hope to 会合，会う the 権利 people; the foreigner whose 単独の attraction is his 肩書を与える, but whom the millionaire's wife wants her daughter to marry; and the 悲惨 of the social 登山者 to whose sumptuous party nobody will come. In one graphic picture Gibson shows a fat, coarse-looking woman sitting all alone at the 辛勝する／優位 of a 広大な／多数の／重要な empty ballroom. The picture is captioned "Mrs. Steele Poole's Housewarming," in obvious 言及／関連 to the combinations of steel 製造業の companies that were making new millionaires 権利 and left as the nineteenth century の近くにd. What is most impressive about these Gibson sketches as a social commentary is that hundreds of thousands of Gibson admirers were impressed with the significance of what he was satirizing. It is difficult to imagine The New Yorker, let us say, finding in our own time any such eager audience for a 一連の 風刺漫画s of the 演劇 of social aspiration; not enough readers would care.

The same sort of 演劇 was going on in other cities the country over: there was the same 切望 for admission to the 集会s of the socially elect, whether these were 議会s, cotillions, sewing circles, the 集会s of some 地元の 協会, or a 主要な family's 年次の ball. It continues today, of course, in somewhat altered forms; the difference is that today comparatively few people take the 演劇 本気で as 伴う／関わるing social 最高位の, and that the whole 現象 is 複雑にするd by the preferences of news photographers, gossip columnists, television audiences, and publicity-hungry restaurateurs and 芸能人s. In 1900 Society was Society indeed. It was scornful of public 芸能人s. It was scornful of the attentions of the 圧力（をかける）; indeed, there were fathers who told their sons that "a gentleman's 指名する appeared in the papers only three times: when he was born, when he was married, and when he died." And it was 確信して that it 代表するd what was most patrician, most brilliant, and most important in American life.

That is one of the explanations for the international marriages between American heiresses and foreign noblemen that were so たびたび（訪れる） in those days. The first important one had taken place in the eighteen-seventies between Jennie Jerome of New York and Lord Randolph Churchill (it had produced one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な men of a 未来 day, Winston Churchill). By the nineties they were becoming 疫病／流行性の. In McCall's magazine for November, 1903, there was a 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of fifty-seven of them to date, 含むing the matches between 行方不明になる Mary Leiter and Lord Curzon, 行方不明になる Anna Gould and Count Boni de Castellane, and 行方不明になる Louise Corbin and the Earl of Oxford; in that very month of November, 1903, 行方不明になる May Goelet married the Duke of Roxburghe, and outside St. Thomas's Church on Fifth Avenue 広大な／多数の／重要な （人が）群がるs gathered in the hope of getting a glimpse of the Duke and his new Duchess.

For this 洪水／多発 of international marriages there were two 推論する／理由s. One of them was that to a Prince or Duke or Count it was very agreeable to get both a charming girl and a lot of money. And いつかs there was nothing conjectural about the money. Read, for example, these 宣告，判決s from a 契約 調印するd November 6, 1895, the day when Consuelo Vanderbilt married the Most Noble Charles Richard John, Duke of Marlborough:

反して, a marriage is ーするつもりであるd between the said Duke of Marlborough and the said Consuelo Vanderbilt . . . the sum of two million five hundred thousand dollars in fifty thousand 株 of the Beech Creek 鉄道 Company, on which an 年次の 支払い（額） of four per cent is 保証（人）d by the New York Central 鉄道／強行採決する Company, is transferred this day to the trustees. And shall, during the 共同の lives of the said Duke of Marlborough, Consuelo Vanderbilt, 支払う／賃金 the income of the said sum of two million five hundred thousand dollars, unto the Duke of Marlborough for his life, and after the death of the said Duke of Marlborough, shall 支払う／賃金 the income of the said 信用 基金 unto the said Consuelo Vanderbilt for life. . . .

Yet there was another 推論する／理由 for such 同盟s. The American girl's parents felt that a noble wedding 始める，決める upon them the authentic stamp of aristocracy. What if the country was 伝統的に a 僕主主義 and its 憲法 法令d that "no 肩書を与える of nobility shall be 認めるd by the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs"? There were, of course, 豊富な and socially impeccable Americans who took these traditions 本気で and regarded the collecting of ducal sons-in-法律 with amused contempt; but there were others who felt that in truth the people of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 構成するd a social pyramid, with Society at its apex, a peerage in all but 指名する; and that if the families of this peerage intermarried with the lords of other lands, the 同盟s gave fitting 承認 of their true patrician 価値（がある）. Just as some Americans of wealth, for all their patriotism, felt that the best art and culture were European, so they 認めるd that the insignia of aristocracy, too, were European--and 平等に 価値（がある） embracing. It was good to feel sure one belonged to the American nobility.

Somewhat below these Himalayan 高さs of affluence there were hundreds of thousands of Americans who might have been 分類するd as rich, 繁栄する, or 井戸／弁護士席-to-do--範囲ing from the families of the いっそう少なく glitteringly successful 製造業者s, merchants, and businessmen, and the 最高の，を越す-of-the-heap professional men, 負かす／撃墜する the income 規模 to the families of, let us say, minor 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs, shopkeepers, run-of-the-mill lawyers and doctors, and the better-paid professors and 大臣s. 自然に any group so inclusive and ill-defined as this 代表するs at any time such a 広大な／多数の／重要な 多様制 of 占領／職業s, incomes, and 方式s of life that to generalize about it is risky. What, one might ask, did a family with a 1900 income of $20,000 (同等（の） to something like $60,000 逮捕する today, or $100, 000 before 税金s) have in ありふれた with a family with a 1900 income of only $2,500 (同等（の） to something like $8,500 today before 税金s)? Or what did an ill-educated but canny 相場師 in street-鉄道 在庫／株s, who delightedly leaped into sudden wealth and bought the best trotting horse in town, but still was 解放する／自由な with the toothpick, have in ありふれた with the members of old families who were trying to 持続する a polite 方式 of life of which he had no inkling? Yet for all their variety, most of the members of this group--which we might very loosely identify as the upper middle class--did have one thing in ありふれた, as we look 支援する at them today. Though many of them 苦しむd 断続的に from 激烈な／緊急の 財政上の worry, their general position seems to people of 類似の status today to have been amply comfortable.

One 推論する／理由 for this becomes 明らかな the moment one begins to translate 1900 income into 1950 income. Assuming that the cost of living ３倍になるd in the interval, one 人物／姿／数字s at first that, let us say, the 支えるもの／所有者 of a professorship which paid $3,000 a year in 1900 would have to receive $9,000 a year in 1950 to be 同様に off; but this 計算／見積り takes no account of 所得税s: 現実に, the 1950 professor would have to receive $9,000 after 税金s, or probably between $10,000 and $11,000 before 税金s, to be as 井戸／弁護士席 heeled as his 前任者 was. The chances are わずかな／ほっそりした that the salary of his professorship has jumped at that 率. The same thing 持つ／拘留するs for a 広大な／多数の／重要な many 給料を受けている 職業s in 商売／仕事s and other professions; and for the income from any but the most cannily chosen and carefully watched 安全s. By and large, 給料を受けている people and those living on 相続するd means or on 貯金 have lost 財政上の ground as a result of our 進歩／革新的な インフレーション.

A その上の advantage these people undoubtedly had over their comparably circumstanced grandchildren. They had more room to turn 一連の会議、交渉／完成する in.

Because 給料 in the building 貿易（する）s--and the costs of building 構成要素s--were much lower than today, they could live in much larger ４半期/4分の1s. Because servants' 給料 were much lower and 候補者s for servants' 職業s were in 豊富, they could staff these larger ４半期/4分の1s amply. その上に they were spared many of the expenses which most of their 子孫s take as a 事柄 of course: the cost of an automobile (much greater than that of a horse and carriage); the cost of such extra gadgets as electric refrigerators, washing machines, 無線で通信するs, television 始める，決めるs, or what not; the cost of a college education for children of both sexes; and very likely the cost of an extra home for week-end or summer use. (As we have seen, より小数の reasonably 井戸／弁護士席-to-do Americans had "summer places" then than now.) So the man whose salary now would 命令（する） a rather cramped apartment might then have 占領するd a house which today would seem grandly large.

Wherever you may live today, you probably know some street which at the turn of the century was the abode of the 繁栄する and which has not been wholly rebuilt since then. As you walk along it, you may wonder how anybody with an income of いっそう少なく than princely size could have afforded to live in one of those big houses (most of which have probably been broken up into apartments within the past 世代).

Take, for example, 連邦／共和国 Avenue in Boston, from Arlington Street to Massachusetts Avenue, which in the main looks today very much as it did in 1900. Consider that although its 居住（者）s in those days 含むd many of the very rich, there could not have been enough very rich Bostonians to 占領する all those hundreds of brick four-story-and-地階 houses. Look at the hulking corner mansions, three windows or more wide on the Avenue 味方する and five or six windows wide on the 味方する street. Look at some of the extra-width houses in 中央の-封鎖する, with 幅の広い steps 主要な up to a 前線 door 側面に位置するd on either 味方する by two amply-spaced windows. Or ちらりと見ること at the much more 非常に／多数の houses of comparatively modest dimensions--a frontage on the Avenue of something like twenty-five feet, with only a 選び出す／独身 bay window beside the 前線 door; even these lesser buildings have four stories above the 地階, and must have 含む／封じ込めるd some fifteen to twenty rooms, 加える several bathrooms and many ample-sized closets and 貯蔵 rooms. You may be sure that some of these houses were 占領するd in 1900 by families with incomes of 井戸／弁護士席 under ten thousand dollars a year--the 同等（の） of forty thousand or いっそう少なく before 税金s today. That is a handsome income, but it won't 命令（する） in the nineteen-fifties anything like so much space on the finest street of a big city. How did these families manage?

Here are some of the answers. They 雇うd a cook at perhaps $5 a week, a waitress at $3.50 a week, a laundress at $3.50 a week; the waitress and laundress 株d the upstairs work. They could 追加する the once-a-week services of a きれいにする woman to come in at $1.50 a day, and also the very part-time muscle of a choreman who served several other houses, and they would still be able to keep up the house (and get most of their laundry done at home, too) at a total 年次の cost of perhaps $800 a year--the 同等（の） of say $2,400 today. Some of the 着せる／賦与するs for the women of the family were bought ready-made in the 蓄える／店s, or were made by professional dressmakers who had their own 設立s, but the chances are that most of them were run up at home by dressmakers and seamstresses who （機の）カム in at $3.50 to $1.50 a day. (One room would be 始める，決める aside for this work; the 床に打ち倒す would be covered with a sheet, which by the end of the day would be littered with pins and snippets of cloth; and here the dressmaker, with the 援助（する） of French fashion 調書をとる／予約するs and patterns, would improvise and fit the dresses.) Even when one 追加するd the cost of 構成要素s bought by the yard, 着せる／賦与するs thus made were not expensive. This family probably owned no carriage, but got about on foot and by trolley--or, in bad 天候 or on festive occasions, by 雇うd cab.

The 長，率いる of the house would probably have been 乱暴／暴力を加えるd if his daughter had even thought of taking a 職業: wasn't he able to support her? But on the other 手渡す he saved money on her education. She would go to a 私的な school, but in all probability not to college, though her brother would be sent to college as a 事柄 of course, and perhaps would go to 搭乗 school 同様に.

With these さまざまな 貯金 such a family would be able to live a life of spacious and 井戸／弁護士席-served 慰安. And because the house was so large, they would 蓄積する more 所有／入手s--furniture, rugs, ornaments, pictures, 調書をとる／予約するs, 磁器, silver, linen, and keepsakes of every sort--than their grandchildren would ever dream of 重荷（を負わせる）ing themselves with.

The pattern 変化させるd endlessly, of course, by communities and によれば individual tastes. Even in a 列／漕ぐ／騒動 of almost 同一の houses, the 規模 and manner of living were anything but 標準化するd; ーするために を強調する the contrast with 現在の 条件s, I have been 述べるing the living 計画／陰謀 of the sort of people who preferred space and service to other 慰安s. 給料 and prices tended to be lower in the smaller communities, and 給料 in particular were still lower in the South. 井戸／弁護士席-to-do families in the West were いっそう少なく likely to send their children to 私的な schools than their 相当するものs in the East. But this was the general nature of life の中で the comfortably 繁栄する.

One should 追加する, too, by way of a footnote, that such a way of living could be approximated by people who had much smaller incomes with which to gratify their genteel tastes. A college professor on a salary of $2,000 to $3,000, for example--概略で 同等（の） to $6,500 to $10,500 today before 税金s--had to watch every penny and forego many satisfactions which he felt were the natural 権利 of 井戸／弁護士席-educated people, but he could afford a fair-sized house and at least one maid. In 1896, when Professor Woodrow Wilson of Princeton was trying to 説得する Professor Frederick Jackson Turner to join the Princeton faculty, Mrs. Wilson 始める，決める 負かす／撃墜する a reasonable 予算 for a professor on a $3,500 salary. It 含むd food and lights, $75 a month; rent, $42 a month; coal, $12 a month; water, $4 a month; and servants, $29 a month. This was for two servants, and was 推定では 人物／姿／数字d at a 率 of $3.50 a week per servant.

By dint of the most scrupulous economy it was even possible for a family with an income of only $1,500 (read perhaps $4,800 today) to play a part as a "member of society" in a town of 20,000 people, living in a modest two-story house on the best street in town, 雇うing a 十分な-time colored maid who （機の）カム in for the day at $4 a week, entertaining graciously though modestly, and 存在 招待するd to the most enviable 機能（する）／行事s of the 地元の エリート. Such a family could afford no travel at all; for us in the automobile age it is difficult to realize how circumscribed 地理学的に was their life. But within 限界s they could follow, without 広大な／多数の／重要な 不快, the pattern of the 繁栄する.

年輩の people who look 支援する today upon childhoods lived under any of the circumstances which I have just been 述べるing いつかs regard them with nostalgia. Life seems to have been much simpler in its 需要・要求するs then, and 確かな of the amenities seem to have been much more accessible. It was easier then than now, these people feel, to 持続する a sense of the 身元 of the family. People who live in ample houses are better able to take care of old or 無効の or 効果のない／無能な 親族s than families with いっそう少なく space at their 命令（する）. Indeed it is やめる possible that part of the social 安全 problem of our time--the 広範囲にわたって 表明するd need for 年金s, 医療の 保険, 失業 保険, etc.--arises out of the fact that many families no longer can 避難所 those whom they used to consider their 扶養家族s--grandma, who used to have a third-床に打ち倒す room, or eccentric Cousin Tom, who was tucked away in the ell. (Part of the problem today, of course, results from what インフレーション has done to 貯金, and still more of it is a 製品 of the 革命 in social 概念s which this 調書をとる／予約する is 試みる／企てるing to 輪郭（を描く）.) Even when one makes every allowance for the many good things of today which the 繁栄する of 1900 (and those who approximated their way of life) had to go without, one must 収容する／認める that there is a basis for the nostalgia. Space and service 追加する up to a good 取引，協定.

Yet we must remember that the 連邦／共和国 Avenue family's ample life in their big house was made possible by the 不十分な 給料 of the maids who lived in 狭くする rooms at the very 最高の，を越す of the house, four flights above the level on which they did most of their interminable work; by the 不十分な 給料 of dressmakers and seamstresses, of the carpenters and masons who had built the house, of the 労働者s in factories and 蓄える／店s who produced and sold the goods they used; and that the space and service which were at the 処分 of even the $1,500 family were likewise made possible by low 給料. There is another 味方する of the 保護物，者 to be looked at.

Let us travel （疑いを）晴らす to the other end of the 経済的な and social spectrum--by-passing on the way the 大多数 of the Americans of 1900--and take a ちらりと見ること at life as it was lived on the other 味方する of the 跡をつけるs.

一時期／支部 3

The Other 味方する of the 跡をつけるs

In the 早期に days of the factory system in England, David Ricardo enunciated the grim 原則 which he called the アイロンをかける 法律 of 給料; the 原則 that all 給料 tend to 落ちる to the level which the most unskillful or most desperate man will 受託する. In pre-産業の times this 法律 had not often operated unchecked. The prince, or the baron, or the squire, or the neighbors had tended to look after those who by 推論する／理由 of 無資格／無能力 or illness or adversity were in want. And in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of pre-産業の days, men and women who were in cruel 海峡s--whose 刈るs had failed, or whose 貿易（する） was dwindling, or whose family 蓄える／店 had gone broke--had at least been able to go on working, for whatever pittance they could 命令（する）, or could move on どこかよそで to try again. But the coming of industrialism had brought a change, in America 同様に as in Europe.

For when a man built a mill or factory, around which there grew up a mill village or factory town, those who （機の）カム to work for him were in 広大な／多数の／重要な degree 拘留するd by their choice. They did not own the 道具s with which they worked, and therefore were 扶養家族 upon what 雇用 the mill 申し込む／申し出d; and anyhow there was not enough work in such a community for all who would be looking for it if the mill shut 負かす／撃墜する. And if their 給料 were really low they could not afford to look どこかよそで for 職業s. So they 中止するd to be 解放する／自由な スパイ／執行官s. They were at their 雇用者's mercy. The code of 行為／行う of the day did not 要求する him to feel any 責任／義務 for what happened to them. And the アイロンをかける 法律 really went into 活動／戦闘.

Likewise in a city slum into which there flowed a 安定した stream of newcomers from abroad--almost penniless people, ignorant, inexpert, often friendless, and unable to speak the language of the country--men and women were likewise 拘留するd by circumstance. Theoretically there were all manner of 占領／職業s open to them; theoretically they were 扶養家族 upon no 選び出す／独身 雇用者. But in practice poverty, 限られた／立憲的な 技術s, and ignorance kept them--the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of them--where they were, year after year, to 戦う／戦い ひどく for chances to earn a living, and to 受託する whatever 哀れな 行う was 申し込む／申し出d to them. Here too the アイロンをかける 法律 支配するd.

Nowhere in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, in the middle years of the nineteenth century, had the アイロンをかける 法律 brought やめる such abominations as it had produced in England, where the 給料, hours of work, and sanitary 条件s in the new 産業の towns and the 採掘 areas had been a stench in the nostrils of decency; but in all 良心 they had been bad enough. For in the second ４半期/4分の1 of the nineteenth century 給料 had fallen in the mill towns of New England until by 1850 whole families were laboring at the machines for three or four dollars a week per 労働者; a twelve-hour day was 普通の／平均（する）, and a fourteen-hour day was not unusual; there were even children of what we would consider junior high school age who had to spend the hours from five o'clock in the morning till eight o'clock at night--with half an hour off for breakfast and half an hour for dinner--six days a week, in an ill-lighted, ill-ventilated factory, foregoing 日光, recreation, education, and health itself to keep the family alive; and all this even if the 雇用者 was raking in high 利益（をあげる）s. It had been 条件s such as these, appearing wherever the new 産業の capitalism seemed to be making its most active 今後 進歩, that had 誘発するd Karl Marx to see if he could not invent a different system.

During the latter half of the nineteenth century, industrialism had 前進するd with mighty strides in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. A remarkable 一連の 発明s and 科学技術の 改良s had 誘発するd its 進歩. By 1900 what had 以前は been a land mostly of 農業者s and 村人s had become a land ますます of cities and roaring 産業の towns; and 慰安s, conveniences, and wealth had so piled up that it almost seemed as if a whole new world had been invented for people to work and play in. But the wealth still tended to flow into a few people's pockets.

During most of this incredible half century, to be sure, the general 基準 of living in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs had happily shown かなりの 改良. 繁栄 had tended to 精査する 負かす／撃墜する through the 階級s of society and to 改善する the 条件s of life for the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of Americans. For instance, 経済学者s calculated that between 1860 and 1891, 給料 in twenty-two 産業s had 増加するd on the 普通の／平均（する） over 68 per cent, while 卸売物価s had 拒絶する／低下するd over 5 per cent. Those 人物／姿／数字s 代表するd a real 伸び（る）. But during the hideous 不景気 of the 中央の-nineties 給料 had been 広範囲にわたって 削除するd; and, although there had been some 改良 in the lot of the 労働者s afterward, as good times returned toward the turn of the century (an 改良, at least, in their chances of 正規の／正選手 雇用) there was no その上の 伸び（る） in the 傾向 of what the 経済学者s call "real 給料," which is to say 給料 as 手段d against prices. What was happening to 妨げる the new wealth which the millionaires were so happily raking in, and from which millions of Americans in the middle 経済的な 階級s were 直接／まっすぐに or 間接に 利益ing, from percolating all the way 負かす／撃墜する to the lower levels of American society?

One thing that was happening was that the good American land was filling up. 伝統的に, when the American workingman's position had become intolerable, he could always go west--if he could raise the cash to go. The West had been the land of new hope, not only for men of adventurous ambition, but also for the discards of industrialism. But now the frontier was の近くにd, and though there were still chances for a man to arrive in the West with nothing and then to 達成する 慰安, these chances seemed to be dwindling. And a second thing that was happening was that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was continually 輸入するing a proletariat of such size, and such 限られた／立憲的な employability for the time 存在, that the labor market in the large cities and 産業の towns was glutted and the 行う level was held 負かす／撃墜する.

Throughout most of the nineteenth century this proletariat had been coming across the 大西洋. For a time it had been mostly Irish: in the eighteen-forties and -fifties it had been the Irish who were the diggers of 溝へはまらせる／不時着するs, the 建設業者s of levees, the mill 労働者s who labored twelve or thirteen or fourteen hours a day for a microscopic 行う. Then, as the Irish began to better themselves, the Italians had begun to 注ぐ in. And then, ますます, the Jews and Slavs of Eastern Europe. As each group arrived, it tended to form a proletarian level under the previous one. (Always at or 近づく the 底（に届く）, in menial and ill-paid 職業s, remained our Negro 全住民, slaves no longer, but 非難するd にもかかわらず to a servitude of ignorance and 除外 from 適切な時期.)

Little by little, most of the members of these foreign groups caught the contagion of freedom and ambition in the American 空気／公表する and began to 解除する themselves out of poverty. But as they did so, their places on the lowest 経済的な level were taken by still newer 移民，移住（する）s, 誘惑するd from Europe by the glowing 報告（する）／憶測s (いつかs fictitious) of 親族s and fellow townsmen who had に先行するd them, or by the 有望な 約束s held out by 産業の スパイ／執行官s. So 急速な／放蕩な did they come that they filled up the slums of New York and Boston and Philadelphia and Chicago, and the factory towns of New England and Pennsylvania and Ohio, more 速く than American 適切な時期 could drain them off. During the 選び出す／独身 year 1900, the number of 移民，移住（する）s who arrived was 448,572; during 1901 it was 487,918; the 人物／姿／数字 kept on rising until in 1907 it reached a 頂点（に達する） of 1,285,349. Here was irony indeed: so brightly did the Goddess of Liberty's lamp glow, with its 約束 of hope to the dispossessed of many lands, that the very numbers in which they answered its 招待 tended to keep the 行う level 負かす／撃墜する, not only for these new arrivals but for native-born Americans as 井戸／弁護士席, and 延期するd the modification of the アイロンをかける 法律.

(Incidentally, a 確かな 傾向 の中で many Americans, then and later, to be arrogant or condescending toward Europeans may be partly 予定 to the fact that for 世代s almost the only Europeans that the 普通の／平均（する） native-born American saw were poor, ignorant, ill-dressed, and often dirty members of this 輸入するd proletariat, jabbering in 理解できない tongues while they did menial 職業s. They were scornfully known as Dagoes, Polacks, Hunkies, Kikes. As they bettered themselves, they became in most 事例／患者s いっそう少なく Italian or ポーランドの（人） or Serbian or Czech or ロシアの, more American; and so the unfavorable image of Europeans in the American mind 固執するd.)

But, one may ask, what about those 伝統的な 敵s of the アイロンをかける 法律, the labor unions? The answer is that they were few and--except in a few 好意d （手先の）技術s--weak; that they 存在するd in 危険，危なくする of the 法律, which in general upheld the notion that what an 雇用者 chose to 支払う／賃金 a man, and what that man chose to 受託する, were those two men's 商売／仕事 and nobody else's; and that they were 一般に 見解（をとる）d by the 残り／休憩（する） of the public with 恐れる and dislike.

In 1900 the total 貿易（する） union 会員の地位 （機の）カム to 868,500; of these, the unions in the American 連合 of Labor （人命などを）奪う，主張するd 548,321. In a few 首尾よく 組織するd 貿易（する）s, such as the cigar 製造者s', their 圧力s had 押し進めるd 給料 up. Robert A. 支持を得ようと努めるd of the South End House in Boston, a scrupulously careful 観察者／傍聴者, 報告（する）／憶測d in 1902 that unskilled 労働者s in Boston were making from $9 to $12 a week--when work was 利用できる; 技術d labor artisans in general were making $13.50 to $19.50--again with "some lost time"; but cigar 製造者s, by contrast, were making $15 to $25, with "little lost time." The 長，率いる man of the AF of L was a cigar 製造者 himself, Samuel Gompers, a thickset, strong-jawed, wide-mouthed man with unruly hair and rimless pince-nez glasses who took a 厳密に 限られた／立憲的な 見解（をとる） of the 目的（とする）s which the unions under his 影響（力） should 追求する. In his 青年 Gompers had learned German ーするために read the 作品 of Marx; but since then he had seen American unionism so often 弱めるd by the impracticality of 革命の 理論家s, and by the 憎悪 that their 輸入するd 革命の theories 誘発するd の中で the public 捕まらないで, that he stuck rigidly to the 原則s of （手先の）技術--as …に反対するd to 産業の--unionism, …に反対するd any 試みる／企てる to put his unions into politics (as by forming a labor party), and bade them 取引 only for 改良s in 給料, hours, and 条件s of work.

But to 特記する／引用する the modest 目的（とする）s which Gompers 追求するd is to give an utterly 誤って導くing picture of unionism in general at the turn of the century. Most big 産業s were not unionized at all; and where unions did 存在する, or where 試みる／企てるs were made to 組織する the men, there were likely to be violent, headlong, and 血まみれの 衝突s, with ferocious 戦う／戦いs between 反抗的な workmen on the one 手渡す, and their implacable 雇用者s and the 雇用者s' scabs and perhaps the 民兵 on the other 手渡す.

In 1898, when the 部隊d 地雷 労働者s won their first important strike, a group of them at Virden, Illinois, "武装した with shotguns, revolvers, and ライフル銃／探して盗むs, vanquished a trainload of 類似して accoutered strikebreakers and company guards, with 広大な／多数の／重要な loss of life on both 味方するs," によれば Herbert Harris's history of American Labor; Mr. Harris 追加するs aptly, "By means of superior marksmanship, the union was 認めるd all its 需要・要求するs." That was the sort of spirit in which labor and 資本／首都 were more than likely to be …に反対するd.

Such was the temper of the times that when Oliver Wendell Holmes, in 1896, dissented from an antipicketing 決定／判定勝ち（する） of the Massachusetts 最高裁判所, he was 納得させるd that his dissent had shut him off from all chances of 未来 judicial 昇進／宣伝. The 決定／判定勝ち（する） 認めるd an （裁判所の）禁止（強制）命令 to a shopkeeper, 指名するd Vegelahn, to 妨げる two men from picketing outside his shop. There had been no suggestion of 暴力／激しさ, no 脅し to physical 所有物／資産／財産; にもかかわらず when Holmes 示唆するd that the men were within their 権利s in thus advertising that they thought their 雇用者 was 不公平な, he was propounding what public opinion considered 甚だしい／１２ダース heresy.

Under such circumstances it is not remarkable that labor unions had, on the whole, only a minor 影響（力） in 1900. And anyhow they could not reach 負かす／撃墜する to the very 底（に届く） 階級s of labor to 保護する the men and women on whom poverty bore 負かす／撃墜する most cruelly of all.

There were other 推論する／理由s than the の近くにing of the frontier, the flood of 移民，移住（する）s, and the 証拠不十分 of 組織するd labor for the fact that the アイロンをかける 法律 still held much of its old 軍隊; we shall come to these in 予定 course. But it is time for us now to look at a few of the hard facts of life on the other 味方する of the 跡をつけるs at the turn of the century.

Here are a few 冷淡な 人物／姿／数字s:

1. WAGES. The 普通の／平均（する） 年次の 収入s of American 労働者s, as I have already said, were something like $400 or $500 a year. For unskilled 労働者s they were somewhat いっそう少なく--under $460 in the North, under $300 in the South. A 基準 行う for an unskilled man was a dollar and a half a day--when he could get work. That 資格 is important: one must 耐える in mind that によれば the 国勢（人口）調査 of 1900, nearly 6 ¹/₂ million 労働者s were idle (and therefore, in most 事例／患者s, やめる without income) during some part of the year; that of these, nearly 2 million were idle four to six months out of the twelve.

In Boston, Robert A. 支持を得ようと努めるd 報告（する）／憶測d in 1902 that the 普通の／平均（する） 行う of shopgirls in the North and West Ends was from $5 to $6 a week. In the South, in 1900, nearly a third of the male 従業員s over sixteen years of age in the cotton mills were getting いっそう少なく than $6 a week. Nor was this anywhere 近づく the 底（に届く） of the 規模. 調査／捜査するing the 条件 of Italian 労働者s in Chicago at about this time, the 連邦の Bureau of Labor 設立する one class of unskilled 労働者s who 普通の／平均（する）d as little as $4.37 a week. 支持を得ようと努めるd 報告（する）／憶測d その上の that in the 衣料品 shops of Boston, women were 収入 from $5 a week 負かす／撃墜する to $3 a week, and 追加するd that "women sewing at home cannot earn more than 30 cents or 40 cents in a long day"; and he was echoed by Jacob A. Riis in New York, who 報告（する）／憶測d in 1900 that he had seen women finishing "pants" for 30 cents a day. Try translating that into the 条件 of today: even after you have multiplied it by three to take account of the ３倍になるd cost of living, you arrive at the noble sum of 90 cents a day, which is $5.40 a week, which is $280.80 for a 十分な working year!

2. HOURS. The 普通の／平均（する） working day was in the 近隣 of 10 hours, 6 days a week: total, 60 a week. In 商売／仕事 offices there was a growing 傾向 toward a Saturday half holiday, but if anybody had 示唆するd a five-day week he would have been considered demented. At the time when the International Ladies' 衣料品 労働者s Union was 設立するd in 1900, the hours in this 貿易（する）, in New York, were 70 a week.

3. CHILD LABOR. の中で boys between the ages of ten and fifteen, no いっそう少なく than 26 per cent--over a ４半期/4分の1--were "gainfully 雇うd"; の中で girls in the same age groups, 10 per cent were. Most of these children were doing farm work, but 284,000 of them were in mills, factories, etc., during years in which, in any satisfactorily arranged society, they would have been at school.

4. ACCIDENTS. The 基準s of safety were curiously low from our 現在の-day point of 見解（をとる）. Consider this 始める，決める of facts: in the 選び出す／独身 year 1901, one out of every 399 鉄道／強行採決する 従業員s was killed, and one out of every 26 was 負傷させるd. の中で engineers, conductors, brakemen, trainmen, etc., the 人物／姿／数字s were even worse than this: in that 選び出す／独身 year, one out of every 137 was killed.

The 事故 hazard could be 特に 激烈な／緊急の for children working in 産業の 工場／植物s. "In the large stamping 作品 and canning factories in a city like Chicago," Professor William O. Krohn had told the 国家の 会議／協議会 of Charities and 是正 in 1897, "not a day passes but some child is made a helpless 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なう. These 事故s occur after three o'clock in the afternoon. The child that has begun his work in the morning with a reasonable degree of vigor, after working under constant 圧力 for several hours, at about three o'clock becomes so 疲れた／うんざりしたd, beyond the point of 回復, that he can no longer direct the tired fingers and aching 武器 with any degree of 正確. He thus becomes the prey of the 広大な／多数の／重要な cutting knives, or of the jaws of the tin-stamping machine."

5. THE HUMAN RESULT. Robert Hunter's 調書をとる／予約する, Poverty, published in 1904, was a conscientious 試みる／企てる to define the extent and nature of the group of people in America who were "underfed, under-着せる／賦与するd, and 貧しく housed."* Hunter defined poverty very 厳密に, as a 条件 in which people, "though using their best 成果／努力s, are failing to 得る 十分な necessaries for 持続するing physical efficiency." His best guess, after 熟考する／考慮するing all 利用できる 統計（学）, was that there were at least 10 million of them in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, of whom 4 million were public paupers--people 扶養家族 upon public or 私的な charity--while the 残り／休憩（する） 伸び（る）d no such 救済 from their pitiable 明言する／公表する. Hunter 認める that his 人物／姿／数字 of 10 million might be far short of the truth; there might be 15 million, or 20 million. He was 狼狽d that a nation 充てるd to the use of 統計（学） had not shown real 利益／興味 in getting an answer to what seemed to him a 決定的な question. "But ought we not to know?" he asked.

* Were these words of Hunter's in Franklin D. Roosevelt's mind in 1937, when in his second 就任の 演説（する）／住所 he said, "I see one-third of a nation ill-housed, ill-覆う？, ill-nourished"?

And what did those 冷淡な 人物／姿／数字s mean in human 条件? To read the 報告（する）／憶測s of qualified 観察者／傍聴者s of poverty at its worst in the big city slums and the grim 産業の towns at the beginning of the century is to hear variation after variation upon the 主題 of human 悲惨, in which the same words occur monotonously again and again: wretchedness, overcrowding, filth, hunger, 栄養不良, insecurity, want.

"It is impossible to 述べる the mud, the dirt, the filth, the stinking 湿度, the nuisances, the disorder of the streets," wrote G. Giacosa, an Italian dramatist who visited his fellow countrymen's ４半期/4分の1 in New York in 1898.

In March, 1899, the 協議するing architects of the City of Boston made a 報告（する）／憶測 on 確かな tenements they had 設立する in the North and West Ends of the city. They had 設立する, they said, "dirty and 乱打するd 塀で囲むs and 天井s, dark cellars with water standing in them, alleys littered with garbage and filth, broken and 漏れるing drain-麻薬を吸うs, . . . dark and filthy water-closets, closets long frozen or さもなければ out of order . . . and houses so dilapidated and so much settled that they are dangerous."

Even in far more hygienic ４半期/4分の1s the overcrowding could be 激烈な／緊急の. M. E. 荒廃させる, arriving as an 移民，移住（する） from Rumania, became a tenant, at 50 cents a week, of Mrs. Segal's apartment on Rivington Street in New York's Lower East 味方する. During the day, he 報告（する）／憶測d later in his 調書をとる／予約する, An American in the Making, Mrs. Segal "kept up the 利益／興味ing fiction of an apartment with 専攻するd subdivisions"--a parlor, a dining room, a kitchen, a young ladies' room, Mrs. Segal's own room, a children's room. But at night, between nine and ten o'clock, the place "suddenly became a （軍の）野営地，陣営." Sofas opened up, carved dining-room 議長，司会を務めるs were arranged in 列／漕ぐ／騒動s; the sofa in the parlor alone held four sleepers, broadside, with 激しく揺するing 議長，司会を務めるs arranged to support their feet. One night the parlor alone was 占領するd by nine men, some of them on the 床に打ち倒す. "The pretended children's room was 占領するd by a man and his family of four." The windows had been puttied tight shut, and the 空気／公表する was "激しい with the reek of food and perspiration."

Far more filthy and insanitary habitations than this were 平等に overcrowded. A few years earlier, Paul Bourget had 設立する in the Italian part of the Bowery two rooms on the street level, "small as a boat's cabins," in which eight men and women were "crouched over their work, in a fetid 空気／公表する, which an アイロンをかける stove made still more stifling, and in what dirt!" And Bourget had gone on to 検査／視察する さまざまな workshops in the ユダヤ人の ４半期/4分の1, where he had 設立する "hunger-hollowed 直面するs" and "shoulders 狭くするd with 消費, girls of fifteen as old as grandmothers, who had never eaten a bit of meat in their lives--a long, lamentable succession of the forms of poverty."

In 1908 a Hungarian churchman, Count Vay de Vaya und Luskod, told in a 調書をとる／予約する, Nach Amerika in einem Auswandererschiffe, how the life of the Hungarian 移民，移住（する）s in the steel town of McKeesport, Pennsylvania, had looked to him when he had visited the place a few years earlier.

Fourteen thousand tall chimneys are silhouetted against the sky along the valley that 延長するs from McKeesport to Pittsburgh, [he wrote], and these fourteen thousand chimneys 発射する／解雇する their 燃やすing 誘発するs and smoke incessantly. The realms of Vulcan could not be more somber or filthy than this valley of the Monongahela. . . . Thousands of 移民，移住（する）s wander here from year to year . . . and here they 苦しむ till they are swallowed up in the inferno. . . . 不十分な an hour passes without an 事故, and no day without a 致命的な 災害. But what if one man be 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なうd, if one life be 消滅させるd の中で so many! Each place can be filled from ten men, all eager for it. Newcomers （軍の）野営地，陣営 out within sight of the factory gates, while a little さらに先に away others arrive with almost daily regularity--thousands of 移民，移住（する）s to don the fetters of slavery.

A 黒字／過剰 of labor, a desperate 乗り気 to take any 職業, under whatever 条件s, just to fill the stomach: the 主題 occurs again and again in the 報告（する）／憶測s of these 観察者／傍聴者s. Here is Robert Hunter, 令状ing not about the steel 地区s of Pennsylvania, but about Chicago:

On 冷淡な, 雨の mornings, at the dusk of 夜明け, I have been awakened, two hours before my rising time, by the monotonous clatter of hobnailed boots on the plank sidewalks, as the 行列 to the factory passed under my window. 激しい, brooding men; tired, anxious women; thinly dressed, unkempt little girls, and frail, joyless lads passed along, half awake, not one uttering a word, as they hurried to the 広大な／多数の／重要な factory. . . . Hundreds of others, 明白に a hungrier, poorer lot . . . waited in 前線 of a の近くにd gate until finally a 広大な／多数の／重要な red-bearded man （機の）カム out and selected twenty-three of the strongest, best looking of the men. For these the gates were opened, and the others, with downcast 注目する，もくろむs, marched off to 捜し出す 雇用 どこかよそで or to sit at home, or in a saloon, or in a 宿泊するing house. . . .

Still another 公式文書，認める recurs frequently in these 報告（する）／憶測s: the idea that these dregs of the 産業の 全住民, 存在 foreign, were 削減（する） off from the 残り／休憩（する） of America by their foreignness.

A few years ago [wrote Hunter], when living in Chicago in a 植民地 of Bohemians and Hungarians who had been thrown out of work by the の近くにing of a 広大な／多数の／重要な 産業, I went about の中で the groups clustered in the streets or gathered in the halls. I felt the 不安, the denunciation, the growing brutality, but I was unable to discuss with them their grievances, to sympathize with them, or to …に反対する them. I was an utter stranger in my own city.

That there were 緩和するing 面s of these 哀れな scenes even these very chroniclers agreed. That even the hungriest people were better dressed than one might have 推定する／予想するd struck almost all 訪問者s from abroad. 荒廃させる, fresh from Rumania, 公式文書，認めるd that almost nobody wore patched 衣料品s, and 追加するd that ". . . if you went 単に by their dress, you could not tell a bank 大統領，／社長 from his office boy." He was echoing what Giacosa wrote after riding on a New York elevated train: "Some elegant 塀で囲む Street 銀行業者s are 示すd by special 着せる／賦与するs of English 削減（する）. But with that exception, no European would be able to 選ぶ out by 注目する，もくろむ who there 代表するs the infinite variety of professions, 貿易（する）s, 明言する／公表するs, fortune, culture, education, that may be 遭遇（する）d の中で the whole people." After visiting the Chicago 虐殺（する） houses--which he 設立する inexpressibly filthy--Giacosa was struck by the dignified and 井戸／弁護士席-dressed look of the 労働者s when they 現れるd from their horrible labors at the end of the day; how very like 支持を得ようと努めるd's comment on the people who lived in the South End of Boston: "の中で the young men and women, the young women 特に, it is surprising to find what becomingly dressed persons can come out of really 哀れな abodes."

Nor should we forget how many of the 移民，移住（する）s in these very slums 設立する things new to them which delighted them. 荒廃させる was pleasantly surprised by finding soap used for everyday 目的s; eggplant and tomatoes in winter; beer, in a 投手 from the corner saloon. Mary Antin, as a child newly arrived from Russia, was 入り口d with canned foods, アイロンをかける stoves, washboards, speaking tubes, and street lamps--"so many lamps, and they 燃やすd till morning, my father said, and so people did not need to carry lanterns." Even more wonderful, to her and her parents, was 解放する／自由な public education--"no 使用／適用 made, no questions asked, no 料金s." Her father "brought his children to school as if it were an 行為／法令／行動する of consecration."

It was やめる true, too, that little by little the worst horrors of the slums were 存在 除去するd. 調査／捜査するing （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限s, tenement house （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限s, and other groups of the more fortunate 国民s had been 誘発するd by such 報告（する）／憶測s as that of Jacob A. Riis in his memorable 調書をとる／予約する, How the Other Half Lives, published in 1890. Ten years later Riis was able to 報告（する）／憶測 that in New York the worst of the 後部 tenements were gone, the dreadful police-駅／配置する 宿泊するing rooms were gone, "瓶／封じ込める Alley is gone, and 強盗's Roost, Bone Alley, Thieves' Alley, and Kerosene 列／漕ぐ／騒動--they are all gone." And it seemed to Riis that by 1900, on the East 味方する, rags and dirt had become the exception rather than the 支配する. A beginning had been made in the 職業 of 供給するing parks, playgrounds, and 体育館s for the poorer parts of New York. Not only in New York but in other cities and 明言する／公表するs, 法律制定 was nibbling away at the worst abominations of factory 雇用 and of 住宅.

Yet, as the floods of 移民／移住 continued, and 給料 obeyed the アイロンをかける 法律 even though 産業 was にわか景気ing, and dirty and dilapidated habitations acquired new 層s of grime and sagged still その上の, those who made it their 商売／仕事 to 格闘する with the problem of American poverty often felt helpless to bring about any real 改良. "The real trouble," wrote 支持を得ようと努めるd, "is that people here are from birth to death at the mercy of 広大な／多数の／重要な social 軍隊s which move almost like the march of 運命." Did not what was happening make a mockery of the very idea of a democratic society? "We are 証言，証人／目撃するing today, beyond question, the decay--perhaps not 永久の, but at any 率 the decay--of 共和国の／共和党の 会・原則s," said the sociologist Franklin H. Giddings to the members of the Nineteenth Century Club. "No man in his 権利 mind can 否定する it."

And when Edwin Markham wrote his poem, "The Man with the 売春婦," which appeared in 1899, even people whose 接触する with American poverty had been slight felt a vague sense that a portent had been 述べるd; that in these 詩（を作る）s, written by Markham after seeing Millet's famous 絵 of a brutalized toiler, they were getting a picture of what industrialism was doing to the ありふれた man and might, perhaps, do to themselves some day if the social 軍隊s which they had seen in 操作／手術 were not somehow 逆転するd. Markham saw the toiler as a man with

The emptiness of ages in his 直面する,
And on his 支援する the 重荷（を負わせる） of the world.

Markham asked:

Who 緩和するd and let 負かす／撃墜する this 残虐な jaw?

And commented:

There is no 形態／調整 more terrible than this--
More tongued with 非難 of the world's blind greed--
More filled with 調印するs and portents for the soul--
More packed with danger to the universe.

And 結論するd:

O Masters, lords and 支配者s in all lands,
How will the 未来 reckon with this man?
How answer his brute question in that hour
When whirlwinds of 反乱 shake all shores?
How will it be with kingdoms and with kings--
With those who 形態／調整d him to the thing he is--
When this dumb Terror shall rise to 裁判官 the world,
After the silence of the centuries?*

From the vantage point of the nineteen-fifties one can read those prophetic lines and 宣言する that they 証明するd not to be prophetic for the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. But surely it was 重要な that when the century was beginning a 広大な／多数の／重要な many Americans were far from sure that the "dumb Terror," asking his "brute question," would not 原因（となる） the "whirlwinds of 反乱" to shake, not only Europe, but also an America in which such gaudy wealth was contrasted with such 残忍な 悲惨.

* Reprinted by 許可.

一時期／支部 4

Capitalism Indeed

In 1899 there died in New York a man who, though he had never made much of a 熟考する／考慮する of 経済的なs and had a curiously immature mind, may have had a more 普及（する） 影響（力） on the thinking of American businessmen at the turn of the century than all the professors of 経済的なs put together. This man's 指名する was Horatio Alger, Jr., and what he had done was to 令状 more than a hundred 調書をとる／予約するs for boys--success stories called Bound to Rise, Luck and Pluck, 沈む or Swim, Tom the Bootblack, and so 前へ／外へ--the total sales of which （機の）カム to at least twenty million copies.

Horatio Alger was a creature of paradox. The unfailing 主題 of his 調書をとる／予約するs was the rise of earnest, hard-working boys from rags to riches; yet he himself did not begin life in rags and did not by any means 達成する riches; during his later years he lived mostly in the Newsboys' 宿泊するing House on one of New York's drearier streets. His paper-bound guides to success were, and are, 一般に regarded by educated readers as trash; they were literal, prosy, unreal, and unsubtle to a degree. Yet they were the delight of millions of American boys during the years between the Civil War and World War I, and it is possible that most of these boys got from Horatio Alger their first intelligible picture of American 経済的な life.

The 基準 Horatio Alger hero was a fatherless boy of fifteen or thereabouts who had to earn his own way, usually in New York City. He was beset by all manner of villains. They tried to sell him worthless gold watches on 鉄道／強行採決する trains, or held him up as he was buggy-riding home with his 雇用者's 基金s, or chloroformed him in a Philadelphia hotel room, or slugged him in a Chicago tenement. But always he was strong and shrewd and 勇敢に立ち向かう, and they were foolish and 臆病な／卑劣な. And the end of each 調書をとる／予約する 設立する our hero 井戸／弁護士席 on the way toward wealth, which it was （疑いを）晴らす resulted from his diligence, honesty, perseverance, and thrift.

To the 農業者's son, thumbing his copy of Andy 認める's Pluck by lamplight on the Illinois prairie, or to the country 銀行業者's son, scanning the 勇敢に立ち向かう and Bold series in a Vermont village, the lesson of Horatio Alger seemed （疑いを）晴らす: 商売／仕事 was a 事柄 of 貿易（する）ing の中で individuals and small groups of men, and if you worked hard and saved your money, you 後継するd. The basic 原則s of 経済的な 行為／行う were the same as those laid 負かす／撃墜する by Benjamin Franklin's Poor Richard:

Richard says, At the working man's home, Hunger looks in; but dares not enter!'

"A fat Kitchen makes a lean Will."

And, to sum up: "In short, the way to wealth, if you 願望（する） it, is as plain as the way to market. It depends 主として on two words, 産業 and frugality."

There was no 否定するing that the Alger 論題／論文 had a 確かな magnificent 有効性，効力. Look at John D. Rockefeller, who had begun as a $4-a-week clerk in a （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 merchant's house in Cleveland, and by the beginning of the twentieth century was becoming the richest man in the world. Look at Andrew Carnegie, who had begun at thirteen as a $1.20-a-week bobbin boy in a Pittsburgh cotton mill, and had become the greatest of steel 製造業者s. Look at Edward H. Harriman, who had begun as a 仲買人's office boy at $5 a week, and was building a 鉄道／強行採決する empire. And as for thrift, look at the 広大な／多数の／重要な 銀行業者, George Fisher パン職人, who not only had begun his career as a clerk, but during his 早期に married life had 課すd upon himself and his wife the discipline of living on half their income and saving the other half. These were only a few of the examples which 証明するd the 決まり文句／製法 for success: begin with nothing, 適用する yourself, save your pennies, 貿易（する） shrewdly, and you will be rewarded with wealth, 力／強力にする, and acclaim. To which the natural corollary was: poor people are poor because they are the 犠牲者s of their own laziness, stupidity, or profligacy.

自然に it was pleasant for successful businessmen to believe that these were, in fact, the first 原則s of 経済的なs. But, one might ask, hadn't they learned in the classroom that 経済的なs is just a little more コンビナート／複合体 than that?

To this question there are two answers. The first is that mighty few of the 大君s of 1900 had ever 熟考する／考慮するd 経済的なs. Take, for instance, eight of the most successful of all: John D. Rockefeller, Carnegie, Harriman, and パン職人, whom we have just について言及するd; and also J. Pierpont Morgan, William Rockefeller, James Stillman, and H. H. Rogers. Of these eight, only Morgan had had anything approaching what we today would call a college education; he had spent two years at the University of G?tingen in Germany, where he had pretty certainly not 熟考する／考慮するd anything that we would now 分類する as 経済的なs. And it is doubtful if even in the prime of life many of these men, or of their innumerable 競争相手s and imitators, had much トラックで運ぶ with 経済的な science, or thought of professors of 経済的なs as anything but absurdly impractical 理論家s. A man who had come up in the world liked to 述べる himself as a 卒業生（する） of the School of Hard Knocks. Education was all 権利 in its way, and you sent your son to college if you could, if only because it was a good place to make useful 接触するs with the 権利 people; but these college professors knew nothing about 商売／仕事, which was a 戦場 for hard-爆撃するd 闘士，戦闘機s. And anyhow the 原則s laid 負かす／撃墜する by Ben Franklin, and somewhat foolishly 簡単にするd for boys by Horatio Alger, were fundamentally sound.

At the turn of the century there were, however, several hundred thousand Americans who had gone to college. Of these, a somewhat smaller number had gone to 会・原則s so up-to-date as to 含む 経済的なs in the curriculum. And a still smaller number had 現実に 熟考する／考慮するd the 支配する. What had they been taught about 経済的な life?

にもかかわらず the 成果／努力s of men like Richard T. Ely, Charles S. Walker, Simon N. Patten, and John Bates Clark, during the last ４半期/4分の1 of the nineteenth century, to modernize the science of 経済的なs and bring it into （許可，名誉などを）与える with the changing actualities of a new 財政上の and 産業の 時代, most of these college 卒業生（する）s had been indoctrinated with the theories of "classical" 経済的なs. These theories were supposed to explain how individual men, or groups of men, behaved when they bought and sold goods. The classical 経済学者s had been bemused with the notion that just as the physicists could expound the 法律s of nature which accounted for the 行為 of inanimate 事柄, so they themselves せねばならない be able to expound the 法律s of 経済的なs which accounted for the 行為 of 経済的な man in the market place: such as the 法律 of 供給（する） and 需要・要求する, the 法律 of 減らすing returns, and the 法律 that bad money 運動s out good. They assumed, for their theoretical 目的s, that any man, when he did 商売／仕事 in the market place, was animated 排他的に by 動機s of pecuniary self-利益／興味--in other words, by the selfish love of 伸び（る）. They assumed that, under normal circumstances, men thus 動機づけるd would tend in their buying and selling to produce an equilibrium of 供給（する） and 需要・要求する, その為に automatically 決定するing how much labor would earn, how much 管理／経営 would earn, and what would be the return on 投資するd 資本／首都. They might 収容する／認める, when 圧力（をかける）d, that man was in actual fact animated by a variety of 動機s, such as the 願望（する） to be in the swim, the 願望（する） to do the decent thing, the 願望（する） to look 首尾よく lavish. They might also 収容する／認める that the normal 操作／手術s of the market place were 存在 絶えず abnormalized by the 成果／努力s of pools, 信用s, and 持つ／拘留するing-company combinations to 施行する monopolies; that 戦う／戦いs between 競争相手 利益／興味s for the 在庫／株-market 支配（する）／統制する of this 所有物／資産／財産 or that had violent indirect 影響s on the course of other 商売／仕事s; that 関税s, and factory 法律s, and labor 衝突s altered or interrupted the 整然とした workings of 経済的な 法律. But such phenomena as these, they felt, were "異常な": it was better to 焦点（を合わせる） one's attention upon the normal course of the 恐らく self-規制するing markets. (It was somewhat as if 気象学者s should find it more 論理（学）の to concentrate upon the 行為 of 好天 than upon the 行為 of 嵐／襲撃するs.) その上に, such 現在の-day 概念s as those of the 国家の economy, the 国民所得, the 国家の 甚だしい／１２ダース 製品, and the interdependent 機能（する）／行事ing of 経済的な groups, had not yet entered their thinking; the 原則s they propounded dealt with the 行為 of individual, 独立した・無所属 部隊s of mankind.

Fascinated by the 法律s they had discovered, these classical 経済学者s tended to feel that anything which upset these 法律s was bad. In short, they taught the 経済的なs of laissez faire. Everything worked best when you let it alone. Even the gentlest and most amiable of men, for instance, would 布告する that "法律を制定する 干渉，妨害 with 給料 and hours" was "an abomination."

Nobody expounded the folly of tampering with the 法律s of 経済的なs more eloquently than Yale's 広大な／多数の／重要な teacher of political economy, the dynamic William Graham Sumner. In his 調書をとる／予約する What Social Classes 借りがある to Each Other, published in 1883, he had put the 改革者s to 大勝する. "The yearning after equality," he had written, "is the offspring of envy and covetousness, and there is no possible 計画（する） for 満足させるing that yearning which can do aught else than 略奪する A to give to B; その結果 all such 計画（する）s nourish some of the meanest 副／悪徳行為s of human nature, waste 資本／首都, and 倒す civilization."

This emphatically did not mean that Sumner was …に反対するd to a better life for everybody. On the contrary, as a man of high and generous 原則--he had begun his working life as a clergyman--he was heartily in 好意 of it. But he believed in the wider 拡張 of 適切な時期, not in changing the 支配するs under which 商売／仕事 was 行為／行うd. He argued that

instead of 努力するing to redistribute the 取得／買収s which have been made between the 存在するing classes, our 目的（とする） should be to 増加する, multiply, and 延長する the chances. Such is the work of civilization. Every old error or 乱用 which is 除去するd opens new chances for 開発 to all the new energy of society. Every 改良 in education, science, art or 政府 拡大するs the chances of man on earth. Such 拡大 is no 保証（人） of equality. On the contrary, if there be liberty, some will 利益（をあげる） by the chances 熱望して and some will neglect them altogether. Therefore, the greater the chances, the more unequal will be the fortune of these two 始める，決めるs of men. So it せねばならない be, in all 司法（官） and 権利 推論する／理由.

Sumner would not have argued that there were not some ways in which 法律制定 could 保護する the economically helpless. But he thought that most 改革（する） 法律制定 was conceived in ignorance and 草案d in folly. "You need not think it necessary," he would tell his Yale classes, "to have Washington 演習 a political providence over the country. God has done that a good 取引，協定 better by the 法律s of political economy."

Sumner was in dead earnest, just as John D. Rockefeller was when he said, "God gave me my money." The 法律s of 経済的なs were benign. All you needed to do was to let them work 邪魔されない. If they seemed to にわか雨 利益s upon one man while others scrabbled for crumbs outside the 支援する door of the restaurant, that was part of God's design.

The irony of the 状況／情勢 lay in the fact that for 世代s men had been tinkering with 経済的な 法律 to their own advantage, and in the 過程 had produced 会・原則s which were emphatically not God's work--as most of Sumner's hearers 推定では supposed them to be--but man's. The 会社／団体, for instance, was not an 発明 of God's. It was an 発明 of man's. It was a creature of the 明言する／公表する: its 特権s, its 制限s, were defined by 法律制定. As put to work for the furtherance of 産業 and 商売／仕事 in general, the 会社／団体 was one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 発明s of the nineteenth century: an 器具 of incalculable value. Yet, by taking adroit advantage of the 法律を制定する 行為／法令／行動するs which defined its 特権s, one could play 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の tricks with it. 法人組織の／企業の 装置s could be used to 許す A to 略奪する B--or, let us say, more charitably, to 許す A to drain off all the gravy in sight and leave 非，不，無 for B. And it was a little foolish to defend such 装置s on the ground that one must let 経済的な nature take its course.

It was 大部分は as a result of the 発見 of tricks that could be played with 会社／団体s, and 特に with their 資本／首都 在庫／株, that the wealth produced in such a tremendous 洪水／多発 at the turn of the century flowed in large 割合 into a few 井戸／弁護士席-placed 手渡すs. While the 注目する，もくろむs of boys in 経済的なs A were fastened upon the benignity of the 法律 of 供給（する） and 需要・要求する, the 注目する，もくろむs of 会社／団体 lawyers and their （弁護士の）依頼人s were fastened upon the benignity of the New Jersey 持つ／拘留するing-company 行為／法令／行動する. Most of these gentlemen would have regarded an 所得税, let us say, as a flat transgression by man of 経済的な 法律. But few of them regarded the 持つ／拘留するing-company 行為／法令／行動する in any such light, even though it made the theoretical rewards of 資本／首都, as defined by the classical 経済学者s, look trifling.

I once amused myself by 熟考する／考慮するing a number of Horatio Alger's stories to see how the young hero 最終的に became rich. 明確に, his 初期の steps up the ladder of success were the direct fruits of his own industrious labor. These might 解除する him from five dollars a week to ten dollars a week. But that was not やめる wealth. And I noticed that at the end of the 調書をとる／予約する he had a way of getting his 手渡すs on 資本／首都.

いつかs this 資本／首都 was 相続するd: the supposed 孤児, ragged though he was, 証明するd to be the son of a man whose 採掘 在庫／株, 以前 considered worthless, was good for $100,000. いつかs the 資本／首都 was a gift: the boy's pluck made such a good impression upon rich Mr. Vanderpool that the old fellow made over to him the $50,000 that the boy had helped him to save from the robbers. Or the boy befriended an 無効の gentleman in a Tacoma hotel, and out of 感謝 this gentleman gave him a part 利益／興味 in some house lots which 敏速に 急に上がるd in value. The method 変化させるd; but when the time （機の）カム for our hero to get into the money, it was a 処理／取引 in 資本／首都 which won the day for him.

Manifestly the lesson of these 調書をとる／予約するs was not supposed to be that hard work brings in but a pittance and that the way to 後継する is to stand in with the rich. The lesson was rather that 資本／首都 comes as a reward from heaven to him who labors mightily, puts his pennies in the 貯金 bank, and shuns the fleshpots. Work, save, be a good boy, and presently the 鉄道／強行採決する 在庫／株 will 落ちる into your （競技場の）トラック一周 and all will be 井戸／弁護士席.

Perhaps the Horatio Alger stories help to explain to us why it was that a 世代 of businessmen who 心から believed that wealth was the fruit of virtue and poverty the fruit of indolence, and that one should not tinker with 経済的な 法律, were 同時に 形態／調整ing 経済的な and social 会・原則s which often seemed to follow やめる different--and much more dynamic--原則s. Let us look at some of these 会・原則s.

In 1900 capitalism was capitalism indeed. 商売／仕事s were run by their owners, the people who had put up or had acquired the 資本／首都 with which to 財政／金融 them. There was very little of what Paul Hoffman has called the "diffusion of 決定／判定勝ち（する）-making 力／強力にする." It would have seemed wildly irrational that a man should manage the 運命s of a 会社／団体 while owning only a minute fraction of its 在庫／株, as so frequently happens today. Only two-thirds of the 製造（する）d 製品s of the country were made by 会社／団体s; the other third were made by 共同s or individual proprietors. No 会社／団体 in the country had over 60,000 株主s; American Telephone and Telegraph, which by 1951 could 誇る a million of them, had in 1900 only 7,535. The Pennsylvania 鉄道／強行採決する had 51,543; the Union 太平洋の, 14,256; 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel, すぐに after its 形式 in 1901, had 54,016. These, it must be understood, were の中で the big 在庫／株-market favorites of the day; in most 関心s, 所有権 was concentrated in far より小数の 手渡すs. 証言，証人／目撃する, for example, Carnegie's personal 持つ／拘留するing of 58 ¹/₂ per cent of the 在庫／株 of his 抱擁する Carnegie Steel Company.

The 長，率いる of a company was likely to be a man who had started with an idea and some money to 財政／金融 it--either his own money or his friends'; or else, if the 関心 were older, he might be the inheritor or purchaser of most of its 資本／首都 在庫／株. If the company were a large one whose 株 were 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）d on the 在庫／株 交流, he might have bought a controlling 利益／興味 in the course of 在庫／株-market 貿易（する）ing. In any 事例／患者 he was likely to have a sense of personal proprietorship which few 長，率いるs of 商売／仕事s 所有する today, except in small or young 関心s. And his freedom to do as he 本人自身で pleased with this working 所有物／資産／財産 of his was only わずかに 制限するd either by 法律 or by custom. The very idea of a "管理の 革命" would have been unintelligible to him. The 商売／仕事 belonged to him, didn't it?

In many 事例／患者s he felt that how he ran it was nobody else's 事件／事情／状勢. Some companies made ample 報告（する）／憶測s to their 少数，小数派 株主s, but others made scanty ones, and some made 非，不，無 at all. During the years between 1897 and 1905 the Westinghouse Company 明らかに held no 年次の 会合 of 株主s. The 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 表明する Company held no 会合s and made no 報告（する）／憶測, year after year. The American Sugar 精製するing Company--a big 関心 with over 10,000 株主s--報告（する）／憶測d nothing at all to them; all one could find out about its 操作／手術s was 含む／封じ込めるd in a balance sheet とじ込み／提出するd with the 国務長官 of Massachusetts in order that it might 持つ／拘留する its 法人組織の／企業の license to do 商売／仕事--and this balance sheet consisted 単に of four generalized items of 資産s and three of 義務／負債s. When John D. Archbold, who had 後継するd John D. Rockefeller as active 長，率いる of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 基準 Oil Company, got 持つ／拘留する of an 前進する copy of a 政治の 報告（する）／憶測 支持するing more publicity about 法人組織の／企業の 事件／事情／状勢s, he commented to 上院議員 Boies Penrose: "私的な 会社／団体s should not be 要求するd to make public items of 領収書s and 支出s, 利益（をあげる）s and losses. A 声明 of 資産s and 義務／負債s is all that can 利益 the public. Items of 領収書s and 支出s, 利益（をあげる）s and losses can only 利益 the competitors."

If even 少数，小数派 株主s had no 商売／仕事 to know what was going on, still いっそう少なく did the 政府 or the 法廷，裁判所s. The 記録，記録的な／記録するs of 政治の 調査s and of 法廷，裁判所 裁判，公判s during the last years of the nineteenth century are 十分な of instances of men 説 over and over again on the 証人席, as William Rockefeller did in a 鉄道／強行採決する 率 事例／患者, "I 拒絶する／低下する to answer on advice of counsel." In this particular 事例／患者 the lawyer who was 尋問 him 追求するd the 事柄, and the に引き続いて colloquy took place:

"On the ground that the answer will 罪を負わせる you?"

"I 拒絶する／低下する to answer on advice of counsel."

"Or is it that the answer will 支配する you to some 没収?"

"I 拒絶する／低下する to answer on the advice of counsel."

"Do you 拒絶する／低下する on the ground that the answer will 不名誉 you?"

"I 拒絶する／低下する to answer on the advice of counsel."

"Did your counsel tell you to stick to that one answer?"

"I 拒絶する／低下する to answer on the advice of counsel."

There was a general laugh, in which Rockefeller himself joined. But he was not 簡単に amusing himself. Nor was he やむを得ず covering up anything 特に wrong. He was 妨げるing people from sticking their 長，率いるs into what was not their 商売／仕事, but 私的な 商売／仕事; and this should be secret.

There had long been professional 在庫／株-market 操作者s who had bought and sold the 支配（する）／統制する of 商売／仕事s--of 鉄道／強行採決するs 特に--almost as if they were 反対するs in a game. These 操作者s might be やめる innocent of any 関心 about the company's actual 操作／手術s, and might 利益／興味 themselves only in making a 利益（をあげる） in buying and selling it. The greatest 鉄道／強行採決する enterpriser of the 早期に years of the twentieth century, E. H. Harriman, had begun his career as a stockbroker, and had first got into 鉄道／強行採決するing when he bought a controlling 利益／興味 in the 株 of a weak 鉄道／強行採決する with the idea of renovating the 所有物／資産／財産 and selling it at a 利益（をあげる） to either the Pennsylvania or the New York Central--which he did a few years later. That was one way of operating; there were others of a いっそう少なく laudable nature. One favorite one, of which the most formidable practitioner had been Jay Gould, was to buy 支配（する）／統制する of a company, then 原因（となる） it to make 契約s which sucked money out of its 財務省 into some other 関心 to which one had personal 接近; and then, after thus squeezing the juice out of it, to sell out, leaving the company a 財政上の 難破させる. During the latter half of the nineteenth century many 悪賢い 仲買人s had bought, used, and thrown away 鉄道／強行採決する 所有物／資産／財産s almost as casually as if they were paper cups.

If one got proper 合法的な advice, or could 賄賂 a 裁判官 to decide in one's 好意, one could do this sort of thing time after time without running afoul of the 法律, and without incurring much public disfavor except の中で the people whose lives and fortunes had been 直接／まっすぐに brought to 廃虚 by one's 活動／戦闘. The 態度 の中で other 国民s was likely to be, "井戸／弁護士席, I don't think I'd do a thing like that if I were in his place, but after all you've got to 収容する／認める that he's smart."

目だつ の中で those who played games with 資本／首都 were the 在庫／株-market 相場師s and manipulators--men to whom a company was not the people who managed and worked for it, or its buildings and machines, or the 製品s which these turned out, but 単に the 安全s which 代表するd its 所有権, and the succession of 人物／姿／数字s on the 在庫／株-market ticker which 反映するd the going value of these 安全s. Listen to Henry Clews's account of how the "基準 Oil （人が）群がる," a group of 相場師s 長，率いるd by Archbold and Rogers of the 基準 Oil Company, so cannily bought and sold the 株 of other 関心s--which often had nothing at all to do with the oil 商売／仕事--that they could manipulate prices at will. Clews was no muckracker, but a stalwart defender of 塀で囲む Street and its ways. But even he was awed by the 思索的な success of these men:

With them, [wrote Clews a few years after the twentieth century opened] 巧みな操作 has 中止するd to be 憶測. Their 資源s are so 広大な that they need only to concentrate upon any given 所有物／資産／財産 ーするために do with it what they please. . . . They are the greatest 操作者s the world has ever seen, and the beauty of their method is the quietness and 欠如（する） of ostentation with which they carry it on. There are no gallery plays, there are no 脅す 長，率いるs in the newspapers, there is no wild 緊急発進する or excitement. With them the 過程 is 漸進的な, 徹底的な, and 安定した, with never a waver or break. How much money this group of men have made it is impossible even to 見積（る）. That it is a sum beside which the 伸び（る） of the most daring 相場師 of the past was a mere bagatelle is putting the 事例／患者 mildly. And there is an utter absence of chance that is terrible to 熟視する／熟考する.

いつかs the 成果／努力s of two competing groups of men to get 支配（する）／統制する of a given 所有物／資産／財産 by means of buying on the 在庫／株 交流 had convulsive 影響s. In the spring of 1901, for instance, the Morgan 軍隊s and the Harriman 軍隊s were both trying to acquire the Burlington 鉄道／強行採決する--Morgan, in order to 補足（する） the Northern 太平洋の system, which his group controlled; Harriman, ーするために 補足（する） his Union 太平洋の system. Harriman conceived the bold idea of 遂行するing this end by buying the 支配（する）／統制する of the Northern 太平洋の itself out of his unwary 競争相手s' 手渡すs. He bought Northern 太平洋の 在庫／株 静かに and 速く. The Morgan 軍隊s, taking belated alarm, in turn bought furiously. 非常に／多数の 塀で囲む Street 相場師s, seeing what looked to them like an unwarranted rise in the price of Northern 太平洋の 在庫／株, sold short (that is, sold Northern 太平洋の 在庫／株 which they didn't own, in the hopes of buying it later at a lower price for その後の 配達／演説／出産). The result was that the Morgan and Harriman 軍隊s, between them, bought more 在庫／株 than 存在するd. The price of Northern 太平洋の on the ticker leaped to 1,000; there was a panic as the frantic short 販売人s sold everything they 所有するd in order to save themselves.

To us today such a 原因（となる） for panic would be 信じられない; the 操作／手術s of the 株式市場 are so hedged about with 制限s that nothing of the sort could happen. But in 1901 the 買い手s and 販売人s of 資本／首都 could do almost as they pleased with it, no 事柄 how much 損失 a 衝突／不一致 between them might bring about.

Most businessmen believed in 競争--theoretically. But in practice there was a ceaseless search for ways in which to 妨げる it, so that 競争相手 companies in an 産業 might all jack up their prices and 大きくする their 利益（をあげる）s. Again and again the 長，率いるs of さまざまな steel companies, let us say, would form a "pool"--make an 協定 not to sell below a 確かな price. But often--as one industrialist put it--such 協定s lasted only as long as it took the quickest man in the group to get to a telegraph office and 引用する a lower price ーするために 得る，とらえる 商売／仕事 from the others. So the search went on for a way of making 協定s that would stick.

In 1879 John D. Rockefeller's lawyer, Samuel C. T. Dodd, 設立する one. He got the owners of forty different oil companies to put their 在庫／株 into the 手渡すs of a group of trustees (長，率いるd by Rockefeller), who could then operate all forty companies as a 部隊, 非難する what they pleased and 軍隊ing their competitors to the 塀で囲む; hence the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "信用." During the eighteen-eighties there appeared a sugar 信用, a butcher 信用, a rubber 信用, and many others. But so ferocious was the 激しい抗議 of 抗議する from 競争相手 businessmen against the 信用s--and from the gouged public too--that the 立法議員s went to work to 無法者 such practices, the most famous of their 法律を制定する 製品s 存在 the Sherman 独占禁止の 行為／法令／行動する of 1890.

Yet even this 障害 to the consolidation of competing 商売／仕事s did no more than 延期する the 傾向 一時的に. For a 最高裁判所 同情的な with big 商売／仕事 解釈する／通訳するd the 行為／法令／行動する very 辛うじて for many years. And anyhow, 一方／合間 another lawyer had made another 法人組織の／企業の 発明.

In 1889 the 知事 of New Jersey had asked a lawyer 指名するd James B. Dill to 示唆する a way of fattening the 明言する／公表する's 財務省. Dill had 示唆するd that a neat way to do this would be to pass a New Jersey 法律 permitting companies 会社にする／組み込むd in New Jersey to buy and 持つ／拘留する the 在庫／株 of other 会社／団体s--something which up to that time had 一般に been held 違法な. The New Jersey 立法機関 行為／法令／行動するd; there was a 急ぐ to 会社にする／組み込む companies in New Jersey; the 明言する／公表する accordingly made a lot of money out of 合併／会社設立 料金s. And before long a new 時代 of American capitalism began.

For now a group of competing companies no longer needed to form a 信用 ーするために 連合させる themselves into a 巨大（な） 関心 which would 命令（する） the market and choke off 競争. They could 組織する a new 会社／団体, a 持つ／拘留するing company which would buy the 在庫／株 of their さまざまな companies--or, more 厳密に, 交流 its 株 for theirs--and this 持つ／拘留するing company would thereupon 支配（する）／統制する the 操作／手術s of all of them.

During the last years of the nineteenth century there was a furious 疫病／流行性の of 持つ／拘留するing-company 合併／会社設立s, and it 激怒（する）d most spectacularly in the steel 産業. The 製造業者s of wire got together to form the American Steel & Wire Company. Another group of 生産者s got together to form the American Tube Company; another, to form the American Tin Plate Company, and so on. At last, in the winter of 1900-1901, the combinations in turn 連合させるd. A new 最高の-持つ／拘留するing company was 組織するd which 交流d its 株 for those of these new 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd 関心s--and even bought, too, the 支配（する）／統制する of Andrew Carnegie's hitherto 独立した・無所属 steel company, and also some Rockefeller アイロンをかける 地雷s--thus bringing into one 広大な 部隊 about three-fifths of the steel 生産／産物 of the entire country. This new 巨大（な） was called the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel 会社／団体. It was breathtakingly 抱擁する--the biggest 商売／仕事 部隊 that the world had ever seen.

The 急ぐ to form such 持つ／拘留するing-company combinations, not only in the steel 産業 but どこかよそで too, was enormously 加速するd by the fact that you could make big money out of them, and quickly. For it was discovered that the public could be encouraged to buy the 株 of the combinations at prices far 越えるing the total prices of the 株 of the individual 構成要素 companies. Each time there was a combination, the value of 株 leaped. A man who had held the controlling 利益／興味 in a small steel company--perhaps a struggling one--suddenly 設立する himself the owner of a 価値のある 封鎖する of 株 of, let us say, American Tin Plate; and then, only a couple of years later, of a far more 価値のある 封鎖する of 株 of 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel. Millions of dollars appeared as if from nowhere and fell into his 手渡すs. No wonder that Pittsburgh was 十分な of new millionaires; that the city became, as Herbert N. Casson put it, "a Klondike for artists, 調書をとる／予約する スパイ／執行官s, curio 売買業者s, and merchants who had expensive gewgaws for sale"; and that one of the 受益者s of the consolidation にわか景気 "ordered a special brand of half-dollar cigars made in Cuba, each with his 指名する and coat of 武器 on the wrapper." The 銀行業者s and promoters who 開始する，打ち上げるd the new 問題／発行するs of 在庫／株 of these 広大な／多数の／重要な combinations 利益（をあげる）d even more hugely. The total 利益（をあげる） of the 企業連合（する） which put 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel on the market （機の）カム to about $60,000,000, of which the 株 of J. P. Morgan & Company, which managed the 広大な／多数の／重要な 処理／取引, （機の）カム to at least $12,000,000.

One could argue that the inflated value put upon the 在庫／株 of these new monsters of 産業 was やめる unjustified; that what these 抱擁する 利益（をあげる）s 代表するd was a capitalization of the hoped-for 収入 capacity of the new companies for a １０年間 or even a 世代 to come. One could argue that the basic 目的（とする） of such consolidations was 簡単に monopoly, and in some 事例／患者s the result certainly was monopoly, though not in all. But another idea was working too; the idea of 統合，差別撤廃, of making a 選び出す／独身 efficient 部隊 out of a multiplicity of fragments. Although the public 激しい抗議 against what people still called "the 信用s" continued, and although now there was a rising 公式文書，認める of 恐れる in it--the 恐れる that big 商売／仕事 would 伸び（る） such a stranglehold on the country that the small enterpriser would be stifled--にもかかわらず there was a magnificence about these new 巨大（な）s of 産業 that 刺激するd 賞賛 along with 恐れる. For by 統合するing 操作／手術s and cutting costs, the new 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd companies opened the way to economical 集まり 生産／産物. In the 過程 of playing 高度に remunerative games with the 記念品s that 代表するd 資本／首都, the 銀行業者s and the steel men had introduced into America something new: twentieth-century 産業, undisciplined still, but 十分な of 約束.

Two more things remain to be 公式文書，認めるd about the 巨大（な） 会社／団体s. One is that in their 形式, individual men of wealth, as against 会・原則s, played a part far bigger than would be 推定する／予想するd today. For instance, the 企業連合（する） which 開始する，打ち上げるd the 問題／発行する of Steel 会社／団体 在庫／株 in the spring of 1901 含むd だいたい three hundred 関係者s. Of the twenty-six 主要な ones, only four were 会・原則s (J. P. Morgan & Co., the First 国家の Bank of New York, the New York 安全 & 信用 Co., and Kidder, Peabody & Co. of Boston); the remaining twenty-two were individuals. The four 主要な members were all individuals: the two Moore brothers, William H. and James H.; William B. 物陰／風下d; and Daniel G. Reid. American 商売／仕事 was not as institutionalized as it is today; the rich man counted for more, the rich 会・原則 for いっそう少なく.

The other thing to be 公式文書，認めるd is the sort of men these combinations brought to the 最高の，を越す. Take this new Steel 会社／団体, for instance. Andrew Carnegie, who had been first and 真っ先の a steel 製造業者, was out of it. The 支配的な 人物／姿／数字 in it was not a steel 製造業者, but a 銀行業者--J. Pierpont Morgan. And his 権利-手渡す man was not a steel 製造業者 まず第一に／本来, but a 会社／団体 lawyer--裁判官 Elbert H. Gary.

I have said that in that age of unbridled capitalism, a company was run by the man who owned it, and he tended to be its personal proprietor. But unless he was 圧倒的に successful, and also astute enough to 骨折って進む his 利益（をあげる）s 支援する into the 所有物／資産／財産--as Henry Ford did some years later--there was one group of men of whom he stood in awe: the 銀行業者s. They 命令（する）d the credit he might need to tide him over lean seasons; and if he had to 再編成する his company or to sell 社債s or 在庫／株 to 投資家s, they had the 力／強力にする and prestige in the 財政上の world to 供給する--or 否定する--a market for his 安全s. To 命令（する） 資本／首都 was even more important than to own 資本／首都.

There was also, during the 疫病／流行性の of 持つ／拘留するing-company consolidation, another 種類 of 実業家 who 発射 into new prominence: the promoter. This man was a sort of marriage 仲買人 for 会社／団体s. He might know little about steel, for instance, but be able to bring steel companies together. He knew how to 説得する and 脅す their owners into 連合させるing, and he knew what were the 連続する steps that had to be taken to get the new 持つ／拘留するing company 始める，決める up. There was also the 会社／団体 lawyer, who knew the necessary 合法的な 装置s. ("What looks like a 石／投石する 塀で囲む to a layman," said Finley Peter Dunne's Mr. Dooley, "is a triumphal arch to a 会社／団体 lawyer.") Morgan was both a promoter and a 銀行業者; Gary was both a promoter and a 会社／団体 lawyer. The 銀行業者 and his lawyer 補佐官 were becoming the 統括するing geniuses of big 商売／仕事.

Indeed as the twentieth century began Pierpont Morgan was becoming by all 半端物s the most powerful 人物／姿／数字 in the American world of 商売／仕事, if not the most powerful 国民 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. He controlled, or at least was 高度に 影響力のある in, the 会社／団体s that ran a number of the most important 鉄道／強行採決するs of the land; not because he was a 鉄道／強行採決する man, for he was not, but because he was a master of the art of 財政上の 再組織, and when big 鉄道／強行採決するs got into 財政上の trouble, as many of them did during the 不景気 of the eighteen-nineties, he was the man who could best put them on their feet again--partly by 推論する／理由 of the wealth that his 会社／堅い 直接／まっすぐに 命令（する）d, partly by 推論する／理由 of his 広大な／多数の／重要な prestige and moral 軍隊 in 塀で囲む Street, and partly by 推論する／理由 of his 評判 for 主張するing upon proper 管理／経営 of any 所有物／資産／財産 for which he had raised money. When Morgan 再編成するd a 鉄道／強行採決する company he either called the tune from then on, or else listened to the tune and 介入するd if he didn't like the sound of it. He was also a 力／強力にする の中で 銀行業者s; 徐々に he and his partners were becoming major factors in the 政策s of many of the 主要な banking houses of New York. And now, in 1901, he had become the 中心人物 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な steel 産業, and was looking about for more worlds to 監督する. His 当局 was vague, but it was 巨大な--and growing.

This gruff, 雷鳴ing, awe-奮起させるing man with the hideous red nose and the piercing 注目する，もくろむs--this 銀行業者, promoter, churchman, art collector, ヨット操縦者, and philanthropist--this inwardly shy, 深く，強烈に 宗教的な, 辛うじて patrician, and boldly 企業ing gentleman was no 信奉者 in 競争. Morgan seemed to feel that the 商売／仕事 機械／機構 of America should be honestly and decently managed by a few of the best people, people like his friends and associates. He liked combination, order, the efficiency of big 商売／仕事 部隊s; and he liked them to operate in a large, bold, 今後-looking way. He disapproved of the 思索的な ギャング（団）s who 急落（する），激減（する）d in and out of the market, heedless of the 所有物／資産／財産s they were toying with, as did the 基準 Oil （人が）群がる. When he put his 資源s behind a company, he 推定する／予想するd to stay with it; this, he felt, was how a gentleman behaved. His 正直さ was solid as a 激しく揺する, and he said, "A man I do not 信用 could not get money from me on all the 社債s in Christiandom." That Morgan was a mighty 軍隊 for decent 財政／金融 is unquestionable. But so also is the fact that he was a mighty 軍隊 working toward the 集中 into a few 手渡すs of 当局 over more and more of American 商売／仕事.

When in the spring of 1901 the news broke that he had formed the Steel 会社／団体, there was a 公式文書，認める of 狼狽 in the comment even of 保守的な 国民s. 大統領 Hadley of Yale said in a speech that unless some way could be 設立する to 規制する such 信用s, there would be "an emperor in Washington within twenty-five years." John Brisben Walker, editor of the Cosmopolitan Magazine, which was then a 定期刊行物 of public 事件／事情／状勢s, wrote that between the lines of the Steel 会社／団体 告示 could be read these words: "The old 競争の激しい system, with its ruinous methods, its countless duplications, its wastefulness of human 成果／努力, and its relentless 商売／仕事 戦争, is hereby 廃止するd." Others 恐れるd that if the 傾向 toward consolidation continued, the public would 反逆者／反逆する and embrace 社会主義. Said the Boston 先触れ（する） editorially, "If a 限られた／立憲的な 財政上の group shall come to 代表する the capitalistic end of 産業, the 危険，危なくするs of 社会主義, even if brought about by a somewhat rude, because forcible, taking of the 器具s of 産業, may be looked upon even by intelligent people as かもしれない the lesser of two evils." The Philadelphia Evening Telegraph likewise 恐れるd the 結局の coming of "one of the greatest social and political 激変s that has been 証言，証人／目撃するd in modern history."

What irony that the 革命 which these 観察者／傍聴者s 恐れるd should indeed have taken place--but not in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs! It has often been 公式文書，認めるd that when the orators of Moscow berate American capitalism and turn their 悪口雑言 upon 塀で囲む Street, they are a couple of 世代s out of date; one might say, more 特に, that a typical 共産主義者 propagandist of the nineteen-fifties sounds 正確に／まさに as if he were 反応するing 怒って to the news in the morning papers of March 3, 1901.

On that date there were true grounds for uneasiness. To a 世代 whose 経済的な thinking had been running in the grooves 直す／買収する，八百長をするd by Benjamin Franklin and Horatio Alger and the classical 経済学者s, it was disquieting enough to see the masters of 資本／首都 using new 器具s and 装置s to 始める，決める at naught the 伝統的な 経済的なs of man-to-man 取引ing. It was more unsettling still to see them 明らかに moving, in what had been a political 僕主主義, toward the mastery of America.

一時期／支部 5

政府 on the Sidelines

And what, one may ask, was the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 政府 doing while these portentous events were 進行中で?

It is hard for us, today, to realize how small the 政府 was in 1900, and how 限られた／立憲的な in its 機能（する）／行事s and 力／強力にするs. It spent 概略で half a billion dollars a year, about one-eightieth of what it was 運命にあるd to spend half a century later (even before the Korean war stepped up the 予算). In fact, the 連邦の 政府 in 1900 spent かなり いっそう少なく money than New York 明言する／公表する did in 1950. The 国家の 負債 量d to only a little over a billion and a ４半期/4分の1 dollars--about one two-hundredth of the 1950 負債 of 257 billions. Even when one makes allowance for the 減らすd value of the dollar and for the way in which 連邦の expenses and 特に the 連邦の 負債 have been swollen since 1900 by wars and 弁護 支出s, those are incredibly small 人物／姿／数字s by today's 基準s.

The 政府 had no Department of 商業, no Department of Labor, no 連邦の 貿易（する） （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, no 連邦の Reserve System. The 推論する／理由 was simple: 商売／仕事 was supposed to be no 事件／事情／状勢 of the 政府's. It had an Interstate 商業 （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, which was supposed to 規制する the 鉄道／強行採決する companies, but the 力／強力にするs of the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 were small and uncertain. Even the Sherman 独占禁止の 行為／法令／行動する had been whittled 負かす／撃墜する by 最高裁判所 決定／判定勝ち（する）s into a feeble 器具 for the 維持／整備 of 競争 in 商売／仕事; and during the year 1900 the 司法長官 brought not one 選び出す／独身 控訴 under that 法律.

As for the White House, we have it on the 当局 of "Ike" Hoover, who was long the 長，指導者 勧める, that when he began work there in the 早期に nineties "the whole (n)役員／(a)執行力のある office staff, which was then 住所／本籍d in the White House proper, consisted of but ten people, and four of these were doorkeepers and messengers." There could not have been many more in 1900. What a contrast to 1950, when the 従業員s of the White House office numbered 295, and those who worked for what was technically known as the "(n)役員／(a)執行力のある Office of the 大統領"--含むing not only the White House office but the Bureau of the 予算, the 会議 of 経済的な 助言者s, the 国家の 安全 会議, the 国家の 安全 資源s Board, and so 前へ／外へ--totaled no いっそう少なく than 1,335, and 占領するd most of the architecturally profuse building which in McKinley's time had comfortably housed the 明言する／公表する, War, and 海軍 Departments!

Two or three examples may illustrate how incidental was the 役割 of the 政府 in 商売／仕事 事件／事情／状勢s. In 1895 its gold reserve was slipping away and it 猛烈に needed a 貸付金 of money to enable it to buy more gold with which to buttress its 危うくするd 通貨. It turned, in this 緊急, to the strongest 私的な 銀行業者 in the country, who was of course Pierpont Morgan; only he had the 財政上の prestige to 保証する the 銀行業者s and the men of means that they might 安全に lend to the 政府. Washington without 塀で囲む Street's 援助（する） was helpless.

Twelve years later, in 1907, there was a bank panic which 中心d in New York. A 一連の 目だつ bank 失敗s had 土台を崩すd public 信用／信任, depositors were 製図／抽選 out their money 権利 and left, and once again strong 対策 were needed to 回復する 信用／信任 and order. Again it was Pierpont Morgan who （機の）カム to the 救助（する）, bringing the bank 大統領，／社長s together in 会合 after 会合, and through the sheer strength of his 評判 and the 軍隊 of his will bulldozing them into making 貸付金s which tided the 弱めるd banks through the 危機. During that 緊急 the 大統領 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was 権力のない to do anything. The 財務長官 was hardly more than one of Morgan's minor 補佐官s. There were no 連邦の Reserve 基金s to be drawn upon, nor any other 連邦の 機械／機構 適する to help. In 影響 the strong man of 塀で囲む Street served as the 組織者 of a 私的な, voluntary, 国家の reserve system.

Or take the 活動／戦闘 of 大統領 Theodore Roosevelt in ending the 無煙炭 coal strike of 1902 by 調停するing between the coal 操作者s and the 部隊d 地雷 労働者s. For １０年間s now we have been so accustomed to seeing 管理／経営 and labor going to Washington--or 存在 dragged to Washington--to settle their major 論争s that it is hard for us to realize that in 1902 the 解決／入植地 of a strike by the 大統領 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was 絶対 without precedent. When Roosevelt 招待するd the 操作者s and union leaders to Washington, some 観察者／傍聴者s were 好意的に impressed; the strike had already been going on for months, the price of 無煙炭 coal had climbed sky high, and as winter approached there was already 激しい 苦しむing. What a 罰金 thing for the 大統領 to try to end the 危機, thought these 国民s, even if it wasn't really any of his 商売／仕事! Not so the 保守的な 圧力（をかける）. The New York Sun called Roosevelt's 提案 "驚くべき／特命の／臨時の" and "dangerous." And said the New York 定期刊行物 of 商業:

The 大統領's course . . . magnifies before the public the importance and 力／強力にする of the unions, casts an unwarranted stigma upon the position and 権利s of the 操作者s, and 追加するs a 貿易（する）s-union 問題／発行する to the many unwelcome politico-経済的な questions of the hour. . . . Worse by far than any possible strike is Mr. Roosevelt's seemingly uncontrollable penchant for impulsive self-侵入占拠.

It was during this strike that the 主要な 代表者／国会議員 of the coal 操作者s, George F. Baer, sent his famous lines of 保証／確信 to a worried 居住（者） of Wilkes-Barre. "The 権利s and 利益／興味s of the laboring man," wrote Baer, "will be 保護するd and cared for--not by the labor agitators, but by the Christian men to whom God in his infinite 知恵 has given 支配（する）／統制する of the 所有物／資産／財産 利益／興味s of the country."

When the coal 操作者s 直面するd the 大統領 in 会議／協議会 in Washington, their 態度 toward him was one of "熟考する／考慮するd insolence," to borrow 示す Sullivan's phrase. They took the position that the strikers were 無法者s, 犯罪の conspirators against the 権利s of 所有物／資産／財産. As Baer himself put it, "The 義務 of the hour is not to waste time 交渉するing with the fomentors of this anarchy." Roosevelt 後継するd in 設立するing a basis for the 解決／入植地 of the strike, but throughout the 交渉s he was profoundly aware that he had no 力／強力にする at all to 介入する. What he was doing was やめる outside the normal 州 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 政府.

But that was in 1902 and Theodore Roosevelt was an adventurous man. In 1900 his 前任者, the stately William McKinley, sat in the White House, and McKinley was a man of discretion, who wouldn't have dreamed of trying to settle a strike. McKinley took a different 見解（をとる） of the 機能（する）／行事s of the 連邦の 政府. He believed, やめる 心から, that the 政府 oughtn't to 介入する in 商売／仕事 事件／事情／状勢s unless 犯罪の activities were 伴う／関わるd (and there were mighty few activities which the 法律s then defined as 犯罪の); instead, the 政府 せねばならない serve 商売／仕事 to the extent of its modest capacity.

Nobody has 述べるd McKinley better than William Allen White, who as a young 新聞記者／雑誌記者 interviewed him at his home in Canton, Ohio, on a warm day in the summer of 1901. McKinley, said White, sat

in a large 茎 veranda 議長，司会を務める in a lightweight dark alpaca coat and trousers, with a 二塁打-breasted white vest adorned only by his watch chain, with a dark purple four-in-手渡す necktie meticulously arranged; a 激しい man five feet ten or eleven インチs tall but never paunchy, with a バーレル／樽 torso, a large 長，率いる and 直面する, 深く，強烈に 削減（する） though not finely chiseled features--but without 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, blemish, wrinkle, or 調印する of care and 悲しみ upon the smooth, sculptured contour of his countenance. I was sweating, for it was a hot day. He was stainless, spotless, 明らかに inwardly 冷静な／正味の and outwardly unruffled.

McKinley was dignified and courtly, with such a built-in reserve that White felt that somewhere 支援する in his 青年 he had "buttoned himself up." When a photographer arrived to take the 大統領's picture, McKinley laid aside his cigar, 説 gently, "We must not let the young men of this country see their 大統領 smoking!"

Behind this frock-coated statue of 市民の righteousness, as he 統括するd over 政治の 事件／事情／状勢s, stood the stalwart 共和国の／共和党の leader, 示す Hanna, a solid, forthright, outspoken, generous, very human man who genuinely admired McKinley, somewhat as a sales 経営者／支配人 might admire a noble though impractical bishop, and took delight in showing him what practical course he should 追求する. Hanna was a 繁栄する 製造業者, a 上院議員 from Ohio, and chairman of the 共和国の／共和党の 国家の 委員会. He knew 井戸／弁護士席 how to raise money from the rich and 特権d. Temperamentally he was in 十分な （許可，名誉などを）与える with the big 製造業者s, and at 緩和する with the big 銀行業者s. He felt that whatever served them served the country. Within the 限界s of feasible statesmanship, he was their earnest and 充てるd servant.

In the 大統領の （選挙などの）運動をする of 1900 McKinley was …に反対するd by William Jennings Bryan, whom he had already 敗北・負かすd in 1896. Bryan was no demagogue but a 本物の lover of the people, a good man, an honest man, a natural defender of human 権利s. He had a shallow and opinionated mind, but he had also a magical gift of speech. In those days when there was no 無線で通信する and no television and when oratory was a 広範囲にわたって 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がるd art, there was no one who could 持つ／拘留する and sway an audience as Bryan could. There are men still living who 解任する how they （機の）カム to some 郡-seat 会合 to hear him speak, and how they stirred restlessly on the hard （法廷の）裁判s during the 予選 演説（する）／住所s; how when Bryan began they listened with 懐疑心; and how the 組織／臓器 トンs of his glorious 広大な／多数の／重要な 発言する／表明する and the rise and 落ちる of his rhetorical cadences so 逮捕（する）d them that when, at last, he （機の）カム to the end of his peroration, they 設立する themselves hardly able to move their cramped muscles: for two hours they had sat motionless under the （一定の）期間 of his silver tongue.

Bryan based his 1900 （選挙などの）運動をする 主として on the 問題／発行する of anti-帝国主義, arguing that the islands which had fallen into American 手渡すs as a result of the Spanish War should be 配達するd to their inhabitants. He also inveighed against the 信用s, recommending that 会社／団体s be 支配する to 連邦の licensing, and he even 提案するd an 所得税; but his しっかり掴む of 経済的なs was insecure, and although millions of Americans were troubled about the 信用s, Bryan failed to 点火（する） them fully. For 1900 was a year when many of them had more money in their pockets than they had had for many a season. 示す Hanna had said before the （選挙などの）運動をする, "All we need to do is to stand pat," その為に giving 通貨 to a phrase that has reverberated through American politics ever since; and Hanna's 予測 had been sound. McKinley, the 勝利者 of the war against Spain, the majestic embodiment both of America's new importance in world 事件／事情／状勢s and of the new 繁栄, won without difficulty; and 示す Hanna made ready to serve big 商売／仕事 for four more years.

Indeed as Hanna scanned the skies during the last weeks of 1900 there was only one cloud on the horizon: the man chosen by the 共和国の／共和党の 国家の 条約 as its 候補者 for 副／悪徳行為-大統領, the rambunctious Rough Rider of San Juan Hill, the 予測できない young 知事 of New York, Theodore Roosevelt. As 知事 this Roosevelt had been as 穏やかな in his 態度 toward 商売／仕事 as another Roosevelt was 運命にあるd to be in the same office a 世代 later; but he was 独立した・無所属, he wouldn't stay tethered, and Hanna 不信d him. "Don't any of you realize," Hanna had 爆発するd to another 上院議員 at the 条約, "that there's only one life between that madman and the 大統領／総裁などの地位?"

What White called "the 同盟 between 政府 and 商売／仕事 for the 利益 of 商売／仕事" was an honest love 事件／事情／状勢 to Hanna. He felt that if the path were made 平易な for the 広大な／多数の／重要な 会社／団体s to do as they pleased, the riches which they 蓄積するd would filter 負かす／撃墜する to the いっそう少なく fortunate, and that any 試みる／企てる to change the 支配するs of the game except to give the 広大な／多数の／重要な 会社／団体s even more 適切な時期 to 栄える would open the way to demagoguery, 暴徒 支配する, and 破壊. With others the 同盟 was not a 事柄 of emotional affinity or of 有罪の判決, but of 購入（する） and sale--the 売春 of 政府 団体／死体s for 好意s and cash. Big 会社／団体s 前進するd their 利益／興味s not only by making sizable （選挙などの）運動をする 出資／貢献s--often to both parties--but also by 補助金を支給するing or 賄賂ing 立法議員s and even 裁判官s.

鉄道／強行採決する companies 問題／発行するd 解放する／自由な passes to 国会議員s, 公式の／役人s, 新聞記者／雑誌記者s, and their families. At one 明言する／公表する 資本／首都 after another, 会社／団体 lobbyists with 井戸／弁護士席-filled pockets were ready to go into 活動／戦闘 whenever there was a 脅し of 逆の 法律制定 or a hope of 都合のよい 法律制定. And as for the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 上院--whose members were at that time elected, not by the people, but by these amenable 明言する／公表する 立法機関s--it had become the 長，指導者 citadel for the 弁護 of 特権. Most of the 上院議員s were either rich men or carefully selected 同盟（する）s and messenger boys of the rich; they could 配達する orotund speeches about the "十分な dinner pail" for the workman, but their hearts were with the big 株主.

To 引用する once more from William Allen White's autobiography, written long years later:

上院議員s elected in the days when machines and the 所有権 of machines were passing into the 手渡すs of a class-conscious, 組織するd plutocracy had no 義務s to the people of their 明言する／公表する. . . . In Kansas, it was the 鉄道／強行採決するs. In western Massachusetts, it was 織物s. In eastern Massachusetts, it was the banks. In New York, it was amalgamated 産業. In Montana, it was 巡査. But the 力／強力にする which developed and controlled any 明言する／公表する went to New York for its borrowed 資本／首都, and New York controlled the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 上院. . . . The grade of 上院議員s, as far as 知能 went, was higher than the grade which the people selected, but on the whole and by and large it was not a 代表者／国会議員 政府. Only a 少数，小数派 of the people of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs had any 支配（する）／統制する over the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 上院. And that 少数，小数派 was 利益／興味d in its own predatory designs.

If a 上院議員 or 下院議員 needed a little 説得／派閥, there were ways of 供給するing it. Perhaps the neatest demonstration of the art of this sort of 説得／派閥 is to be 設立する in the political correspondence of John D. Archbold, the active 長，率いる of the 基準 Oil Company, which was stolen from his とじ込み／提出するs and made public by Hearst in 1908.

This correspondence showed 下院議員 Sibley of Pennsylvania, Archbold's 長，指導者 スパイ／執行官 in Washington, 令状ing to say, "A 共和国の／共和党の 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 上院議員 （機の）カム to me today to make a 貸付金 of $1000. I told him I did not have it but would try to get it for him in a day or two. Do you want to make the 投資?"

It showed 上院議員 Joseph B. Foraker of Ohio getting $44,000 from 基準 Oil in four 連続する 証明書s of deposit sent by Archbold (which Foraker later （人命などを）奪う，主張するd were retainers); and it showed Archbold subsequently 令状ing Foraker about an "objectionable 法案" that needed "to be looked after."

It showed Archbold 令状ing on several occasions to 知事s to 勧める them, if "一貫した," to 任命する 裁判官 So-and-so to fill the vacancy in such-and-such a 法廷，裁判所. "It is not necessary for me to dwell upon 裁判官 Henderson's 能力s. They are undoubtedly 井戸／弁護士席 known to you," wrote Archbold on one occasion. 穏やかな words, to which nobody could take exception. Have not 国民s the 権利 to 示唆する appropriate 候補者s for high office? Yet no 知事 could 行方不明になる the sharp point of the request. This was a 地位，任命する in which 基準, in return for 好意s past or 未来, must have a man whose 決定／判定勝ち（する）s could be counted upon.

Thus, by hints, suggestions, 貸付金s, いわゆる 貸付金s that were in fact gifts, and on occasion by 完全な secret 賄賂s, could a big 会社／団体 make 立法議員s, elected 公式の／役人s, and even 裁判官s do its bidding. The Soviet propagandists of the nineteen-fifties are forever talking about "lackeys of 塀で囲む Street." 井戸／弁護士席, in 1900 the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 政府 含むd many men who might aptly, if not やめる idiomatically, have been 述べるd as lackeys of 塀で囲む Street. Moving into public life in those days was like moving into the 近隣 of a million-dollar fruit tree whose fruit could readily be dislodged if one but made the slightest move in its direction. And this was easily done, for no one much seemed to be looking.

Why was no one much looking? There was furious 利益／興味 in political 選挙s. The 1896 （選挙などの）運動をする had been the hottest, perhaps, in the whole history of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, and the 1900 one did not 欠如（する） for warmth. There was, as I have already said, a very 普及した popular 恐れる that the 信用s might 最終的に take over the 支配（する）／統制する of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. Why, then, did very few people seem to realize that since the nature and 行為 of American capitalism was a 事柄 of transcendent importance to them, and 伴う／関わるd 広大な／多数の／重要な political problems, therefore the character and 業績／成果 of their political 代表者／国会議員s should come under the closest 観察?

The 推論する／理由s were many. In the first place, much of the 対立 to the 信用s which did 存在する took the form of advocacy of a 社会主義 of manifestly European derivation. It seemed foreign to the nature of Americans, who were likely to be 冷淡な toward ideologies and disinclined to think of themselves as proletarians, however 哀れな their lot. It was associated in American minds with the strange-looking, foreign-language-speaking people of the Lower East 味方する of New York and other 移民，移住（する） 近隣s. Besides, it was 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う as 革命の--in the sense of 支持するing a total 変形 of the 商売／仕事 system, if not in the sense of 伴う／関わるing バリケードs and 流血／虐殺. Did not Eugene V. Debs, the 1900 大統領の 候補者 of the Social Democratic party, himself 宣言する that it was "not a 改革（する） party but a 革命の party"? Even with so strong a 候補者 as the eloquent Debs, the Social 民主党員s could 勝利，勝つ no more than 96,000 投票（する）s that year.

In the second place, though many earnest Americans who did not like the 傾向 of things had become "Christian 社会主義者s"--に引き続いて a pattern of thought later 相続するd in part by Norman Thomas--these were an unorganized and somewhat impractical group; and the theological student or social 労働者 who argued that all 産業 should be taken over by the 政府, which would 推定では be 支配するd by people as benevolent as himself, became the ぎこちない butt of japes to the 影響 that if you divided up all the money in the country 平等に の中で the 全住民, it would soon be 支援する once more in the smart people's 手渡すs.

In the third place, the very idea of 改革（する） had been discredited by the 失敗 of the 人民党員 party in the nineties and by Bryan's seduction of the 人民党員s into the advocacy of 解放する／自由な silver. There are few things so dead as a 改革（する） movement that has fallen for a panacea and is beginning to become aware of the error of its ways.

Yet still more important, perhaps, was the fact that there were few people outside the inner circles of big 商売／仕事 and 会社／団体 法律 who really understood how the big 商売／仕事 combinations were 始める，決める up, how they 機能（する）／行事d, or how they 演習d their political てこ入れ／借入資本; and there were still より小数の who had any but the dimmest notion of how the 傾向 of the times could be 逆転するd without a 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な danger of 混乱に陥れる／中断させるing the 産業の and political 過程s of the nation.

This general haziness of the public mind was 予定 in large part to the fact that not many Americans had learned to think of 経済的な 事件／事情／状勢s--産業, 科学（工学）技術, 貿易（する）, 商業--as 事柄s of general 関心 to them as 国民s. A man worked hard at his 商売／仕事, did his level best to make money at it, talked 商売／仕事 with other men in the Pullman smoking compartment or in the country 蓄える／店; but all that was personal and 即座の, and やめる disconnected, in his mind, with the general 条件 of American life. Nobody had told him that all Americans were interdependent; that each 商売／仕事, each social activity, each political activity, formed a part of a general American pattern which was 影響する／感情d by what everybody did; that, in the phrase of a later day, Americans were "all in the same boat." He was used, for instance, to thinking of American 商売／仕事 as something which had little to do with American history, except insofar as the 関税 影響する／感情d it. Was not the American history which he had 熟考する／考慮するd in high school a dreary tale of political （選挙などの）運動をするs and 作戦行動s which led from the Missouri 妥協 to the Dred Scott 事例／患者 and from the 再開 of Specie 支払い（額）s to the Dingley 関税, enlivened only by 時折の wars? What did the 操作／手術s of his 商売／仕事 have to do with all that?

To be sure, he was excited by 大統領の （選挙などの）運動をするs, and could argue with the best that McKinley was the creature of the 信用s or that Bryan was unsound; but his political affiliation was likely to be hereditary, and the newspaper 編集（者）のs and 風刺漫画s which 供給するd him with most of his 現在の political education were more 同志／支持者 than illuminating. As for the popular magazines, it was true that Ida M. Tarbell was already at work on her painstaking history of the 基準 Oil Company for McClure's, but not a word of this chronicle had yet appeared in print, and very few of the magazine 新聞記者／雑誌記者s of the day, except S. S. McClure and his staff, were much 利益／興味d in 調査（する）ing 深く，強烈に into the facts of 商売／仕事 life in its relation to political life. And as for the 広大な／多数の／重要な magazines of the old school, those 高度に respectable 出版（物）s which ladies and gentlemen liked to 陳列する，発揮する on their library （米）棚上げする／（英）提議するs, these had become so 意図 upon serving the 利益／興味s of culture--a culture daintily remote from the crass 関心s of everyday life--that the idea of 診察するing closely the nature of any such vulgar necessity as 商売／仕事 was repugnant to them.

Here, by way of illustration, is the （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する of contents of the March, 1900, 問題／発行する of the Century Magazine, 競争相手 of Harper's and Scribner's for pre-eminence in the 注目する，もくろむs of the elect and one of the truly splendid 出版（物）s of that day:

Frontispiece. Engraving by Timothy Cole of J. M. W. Turner's 絵 of "Dido Building Carthage."

The 国家の Zoo at Washington. By Ernest Seton-Thompson.

To the Lapland Longspur. Poem, by John Burroughs.

Paris of the Faubourgs. By Richard Whiteing.

Robert Herrick, the Man and the Poet. By Thomas Bailey Aldrich.

A 移転 of 所有物／資産／財産. Story. By Catharine Young Glen.

The Little Child Dead. Poem. By Josephine Dodge Daskam.

The "Larger Hope." Poem. By Elizabeth Paton McGilvary.

Engraving by Timothy Cole of J. M. W. Turner's 絵 of the "Fighting Temeraire."

The Bamboo Flute. Poem. By Richard Henry Stoddard.

Eliza Hepburn's Deliverance. Serial Novel. By Henry B. Fuller.

Dr. North and His Friends. Serial Novel. By S. Weir Mitchell.

Carpaccio's Little Angel with the Lute. Poem. By Josephine Preston Peabody.

The 巨大（な） Indians of Tierra del Fuego. By Dr. Frederick A. Cook.

Poverty. Poem. By Arlo Bates.

Oliver Cromwell. By John Morley. (The fifth paper of a series.)

The 作曲家 Meyerbeer. By Moritz Moszkowski.

To an English Setter. Poem. By Thomas Walsh.

Lines and Sail-計画（する） of the "Spray." By Joshua Slocum. (Part of an account of a voyage alone around the world.)

The Eternal Feminine. Story. By Eva Wilder Brodhead.

A Midwinter Tramp from Santiago to Havana. By H. Phelps Whitmarsh.

In the Gloaming. Poem. By John Vance Cheney.

会談 with Napoleon. By his 内科医 at St. Helena, Dr. B. E. O'Meara.

The 戦争 of 鉄道s in Asia. By Alexander Hume Ford.

Topics of the Time--a department of 編集（者）の comment, 含むing a piece on The Date Line (discussing whether the twentieth century began in 1900 or in 1901), a piece on 利益s of 陪審／陪審員団 義務 to the 賠審員, and a piece on A Neglected Art (letter-令状ing).

In はしけ Vein--humor.

Such was the fare that the genteel thought it proper to place before the genteel in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of 1900. It was lavishly 変化させるd; it was produced with distinction of thought and of phrase, and illustrated with grace and charm; it 範囲d through the centuries and the continents, as cultivated people should be able to; it 含む／封じ込めるd nothing which could bring a blush even to a cheek ready and willing to blush. And it resolutely turned its 支援する upon the 広大な／多数の／重要な 軍隊s which were 決定するing the fortunes and 未来 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs.

Is it any wonder that, in a day when such a magazine stood upon the pinnacle of journalism, there was a 不足 of people 燃やすing to learn 正確に／まさに how the ugly factories that disfigured the 産業の towns of America were linked together by 法人組織の／企業の 借り切る／憲章s into 抱擁する combinations, and how the masters of these combinations, and the 銀行業者s who stood behind them, subdued 立法議員s to their will?

But a change was coming. And, paradoxically, the 前進する スパイ／執行官 of this change was an ignorant, demented 暗殺者. On the 6th of September, 1901, at the Pan-American 解説，博覧会 in Buffalo, a man 指名するd Czolgosz 発射 and fatally 負傷させるd 大統領 McKinley.

Not only had 示す Hanna lost a loved and 深い尊敬の念を抱くd associate, but the cloud of 不確定 that he had discerned on the horizon when Roosevelt had been 指名するd for the 副／悪徳行為-大統領／総裁などの地位 now filled half the sky. "And now look," he exclaimed to his friend Kohlsaat, "that damned cowboy is 大統領 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs!"

PART TWO: THE MOMENTUM OF CHANGE

一時期／支部 6

The 反乱 of the American 良心

There were no 調印するs and portents in the sky to 先触れ（する） the beginning of a new 時代 when Theodore Roosevelt moved into the White House in the autumn of 1901. He 発表するd that he would carry 今後 the late 大統領 McKinley's 政策s, and in his earliest utterances as 大統領 he gave the 財政上の and 産業の 力／強力にするs of the day no 原因（となる） for undue alarm. In his first message to 議会 he made it （疑いを）晴らす, to be sure, that he did not think all was 井戸／弁護士席 with 商売／仕事; but so neatly did he balance each 逆の 声明 with another one defending 商売／仕事 that Finley Peter Dunne's fictional Irishman, Mr. Dooley, aptly 要約するd the message as follows: "'Th' 信用s,' says he, 'are heejous monsthers built up be th' inlightened intherprise iv th' men that have done so much to 前進する 進歩 in our beloved counthry,' he says. 'On 病弱な 手渡す I wud stamp thim undher fut; on th' other 手渡す not so 急速な／放蕩な.'"

It was not until several months had passed that the first signal ゆらめく of the new 時代 went up: in February, 1902, Roosevelt's 弁護士／代理人／検事 general brought 控訴 for the 解散 of the Northern 安全s Company under the Sherman 独占禁止の 行為／法令／行動する.

The Northern 安全s Company was a 持つ／拘留するing company 始める，決める up by J. Pierpont Morgan and Edward H. Harriman for the 共同の 支配（する）／統制する of 確かな 鉄道／強行採決する 所有物／資産／財産s, as part of a 条約 of peace between them after the Northern 太平洋の panic. If it had stood the 実験（する） of 法律 it might conceivably have 始める，決める the pattern for the 購入（する） of most of the major 鉄道／強行採決するs of the country by a few men in 塀で囲む Street. In moving to 粉砕する it Roosevelt not only served notice that there were 限界s to what the 政府 would let men do in using the 機械装置 of the 持つ／拘留するing company to build up 経済的な empires; he also struck at one of the prized 創造s of the 広大な／多数の／重要な Morgan himself.

Morgan was dining at home when the news of the 控訴 （機の）カム to him by telephone. He was 狼狽d and indignant. He told his guests that he had supposed Roosevelt to be a gentleman, but a gentleman would not have 告訴するd; rather he would have asked Morgan 個人として to 再編成する or 廃止する the Northern 安全s Company ーするために bring it in line with the 政府's wishes. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 銀行業者 felt that Roosevelt was 扱う／治療するing him, an honorable man, like a ありふれた crook. Joseph Pulitzer, publisher of the New York World and a 敵 of the "信用s," was overjoyed at Roosevelt's 活動／戦闘 and wrote in a letter of 指示／教授／教育s to his editor, Frank I. Cobb, that the 大統領 had "subjugated 塀で囲む Street." This was かなりの of an exaggeration; but at least the 戦う／戦い was joined.

This 戦う／戦い between the 大統領 and the 現れるing plutocracy, during the next few years, was 運命にあるd to be an intermittent and often halfhearted one. The 推論する／理由 was not far to 捜し出す. Roosevelt was a 共和国の／共和党の 大統領. He could not get too far out of step with his party. の中で its members were the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of the rich and 特権d, and the party needed their lavish 財政上の 出資／貢献s at （選挙などの）運動をする time. 政治上 Roosevelt must appear to be their friend, who 単に disciplined them a little from time to time for their own good. It has been pointed out again and again since those days that Roosevelt's bark was much worse than his bite, and that even his bark became noticeably milder in a （選挙などの）運動をする year; that the 法律制定 which he 現実に put through--such as the Hepburn 行為／法令／行動する for the その上の 規則 of the 鉄道／強行採決するs, for example--did not pack much of a wallop; that never again in his seven and a half years in the White House did he do anything so bold as to attack the Northern 安全s Company; that the 保守的な Taft 行政 which followed his was much more active in bringing 起訴s under the Sherman 行為／法令／行動する than he was; and その上に that Roosevelt had a 限られた／立憲的な and uncertain knowledge of 経済的なs and was impulsive, boyishly immature, inconsistent, and unduly （麻薬）常用者d to the delights of political showmanship. All of which is true--but overlooks Roosevelt's most 決定的な 出資／貢献 to American history.

For what this dynamic 大統領 did was to advertise and dramatize to the whole country a point of 見解（をとる） on 商売／仕事, 政府, and the public 利益／興味 that was refreshingly new, exciting, and contagious.

Up to this time most of the 激しい抗議 against the 傾向 toward plutocracy had been the bitter 激しい抗議 of people who had been 傷つける. The 対立 had been おもに an 対立 of the have-nots to the 有産国. その上に it had been, in 広大な／多数の／重要な part, a 過激な if not 革命の 対立. The 農業者s who had flocked into the 人民党員 party during the 早期に nineties had been angry men who 手配中の，お尋ね者 to 倒す 塀で囲む Street and big 商売／仕事 一般に. The 労働者s who had joined such belligerent unions as the Western 連合 of 鉱夫s had been violent men （麻薬）常用者d to the use of lethal 武器s and the hope of 革命. The 都市の 労働者s who formed the backbone of the 社会主義者 parties had listened appreciatively to the preachments of leaders who had drawn upon the 革命の ideologies of Europe. And such native-born 国民s of means as had …に反対するd the 力／強力にする and greed of the captains of 産業 had tended to be gentle, tenderhearted men of good will--大臣s, social-service 労働者s, sentimental 自由主義のs of a 種類 to which the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "pink" was later scornfully 適用するd. But now here, in the 大統領／総裁などの地位 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, was an 対抗者 of the plutocratic 傾向 who did not belong in any of these brackets.

Roosevelt could not be called a have-not; he had never himself been 傷つける by 塀で囲む Street; he was indeed rich in his own 権利. He was an old-在庫／株 American, and a 軍の hero その上. He was not a spinner of 観念的な theories or a sentimental visionary but a man of 活動／戦闘, a woodsman and hunter, a Rough Rider, a man of 強健な enthusiasms, who preached the "strenuous life," who liked to tell boys, "Don't flinch, don't foul, 攻撃する，衝突する the line hard!" Everything about him 命令（する）d popular attention: the flashing eyeglasses and grinning teeth that 漫画家s loved to sketch, the energetic 発言する／表明する rising to a falsetto of high 強調 as he drove home an oratorical point; the pugnacious gestures, the zest for 衝突; his omnivorous 利益／興味 in big-game 追跡（する）ing, history, ornithology, 簡単にするd （一定の）期間ing, 軍の 事件／事情／状勢s, and a dozen other contrasting 支配するs; his delighted 利益／興味 in all manner of people. John Morley 述べるd him as "an 利益／興味ing combination of St. Vitus and St. Paul," and as a wonder of nature 類似の to Niagara 落ちるs.

And the 重荷（を負わせる） of his speeches about "malefactors of 広大な／多数の／重要な wealth" and "the square 取引，協定" was not 経済的な but moral. He sought the "moral regeneration of the 商売／仕事 world." He believed in setting up a "moral 基準." He preached that it was just plain wrong for some people, by tricks and wiles, to get a stranglehold on 商売／仕事 and politics, while others were cheated out of 適切な時期. This was the 肉親，親類d of talk that millions of Americans of all walks of life--people allergic to ideologies, impatient of 経済的な theory, but 高度に susceptible to moral evangelism and 充てるd to the idea of a fair chance for all--could understand and 答える／応じる to. The 影響 of the 法律制定 that Theodore Roosevelt 支援するd was minor compared with the 影響 of his personality and his preaching upon a 広大な／多数の／重要な part of a whole 世代 of Americans. He struck a new 基本方針 for the times, and it resounded all over America.

The times were 熟した for it. Consider a few dates. Roosevelt moved against the Northern 安全s Company in February, 1902. Already 行方不明になる Ida Tarbell had been at work for years on her history of the 基準 Oil Company, and it began to run in McClure's in November, 1902. Lincoln Steffens' first article on 地方自治体の 汚職, "Tweed Days in St. Louis," written with Claude H. Wetmore, appeared in the same magazine a month earlier, in October, 1902. It was these two 新聞記者／雑誌記者s who 就任するd a new 傾向 in American journalism, a 傾向 toward the 審議する／熟考する, unsentimental, searching, factual 報告（する）／憶測ing of what was 現実に going on in American 商売／仕事 and American politics. (When Roosevelt later attacked the "muckrakers" he was hitting 主として at their more sensational imitators.) "Golden 支配する" Jones, the 改革（する） 市長 of Toledo, had been elected in 1897; the 年上の Robert La Follette became the energetic 改革（する） 知事 of Wisconsin in 1900; Tom L. Johnson was chosen 市長 of Cleveland in 1901; these men were the leaders and forerunners of a whole 世代 of 改革者s in 明言する／公表する and 地元の 政府. It was in 1902 that the enthusiasm of Robert C. Ogden and his friends for the raising of 教育の 基準s was 掴むd upon by John D. Rockefeller, with the advice of his statesmanlike 助言者／カウンセラー in charitable 事柄s, Frederick T. Gates, to 組織する the General Education Board, the first of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 幅の広い-目的 創立／基礎s which 始める，決める a new pattern in giving in the public 利益／興味. These are only a few scattered examples of the new 傾向 of which Roosevelt was to serve as the 長，指導者 galvanizer and 広報担当者; people were showing a disposition to look about them with fresh 注目する，もくろむs, to 調査／捜査する what was going on, and decide to do something about it, something 即座の and practical.

Thus began that 反乱 of the American 良心 which was to be the 支配的な 現象 in American 事件／事情／状勢s until about 1915, when it was 潜水するd in the oncoming tides of World War I, and which finally petered out about 1920--leaving behind it, however, 影響（力）s and patterns of thinking that were to continue to this day.

As the historians Hacker and Kendrick have pointed out, this 反乱 was not an 組織するd movement, but incoherent. It had no 全体にわたる program. Those who took part in it 範囲d all the way from rich to poor, and were in many 事例／患者s ひどく at 半端物s with one another. It was rather a general movement of very diverse people working for different 明確な／細部 ends who "had 同時に 攻撃する，衝突する upon the idea of taking to the road."

There were the proponents of 対策 to 許す more direct popular 政府, unfettered by bosses--such as the direct 選挙 of 上院議員s, the 率先 and 国民投票, the 解任する of judicial 決定／判定勝ち（する）s. There were the 支持するs of 地方自治体の housecleaning, the experimenters with （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 政府 of cities, the 予算 専門家s. There were the battlers for workmen's 補償（金） 法律s, the people who were trying to get decent 法律制定 on working 条件s in factories. There were the conservationists, who 手配中の，お尋ね者 to stop the headlong 破壊 of the nation's natural 資源s, and 特に of its forests. There were the suffragists, （選挙などの）運動をするing for 投票（する）s for women; the 改革運動家s for pure food and 麻薬 法律s; the 捜査官／調査官s and chastisers of "frenzied 財政／金融"; and the men who, after the Panic of 1907, labored to 工夫する an 適する central banking system.

The same basic feeling that the nation and its 国民s must look out for the 利益／興味s of all the people, not 簡単に of a 特権d few, animated a 広大な／多数の／重要な variety of other people who were little 関心d with 法律制定. It was during this time that more and more men and women, に引き続いて in the footsteps of Jane Addams of 船体 House and Lillian D. Wald of the Henry Street 解決／入植地, were making social service a 尊敬（する）・点d profession, and that clergymen were ますます seeing in their parishes 適切な時期s for institutional social work. 一方／合間 Gates was developing the pattern for the 広大な／多数の／重要な Rockefeller benefactions; the Rockefeller 創立／基礎 and the Carnegie 会社／団体 were 設立するd, with 抱擁する endowments to be 統括するd over by students of the public 福利事業. The 時代-making （選挙などの）運動をする against hookworm began; and Abraham Flexner 用意が出来ている the 報告（する）／憶測 which led to the building of 広大な／多数の／重要な new 医療の 中心s that would help to revolutionize the methods of the 傷をいやす／和解させるing profession. Woodrow Wilson moved into the 知事／長官の職 of New Jersey--and thence into the 大統領／総裁などの地位 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs--from the 大統領／総裁などの地位 of Princeton, where in the spirit of the times he had been 行うing war against the undergraduate eating clubs, which seemed to him undemocratic. Nor was it mere coincidence that during those very years Edward Bok as editor of the Ladies' Home 定期刊行物 was trying to teach millions of American women how they might live graciously on small incomes; and his magazine and others of leaping 循環／発行部数--顕著に the Saturday Evening 地位，任命する--were 申し込む／申し出ing the advertising 商売／仕事 a chance to 現在の to 広大な audiences the delights of 集まり-produced goods that had hitherto been sold 主として to the 井戸／弁護士席-heeled; while Henry Ford was beginning to produce a car that would not be a plaything of the rich but an 安価な and useful 乗り物 for the people. その上に, it was during these years that Willford I. King first 始める，決める before the 経済学者s the 概念 of the 国民所得.

Little as these people had in ありふれた, they were alike in seeing the nation, not as a place where everybody went his own way 関わりなく the 苦境 of others, but as a place where people had a ありふれた 運命, where their fortunes were interlocked, and where wise planning, wise statesmanship could 工夫する new 器具s of satisfaction for all men.

The contagion of 改革（する） reached even into the 階級s of the very richest and most powerful: 証言，証人／目撃する Harry Davison of the House of Morgan, Paul M. Warburg, and other 影響力のある 銀行業者s trying to concoct a 計画／陰謀 for a central banking system; Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont 持つ／拘留するing 選挙権／賛成 会合s for the lavishly dressed ladies of Newport; and of course John D. Rockefeller, hitherto 一般に regarded as the arch-villain of unregenerate capitalism, 注ぐing his millions into all manner of good 作品.

One must not 誇張する the 衝撃 of this 反乱. One must 耐える in mind, for one thing, that although there was a 漸進的な 改良 in the status of 組織するd labor--示すd by the 設立 in 1913 of the Labor Department and the passage in 1914 of the Clayton 行為／法令／行動する, which at least theoretically gave 合法的な standing to 集団の／共同の 取引ing--there were still large areas of 産業 in which labor was 全く unorganized, and others where the struggle between 資本／首都 and the 労働者s was a 戦う／戦い between tyrants with 雇うd 凶漢s, on the one 手渡す, and 革命のs or 殺害者s, or both, on the other. One need only 解任する the contest between union 構造上の 労働者s and 非，不，無-union stairway 製造者s on a building 職業 in New York in 1906; during this contest bolts, 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業s, and 道具s had such a way of 落ちるing from the upper levels upon the 長，率いるs of stairway 製造者s below that the company 雇うd special watchmen, one of whom was killed by 存在 beaten up and then dropped from the eighth 床に打ち倒す to the fifth. Or the 殺人 in 1905 of ex-知事 Steunenberg of Idaho, who had been a 敵 of the Western 連合 of 鉱夫s, by a man who 指名するd as his 共犯者s William D. Haywood and other high 公式の／役人s of the union. (The 判決 as to Haywood and the others was "not 有罪の," but in the opinion of many who …に出席するd the 裁判，公判 this 示す "not proven" rather than "innocent.") Or the dynamiting of the Los Angeles Times building in 1910--twenty dead, and the building 難破させるd--under the direction of the McNamara brothers, one of whom was the 長官-treasurer of the 交戦的な Ironworkers International Union, and the other of whom was "handy with the sticks."

Or one might 特記する／引用する the 形式 of the I.W.W. in 1905--the International 労働者s of the World, the "Wobblies"--the preamble of whose 憲法 明言する／公表するd that "the working class and the 雇うing class have nothing in ありふれた." The actual methods of the I.W.W. were by no means always lawless, but the 広大な／多数の／重要な strikes which its leaders managed, such as the Lawrence strike of 1912 and the Paterson strike of 1913, were bitter and savage to a degree seldom even approached in 最近の years, and its 長，指導者 leaders were undeniably revolutionists at heart.

その上に during these very years the 社会主義者 party--which was committed to an 結局の total change in the 管理／経営 of American 産業--continued to 伸び（る）, until in the 1912 選挙 its 候補者, Eugene Debs, piled up no いっそう少なく than 897,000 投票（する）s.

In short, not all those who sought for changes in the 直面する of America were proponents of 整然とした step-by-step amelioration, or of minor 構造上の changes in the 存在するing way of doing 商売／仕事.

Nor should one forget that during these years Pierpont Morgan still moved with a mighty tread in 塀で囲む Street; and as old age （機の）カム upon him, the 経済大国 which he had long 演習d through the terrific 軍隊 of his personality was 存在 institutionalized into a smooth-working, though ばく然と defined, pattern of 影響（力） 延長するing from his partners at the corner of 幅の広い and 塀で囲む Streets into the （警察，軍隊などの）本部 of 得点する／非難する／２０s of 広大な／多数の／重要な banks and 会社／団体s. When the congressional 調査／捜査するing 委員会 長，率いるd by Ars鈩e Pujo 熟考する／考慮するd what it called the "money 信用" in 1912-13, it produced impressive diagrams of the 塀で囲む Street "支配（する）／統制する" of large 部門s of American 商売／仕事. These diagrams 示唆するd a pattern of direction much more はっきりと drawn than was the actual 影響（力） 演習d by the House of Morgan, パン職人 of the First 国家の Bank, Stillman of the 国家の City Bank, and the other princes of 財政／金融; but the 力／強力にする was there, however あらましの it might be in 輪郭（を描く）, and it remained 巨大な and far-reaching even after Morgan's death in 1913. For years after the turn of the century, その上に, the members of the 基準 Oil （人が）群がる of 相場師s were raking in millions through their 滑らかに managed 操作／手術s on the 在庫／株 交流. Nor was there any 目だつ 調印する of slackening in the activities of the more piratical 仲買人s in 在庫／株s and 社債s; they continued to horn-swoggle the 貿易（する）ing public 権利 and left. In general, the men of 塀で囲む Street 見解（をとる）d the 進歩 of 改革（する） with 狼狽; excoriated Theodore Roosevelt and, later, Woodrow Wilson; 与える／捧げるd to the Roosevelt （選挙などの）運動をする chest 主として for 恐れる of getting something worse--and continued to build up, more 慎重に than in former years but not やむを得ず いっそう少なく 効果的に, the structures of 力／強力にする and wealth that the 改革者s were resolutely trying to 半導体素子 away.

So 堅固に, however, did the tides of 改革（する） run that in the 選挙 of 1912 they reached an astonishing 高さ.

Four years earlier, Theodore Roosevelt, deciding not to run for re-選挙, had 産する／生じるd the 共和国の／共和党の 指名／任命 with his blessing to his portly and genial 長官 of War, William H. Taft, upon whom he relied to carry out his 進歩／革新的な 政策s. But Taft, in office, 証明するd to be a pliant 保守的な; as 上院議員 Dolliver once 発言／述べるd, he did indeed carry out Roosevelt's 政策s, but "on a shutter." When Roosevelt returned from Africa, where he had been 追跡（する）ing wild animals, he presently succumbed to a variety of emotions. These 含むd disgust at what he considered Taft's betrayal of him, an 無（不）能 to stay out of a good rousing 戦う／戦い, a 本物の crusading fervor, and a very human 有罪の判決 that Roosevelt 信奉者s and the 軍隊s of righteousness were やむを得ず one and the same. He attacked Taft savagely, ran against him for the 共和国の／共和党の 指名／任命 in 1912, and, failing to get it, formed 夜通し his own 進歩／革新的な party and sought the 選挙.

一方／合間 the 民主党員s 指名するd the 厳格な，質素な, long-jawed, brilliant, energetic ex-professor, Woodrow Wilson. Though there were minor differences between the Roosevelt position and the Wilson position, essentially they were both 改革者s, both belonged on the same 味方する of the 盗品故買者. And in the 投票（する）ing they both, incredibly, outran the 信頼できる 共和国の／共和党の Taft. And this にもかかわらず the fact that the 社会主義者 party had collected nearly a million 投票（する）s (as against about 3 ¹/₂ million for Taft, over 4 million for Roosevelt, and over 6 million for Wilson). 改革（する） was at its apogee.

But Wilson had been in the White House only a year and a half--押し進めるing through 議会 手段 after 手段 of his New Freedom program--when, unbelievably, war broke out in Europe. And as the 衝突 that we now call World War I grew in fury and 範囲, the 問題／発行するs which it 刺激するd began so to 支配する the American scene that 徐々に the impulse toward 改革（する） was 圧倒するd. Or rather, the crusading spirit was translated, by the time the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs entered the war against Germany in 1917, into making the war a crusade for freedom--or a crusade, as Woodrow Wilson put it, "to make the world 安全な for 僕主主義." People whose memories do not go 支援する to those days, but who 解任する vividly the dead-pan, let's-get-the-汚い-商売／仕事-over-with, let's-not-have-any-parades-or-idealistic-talk spirit of World War II, may find it hard to 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる the fact that in 1917-1918 an American people much いっそう少なく 部隊d in their 受託 of war than they were to be in 1941-1945 にもかかわらず went about their war 仕事s with 本物の fervor. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of American men and women had real 約束 that this war could be the last one ever, that victory could bring a new day of 全世界の／万国共通の freedom, and they 起訴するd the war with an almost evangelical dedication.

Yet the crusading spirit was like a bank whose 基金s were 存在 overdrawn. It lasted long enough, at the の近くに of the war, to 完全にする the 批准 of the woman 選挙権／賛成 改正 and--even more remarkably--of that prize curiosity of 改革論者 ardor, the 禁止 改正, which at the time it went into 影響 in January, 1920, was 推定する／予想するd by almost everybody to end once and for all the 時代 of アル中患者 drinking in America. But then, 突然の, the impulse to make over the nation and the world was discovered to have faded away. A people who had had enough of high 原因（となる）s and noble sacrifice to 持つ／拘留する them for a long time decided to take things 平易な, to enjoy themselves; and although there remained many American idealists who would not abandon their 追求（する），探索（する）, they 設立する that they, too, were tired 同様に as より数が多いd. The 反乱 of the American 良心 was over.

Yet it had left behind it, embedded 深い in the ever-changing American tradition, a way of looking at public problems, and 特に political and 経済的な problems, of 広大な importance for the American 未来. This was the idea--an old idea, but 強化するd now by having been put to the 実験（する） and having 生き残るd 損なわれていない--that when the ship of 明言する／公表する was not behaving as it should, one did not need to 捨てる it and build another, but could, by a 一連の 調整s and 改良s, 修理 it while keeping it running--供給するd the ship's 乗組員 were forever 警報, forever 検査／視察するing it and tinkering with it. And that the 経済的な machine, if it seemed to be producing the wrong 肉親，親類d of goods, need not be destroyed but could be fitted with a new carburetor here, a new belt there, and new 誘発する plugs, and by 観察 and 実験（する） be made to produce to better advantage without skipping a （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域. The 強調する／ストレス and 破壊 of 革命 were unnecessary--and might destroy those 技術s and incentives which gave the machine its 加速するing 動機 力／強力にする. No need to send the designers to their 製図／抽選 boards to concoct 計画（する）s for wholly new and untried 機械装置s; a few 視察官s, a few specialists in the design of this part and that, and a will on the part of all 関心d to make the machine do its true 義務, would amply serve.

One realizes, as one looks 支援する, how 試験的な and 一時的に, and of what minor long-範囲 影響（力）, were most of the 改革（する） 対策 of that time, taken one by one. There are few things deader, today, than the enthusiasms and 怒り／怒るs which were engendered by, let us say, the 率先 and 国民投票, or by the struggle to 奪う （衆議院の）議長 Joe 大砲 of his 独断的な 当局 over the 衆議院. No wonder students yawn over the history 調書をとる／予約するs which conscientiously take them through the story of those 戦う／戦いs, so dull and 乾燥した，日照りの in retrospect. Ironically, of all the 対策 which went on the 法令 調書をとる／予約するs during the 改革（する） 時代, the one that was 運命にあるd to have the most 肯定的な and 耐えるing 影響 upon the American economy was one which most history 調書をとる／予約するs tend to pass over with minor について言及する, because there was very little 衝突 over it and because its 衝撃 was at first so slight. This was the 卒業生（する）d 所得税.

The 所得税 was made possible by a 憲法の 改正 提案するd to 議会 by Taft, a 大統領 一般に regarded as 保守的な, and was passed by 議会 and 批准するd by the 明言する／公表するs with little 対立; people realized that the time for it had come. And when it was first 課すd--by a 準備／条項 in 大統領 Wilson's 関税 行為／法令／行動する of 1913--the 率s were very low: only one per cent on 逮捕する incomes up to $20,000, with a modest surtax on larger ones. No 選び出す／独身 person paid on a 逮捕する income of いっそう少なく than $3,000; no married person on an income of いっそう少なく than $4,000. Believe it or not, on a $10,000 逮捕する income a married man paid only about $60, on a $20,000 逮捕する income he paid only about $160. (Are those sounds that I hear the moaning of readers for the dear, dead days?) Not until 1917 did the 所得税 産する／生じる as much money to the 連邦の 政府 as customs 義務s did. But by 1920 it was 与える／捧げるing ten times as much money as the customs; and that was only the beginning of the rise of the 卒業生（する）d 所得税 to a predominant place in the 財政／金融ing of a hugely 拡大するd 政府, and to an important place の中で the 器具s for the 議席数是正 of wealth in America.

Yet it is not upon any individual piece of 法律制定 during the 改革（する） 時代 that one should 焦点（を合わせる） one's 長，指導者 attention, nor even upon the good 作品 遂行するd, or the sentimental follies committed, by the men and women who in a hundred different ways were laboring, as William Allen White said, to give the underdog a better kennel. It is rather at the basic idea which became 支配的な that one should look.

Many people argued then--and have gone on arguing--that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs せねばならない have a 保守党 and a 自由主義の party (or 過激な party, if you wish), each with its neat, 論理（学）の program, instead of two very 類似の parties each shopping for winning ideas for 壇・綱領・公約 planks and feeling its way by 実験, 説得／派閥, and 妥協. Many people argued then--and some still argue today--that 経済的な 改革（する） by patchwork is illogical and timid, and that what is needed is an 反乱 of the 不満な to 影響 a total 変形 of the apparatus of 商売／仕事 and 産業. Both those ideas ran 堅固に for a time and then 弱めるd. Roosevelt's third party, the 進歩／革新的な party, made a strong 企て，努力，提案 in 1912 and then 崩壊するd, leaving the other parties to take over the more popular planks of its 壇・綱領・公約. The 社会主義者s 伸び（る）d ground and then lost it again. For both ideas would have 好意d the 分割 of the American people into classes, and both would have run 反対する to their pragmatic temper.

The idea that won out was that the 存在 of はっきりと defined 経済的な and social classes was to be resisted as an 罪／違反 to the American democratic ideal. That you got along much better when people of all sorts and 条件s worked together for what seemed to them the 利益 of all. That the way to を取り引きする a proletariat was not either to 抑える and bedevil it, or to help it to 倒す its masters, but to give it a chance at education, 適切な時期, automobiles, and vacuum cleaners, with plenty of 指示／教授／教育 in the middle-class way of living and plenty of incentive to want more and more of these good things; and then in 予定 course the proletariat might be a proletariat no more, but a 団体／死体 of upstanding, self-尊敬（する）・点ing 国民s who could be counted on to help keep the nation in good running order. And that when you 設立する something amiss with the way things 機能（する）／行事d you 診察するd what was happening and pragmatically made the necessary changes and no more. That the people who thought the machine would stop dead if you tinkered with it were wrong, and the people who thought you could invent out of 手渡す a new machine that wouldn't knock somewhere were also wrong. The American citizenry saw the 利益s of continual, co-operative, 実験の, untheoretical change.

There would be ferocious 審議 over every 提案するd 改革（する）. There would be endless 摩擦 all along the way. There would be 時代s of new 実験 and 時代s of consolidation and re-examination. But an America which had seemed to many people to be 長，率いるd toward a 統治する of plutocracy seemed likely to be able to remake itself, by slow degrees, into something nearer the democratic dream, and to do this by something approaching the ありふれた 同意 of 解放する／自由な men.

一時期／支部 7

The Dynamic Logic of 集まり 生産／産物

During the year 1903 a forty-year-old Detroiter 指名するd Henry Ford, having left the 雇う of the little Detroit Automobile Company with the idea of going into the 製造業の 商売／仕事 for himself, designed and built a big and powerful racing car. Why did he do this? He had no 広大な／多数の／重要な 利益／興味 in 速度(を上げる）; his idea was やめる different: he 手配中の，お尋ね者 to make a small, light, serviceable 乗り物. The 推論する／理由 he built a racing car was that he 手配中の，お尋ね者 資本／首都, and to attract 資本／首都 he had to have a 評判, and in those days when automobiles were thought of as expensive playthings in which the rich could 涙／ほころび noisily along the dusty roads, the way to get a 評判 was to build a car that could 勝利，勝つ races.

Having 建設するd a car of terrifying 力／強力にする, Ford cast about for a racing driver; and since it would 要求する both strength and 無謀な daring to 支配（する）／統制する his monster at high 速度(を上げる）s--strength because it steered with an unwieldy tiller instead of with a wheel--he 雇うd a professional bicycle racer 指名するd Barney Oldfield, and spent a week teaching him to 運動 a car. Said Oldfield as he climbed into the car for his first race at the 甚だしい／１２ダース Point 跡をつける late in 1903, "井戸／弁護士席, this chariot may kill me, but they will say afterward that I was going like hell when she took me over the bank."

Oldfield did not go over the bank. He won the race by a wide 利ざや. Ford won his 評判. And it got him enough 資本／首都--$28,000 in cash--to start the Ford モーター Company, of which he became 副／悪徳行為-大統領，／社長, general 経営者／支配人, designer, master mechanic, and superintendent.

During the next few years Ford produced, 首尾よく, several varieties of cars and his 製造業の 商売／仕事 拡大するd 速く. In 1908 he put out what he considered the most 満足な model to date; he called it Model T. And soon afterward he made a 決定／判定勝ち（する） which astonished his associates. Let him 記録，記録的な／記録する it in his own words: ". . . In 1909 I 発表するd one morning, without any previous 警告, that in the 未来 we were going to build only one model, that the model was going to be Model T, and that the chassis would be 正確に／まさに the same for all cars, and I 発言／述べるd: 'Any 顧客 can have a car painted any color that he wants so long as it is 黒人／ボイコット.'"

This 決定／判定勝ち（する） grew 自然に out of Ford's experience and temperament. He was a Michigan 農業者's son, a gadget-loving Yankee with utilitarian and democratic instincts, uninfected by higher education. As a boy he had been so fascinated with 機械／機構 that he had spent endless hours taking watches to pieces and putting them together, and then 建設するing watches of his own. At the age of sixteen he had seen a "road engine"--a steam engine that could use its steam 力／強力にする to 推進する itself in an ungainly way from 職業 to 職業--and had thereupon been fascinated with dreams of horseless carriages, and also of machines that 農業者s could use to do their hard work for them. Six years later, in 1885, he had seen an Otto gas engine--a European forerunner of the automobile engines of today--and had gone to work on engine design. By the spring of 1893 he had built his first horseless carriage and tried it out on the road. During the next ten years, while he held money-収入 職業s, he was forever 実験ing in his spare hours, and 徐々に his ideas developed.

He 手配中の，お尋ね者 to build, not a showy car for the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do, but a practical, 成果／努力-saving car for ordinary people like himself. He 手配中の，お尋ね者 it to be light: few things 感情を害する／違反するd him as did the 普及した notion that 負わせる meant strength. He 手配中の，お尋ね者 it to be 安価な; as he said later in his autobiography, "The public should always be wondering how it is possible to give so much for the money." He felt that many 製造業者s were mistaken in 直す／買収する，八百長をするing their attention upon 利益（をあげる）s, and that 銀行業者s had a bad 影響（力） upon 製造業者s because they thought about 改善するing 利益（をあげる）s instead of about 改善するing the 製品. If the 製品 and the price were 権利, he thought the 利益（をあげる）s would take care of themselves. And he believed that if he concentrated on a 選び出す／独身 model, he could 削減（する） the cost of 製造（する） so はっきりと that 集まりs of ordinary people would flock to buy it.

As his sales of Model T 増加するd, Ford deliberately dropped the price--and they 増加するd still その上の. In 1913 he put in his first 議会 line, and by the beginning of 1914 he was producing the entire car on the 議会-line 原則. Each workman 成し遂げるd a 選び出す／独身 操作／手術; each element of the car went on a 力／強力にする-driven moving conveyor 壇・綱領・公約 past a 一連の these workmen, each of whom 追加するd or 直す／買収する，八百長をするd in place some part of it; and these さまざまな 議会 lines converged upon a main conveyor 壇・綱領・公約 on which the chassis moved to 完成.

In 原則 this method of 製造（する） was far from new. It depended upon Eli Whitney's 広大な／多数の／重要な 発見 of the 原則 of interchangeable parts. It 借りがあるd much to the refinement of that 原則 by such men as Henry M. Leland, who had shown what の近くに machining could do to make these interchangeable parts fit with 絶対の precision. Moreover, many a 製造業者 had used the 議会-line 原則 to some extent. Cyrus McCormick, for instance, had done so in his reaper 作品 as far 支援する as the eighteen-fifties; and in particular the packers had used an 総計費 conveyor to carry 虐殺（する）d animals past a 一連の 労働者s. Ford was indebted, too, to Frederick Winslow Taylor for his 熟考する／考慮するs in "科学の 管理／経営," the careful planning of 製造業の 過程s so as to save steps and 動議s. And 身代金 Olds had already put a 選び出す／独身 type of automobile into 量 生産／産物--until his 財政上の 支援者s 軍隊d him 支援する into the 高級な market. にもかかわらず the Ford 議会 line, with its subassemblies, was unique as a remorselessly 完全にする 使用／適用 of all these ideas.

When his 製造業の system was 完全にする, in January, 1914, Ford made an 告示 which echoed 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the world.

At that time the going 行う in the automobile 産業 普通の／平均（する）d about $2.40 per nine-hour day. Ford 発表するd that he would 支払う／賃金 his men a 最小限 of $5 per eight-hour day.

The explanation was that he had been 支払う／賃金ing year-end 特別手当s to the men, and now, as 利益（をあげる）s 拡大するd, he thought he should put the 利益（をあげる）-株ing on a 支払う／賃金-as-you-go basis. The 意気込み／士気 in the 工場／植物 had been unsatisfactory; he thought this might 改善する it. And he also felt, however ばく然と, that if more Americans got high 給料, there would be a market for more 産業の 製品s, 含むing of course Ford cars. Because he was afraid that the sudden jump in income might demoralize the spending habits in some new 給料.

The public reaction to the 告示 was terrific. Most businessmen were indignant: Ford was 廃虚ing the labor market, he was putting crazy ideas into workmen's 長，率いるs, he would embarrass companies which couldn't かもしれない 分配する such largess, he was a 天然のまま self-advertiser. There was much scoffing of the sort that a Muncie, Indiana, newspaper indulged in many years later: "Henry Ford thinks that 給料 せねばならない be higher and goods cheaper. We agree with him, and let us 追加する that it せねばならない be cooler in the summer and warmer in winter." People with tenderer minds あられ／賞賛するd Ford for his generosity and said that he was showing what a noble 良心 could 達成する in the hitherto unregenerate 管区s of 産業. 一方／合間 the Ford 工場／植物 was 襲う by applicants for 職業s.

What Ford had 現実に done--in his 製造業の techniques, his 審議する／熟考する price cutting, and his 審議する／熟考する 行う raising--was to 論証する with 前例のない directness one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 原則s of modern industrialism: the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物. This is the 原則 that the more goods you produce, the いっそう少なく it costs to produce them; and that the more people are 井戸／弁護士席 off, the more they can buy, thus making this lavish and economical 生産／産物 possible.

Every successful 製造業者 had followed this 原則 up to a point. But few had been able to follow it far; or, if able to, had been able to resist for very long the human 誘惑 to 中止する 拡大するing their 生産（高） unduly and then to cash in by 非難する what the traffic would 耐える. Very few 製造業者s, for that 事柄, had a 選び出す／独身 製品 to sell for which there 証明するd to be an almost inexhaustible market if costs were 減ずるd, or could go on, year after year, turning out this 同一の 製品 with very little retooling. With these special advantages, Henry Ford--a cranky and self-willed man, in many 尊敬（する）・点s an ignorant and opinionated man, and a merciless competitor, but in his own special way a man of stubborn democratic 約束--followed the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物 all the way, and the results were uncanny.

In 1909-10 his price per car had been $950. It went 負かす／撃墜する to $780, to $690, to $600, to $550, to $490, to $440, to $360; then, after an 増加する 予定 to the 不足s and インフレーション of World War I, went 負かす／撃墜する again until by 1924 the price of a Ford (without self-starter) was only $290. 一方／合間 生産／産物 had 拡大するd by slow degrees from 18,664 cars all the way to 1,250,000 in 1920-21.

Ford followed the 原則 without 妥協 until 1927, when two facts caught up with him. One was that Americans 手配中の，お尋ね者 not only cheaper cars, but better ones; 競争相手 製造業者s had discovered that if you put out a new and 改善するd model each year, the older ones would become obsolescent, and thus you could turn old 顧客s into new ones; and these brighter and livelier new models had 後継するd in making the gaunt and tinny Model T obsolescent indeed. The other fact was that the かわき for new and up-to-date 乗り物s was automatically producing a 繁栄するing market in second-and third- and fourth-手渡す cars, at dwindling prices, so that Model T no longer had a monopoly of the 取引 hunters' market.

In the 合間, however, Ford's 実験 had had what Paul Hoffman has called "multiplier value." For he had advertised a 原則 which, though more often 栄誉（を受ける）d in the 違反 than in the observance, has a place of some sort in the thinking of every 産業の 経営者／支配人 today. The continuing 発見 and demonstration of this 原則 has been one of the most powerful 軍隊s in the making of twentieth-century America. For it has had its corollaries: that a nation of men and women 安全な・保証する against 開発／利用 and 激烈な／緊急の poverty is a nation of delighted 買い手s of goods, to everybody's 利益（をあげる）; that it 支払う／賃金s better to produce the same sort of food, 着せる／賦与するing, and 器具／備品 for people of all income levels, than to produce 高級な goods for a few; and that therefore one can make money by lowering class 障壁s. Thus is Marxism confounded--not by dogma, but by the logic of 前進するd industrialism itself; or, to put it another way, by capitalism turned to democratic ends.

The 広大な／多数の／重要な Ford 実験 was only one element in the lively 産業の 開発 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs during the first two １０年間s of the twentieth century. For 産業 and 商売／仕事 in general were 拡大するing and changing as the nation 徐々に （機の）カム of age.

It was the golden heyday of 鉄道／強行採決するing. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 網状組織 of 鉄道／強行採決する lines which linked the country together from sea to sea was now 事実上 完全にする, and the 量 of 商売／仕事 which the 鉄道／強行採決するs did swelled hugely. By 1920, for example, they were not only carrying vastly more freight, but were carrying more than twice as many 乗客s as in 1900, and carrying them longer distances than before, so that the 人物／姿／数字s for "乗客 miles" almost ３倍になるd. 株 in the big 鉄道／強行採決する 会社／団体s--New York Central, Pennsylvania, Union 太平洋の, Northern 太平洋の, and so on--were the pride, and いつかs the undoing, of 投資家s; rare was the man of means who did not have 鉄道／強行採決する 社債s in his 大臣の地位--while bigger and more powerful locomotives 運ぶ／漁獲高d longer and heavier freight and 乗客 trains from city to city, hooting disdainfully as they crossed dirt roads as yet unpaved for automobile traffic.

It was the heyday of the electric trolley lines, too. Who remembers, now, such 有望な flowers of the streetcar 時代 as the "Berkshire Hills," the extra-fare interurban trolley car that ran between 広大な／多数の／重要な Barrington, Massachusetts, and Bennington, Vermont, for several years after 1908--an elegant white car with buff 削減する and gold-leaf lettering, with wicker seats inside, and red brocaded curtains, and a Wilton carpet, all at the 旅行者's 処分 for an extra fare of fifty cents? And who knows whether any of its proud 乗客s had any notion that the trolley 時代 was to be short-lived, and that the "Berkshire Hills," like many another 遺物 of that 時代, would 最終的に become a 道端 diner?

It was the morning of the 電気の age. In 1900 Henry Adams had stood transfixed at the sight of a dynamo at the Paris 解説，博覧会, and had seen in it a "symbol of infinity"; during the years thereafter, more and more dynamos--and turbines--were 存在 built, and 伝達／伝染 lines were carrying the 魔法 力／強力にする far and wide. In 1889, いっそう少なく than 2 per cent of the 力／強力にする used in 産業 had been electric; by 1919, over 31 per cent of it was. The steel 産業 grew mightily too as the open-hearth 過程 of steel making 取って代わるd the Bessemer 過程. By 1920 the 生産（高） of アイロンをかける and steel per capita had almost ３倍になるd since that memorable day in 1900 when Andrew Carnegie, returning home from a game of ゴルフ with Charlie Schwab, had scribbled 負かす／撃墜する on a sheet of paper his 条件 for the sale of Carnegie Steel to Morgan to form the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel 会社／団体. 超高層ビルs were 狙撃 up in the cities; and although most of the people who craned their necks at the 41-story Singer Building, built in New York in 1908, or the 50-story 主要都市の Tower which closely followed it, or the 60-story Woolworth Building, 完全にするd in 1913, probably thought of them as splendid symbols of the American zest for doing bigger and bigger things, they were more 特に 勝利s of the steel 産業 that had made their strength and grace possible, and of the electric 産業 that had made their 決定的な elevator service possible.

If the 超高層ビルs looked like cathedral towers, the new department 蓄える／店s looked like palaces. And another sort of 競争相手 to the old-time 個々に owned 蓄える／店 was multiplying. The chain 蓄える／店s were on their way, paced by the Woolworth five-and-tens and by the A & P, which was operating 200 蓄える／店s by 1900, 400 by 1912 (when it opened in Newark its first cash-and-carry 蓄える／店), and then--after a terrific spurt of 拡大--as many as 11,413 蓄える／店s by 1924. Here again, at the 配当 end of the 産業の 過程, the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物 was 存在 論証するd. For if you could build enough red-前線d 蓄える／店s, with 標準化するd methods and low selling costs, you could attract millions of shoppers, and 削減（する） your prices way 負かす／撃墜する by placing 抱擁する 本体，大部分／ばら積みの orders for goods--and still make money.

一方／合間 the automobile 産業 was going through the first and second 段階s of an 進化 that seems to be 基準 in the 産業の world. First was the 段階 of 非常に／多数の 競争. During these first two １０年間s of the century automobile 製造業者s were legion. Hundreds of mechanically-minded men scrabbled for 資本／首都 and 始める，決める up their little factories to produce cars: bicycle 製造者s like ローマ法王 and Alexander Winton, electric-company 従業員s like Ford, plumbers' 供給（する） men like David Dunbar Buick, wagon 建設業者s like the associates of Clement Studebaker, axle 製造業者s like Harry C. Stutz. Innumerable makes were put on the market, with 指名するs that now have nostalgic overtones for people with long memories--Apperson, Briscoe, Stevens-Duryea, Franklin, Chandler, Scripps-Booth, Peerless, Pierce Arrow, Locomobile, Owen 磁石の, and so on endlessly.

And while this 増殖 was still going on, the second 段階 began. Promoters with 資本／首都 at their 処分--or with a smooth gift for selling 在庫／株--went shopping for 約束ing automobile companies ーするために 合併する them into combinations. At the very moment in 1908 when Ford was first putting Model T into 生産／産物, William C. Durant--a promoter who, unlike Ford, 直す／買収する，八百長をするd his 丸天井ing mind upon 所有物／資産／財産s and 利益（をあげる）s rather than upon machines--put together the Buick company and the Olds company and a few others under the 管理／経営 of a New Jersey 持つ／拘留するing company which he called General モーターs, and which--after extreme vicissitudes, during which Durant lost 支配（する）／統制する of it, 再度捕まえるd it, and then lost 支配（する）／統制する once more, this time to the du Ponts and their 同盟（する）s--was to become one of the 巨大（な）s of the third 段階 of the 産業. This third 段階 was that in which 競争 押し進めるd to the 塀で囲む, one by one, all but a few monster 関心s and a few minor 競争相手s.

一方／合間, too, this same モーター 産業 was beginning to bring out two other 製品s which were to 影響する／感情 the working lives of millions of people--the モーター トラックで運ぶ, which was 運命にあるd to be the deadly 競争相手 of the 鉄道／強行採決するs, and the tractor. The first 天然のまま tractors had been built about 1902. By 1910, 生産／産物 had reached 4,000 a year; by 1920 it had passed 200,000 a year. The mechanization of the American farm and the 工場／植物ing of the 牧草地s to wheat were getting under way 急速な／放蕩な.

All this growth and change, so さまざまな and so exciting, was 加速するd by the 開発 of a rising idea--that of the dignity and importance of 国家の advertising. In the nineties Munsey and McClure had discovered that if you could sell a popular magazine to enough people, and thus attract enough advertisers, you could sell it for いっそう少なく than the cost of printing it, and still make money through your advertising 歳入. It was during the next two １０年間s that Cyrus H. K. Curtis and his editors George Horace Lorimer of the Saturday Evening 地位，任命する and Edward Bok of the Ladies' Home 定期刊行物 供給するd みごたえのある demonstrations of this journalistic 見解／翻訳／版 of the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物. What they did is summed up in the 人物／姿／数字s showing the growth of the Saturday Evening 地位，任命する during those years. In 1902 it sold 314,671 copies per 問題／発行する, and brought in an advertising 歳入 of $360,125. By 1922 it was selling 2,187,024 copies per 問題／発行する--about seven times as many as in 1902--while its advertising 歳入 had climbed steeply to $28,278,755--over 78 times as much as in 1902!

What do those 人物／姿／数字s signify? First, that through this five-cent magazine, and others like it, millions of Americans were getting a 週刊誌 or 月毎の inoculation in ways of living and of thinking that were middle-class, or classless American (as …に反対するd to plutocratic or aristocratic or proletarian); and second, that through the same マスコミ they were 存在 introduced to the 約束d delights of the automobiles, 誘発する plugs, tires, typewriters, talking machines, collars, corsets, and breakfast foods that American 産業 was producing, not for the few, but for the many. The magazine publisher, the copy writer, the advertising artist, and the advertising スパイ／執行官 were all abetting the 集まり-生産／産物 原則.

One その上の word about this 原則. It got a tremendous 解除する from World War I. For during that war--as during World War II--製造業者s suddenly 設立する themselves 直面するd with one 圧倒的な 需要・要求する: to make as many guns or 爆撃するs or ships as possible, and as 急速な／放蕩な as possible. No need to worry about glutting the market. No need to worry unduly about price. Just concentrate on 量 and 速度(を上げる）. The result took people's breath away: the 容積／容量 of 生産／産物 was terrific. (And incidentally, it brought such fantastic 利益（をあげる）s, in the absence of any 機械／機構 for the 再交渉 of 契約s, that when the 人物／姿／数字s were paraded before the public during the nineteen-thirties, many people arrived at the 利益／興味ing notion that there would be no more wars if it were not for 利益（をあげる）-hungry 軍需品s 製造者s.)

Between 1914 and 1918 many a man who had only half believed that bigger 生産／産物 brought はっきりと 減ずるd costs began to dream dreams of an exciting 未来 when he saw what mechanization, 抑えるのをやめるd, could 遂行する.

During those same years the seeds of 未来 産業s were 存在 sown.

On January 10, 1901, Spindletop blew in: Anthony F. Lucas struck oil at Spindletop 近づく Beaumont, Texas. Thus began a new 時代 for the 南西--and a 保証（人） that the automobile 商売／仕事, then in its feeble 幼少／幼藍期, would have as it grew to 成熟 an abundant source of 力／強力にする.

On December 17, 1903, on the sands of Kittyhawk on the North Carolina coast, Orville Wright made a twelve-second flight--and then his brother Wilbur made a fifty-nine-second flight--in an airplane they had painstakingly built. Several years went by before the public しっかり掴むd what the Wrights were doing; people were so 納得させるd that 飛行機で行くing was impossible that most of those who saw them 飛行機で行くing about Dayton in 1905 decided that what they had seen must be some trick without significance--somewhat as most people today would regard a demonstration of, let us say, telepathy. Never before or since, in all probability, have the newshawks of America taken longer to apprehend a momentous story. It was not until May, 1908--nearly four and a half years after the Wrights' first flight--that experienced reporters were sent to 観察する what they were doing, experienced editors gave 十分な credence to these reporters' excited 派遣（する）s, and the world at last woke up to the fact that human flight had been 首尾よく 遂行するd--though in the interval the Wrights had flown 繰り返して and their longest flight had lasted a 十分な thirty-eight minutes! The seed of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 航空 産業 had been sown in 1903; it began to sprout, very belatedly, in 1908.

Wireless telegraphy had been discovered in 1895 by an Italian, Guglielmo Marconi--but its 未来 可能性s were not comprehended in 1900, when Reginald A. Fessenden first transmitted speech by wireless; or in 1904, when Sir John Ambrose Fleming produced the 無線で通信する detector or Fleming 弁; or in 1907, when Dr. 物陰／風下 De Forest produced the audion; or in 1912, when Edwin H. Armstrong discovered the electric 発生させる人（物） 回路・連盟 by means of which the feeble impulses received by 無線で通信する could be "fed 支援する" and multiplied many times. For that 事柄, as late as 1915, when David Sarnoff, assistant traffic 経営者／支配人 of the Marconi Wireless Telegraph Company, 提案するd a "無線で通信する music box" and 示唆するd the 未来 可能性s of public broadcasting, he spoke to deaf ears. But the seeds of the 無線で通信する and television 産業s had been sown.

In 1903 was produced the first moving picture which told a connected story, The 広大な／多数の／重要な Train 強盗. About 1905 the first nickelodeons appeared--天然のまま 動議-picture theaters, often improvised in 空いている 蓄える／店s. And the movies began their slow march to importance as a 乗り物 of popular entertainment and as an inculcator of the 仮定／引き受けることs of the classless American life.

In 1909 Leo H. Baekeland first put on the market a chemically-made 実体 which he called bakelite. It was not the first plastic--that 栄誉（を受ける） had gone to celluloid, much earlier--but it may 正確に，正当に be called the seed from which the plastics 産業 grew. And along with the 構成要素 which, when first clumsily produced before 1920, was known as "人工的な silk," and which later （機の）カム to be known as rayon, it helped to beget one of the most important 概念s of twentieth-century 発明: the idea that man could produce 構成要素s to order--not 簡単に synthetic imitations of nature, but often 構成要素s superior to what nature could produce. 証言，証人／目撃する the その後の 奇蹟 of nylon.

One might 追加する that in 1911 Willis H. 運送／保菌者 read a paper on what he called "合理的な／理性的な Psychrometric 決まり文句／製法," which 現在のd the theory and the practical data on which the 空気／公表する-条件ing 産業 was later based. And that at the St. Louis 解説，博覧会 in 1904 there was 展示（する）d an oil engine built in Providence, Rhode Island, after the 計画（する）s of the 広大な／多数の／重要な German inventor, Rudolf ディーゼル. Few people at the time seemed unduly excited by the fact that they had met it at St. Louis, but the ディーゼル engine, too, had a 未来.

To understand the America of today one must not only realize how 決定的な to its 開発 was the 反乱 of the American 良心, which implanted in Americans the idea that you could 修理 the 経済的な and political 機械／機構 of the country, so as to make it work better for the 大多数, without stopping the machine; one must also realize that the 反乱 of the American 良心 might have 原因（となる）d a mere 議席数是正 of wealth rather than a multiplication of wealth unless the machine had kept on running and a host of men had been tinkering with it, 明らかにする／漏らすing how it could follow the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物, and also discovering and inventing new things for it to do in the long and 希望に満ちた 未来.

一時期／支部 8

The Automobile 革命

In the year 1906 Woodrow Wilson, who was then 大統領，／社長 of Princeton University, said, "Nothing has spread socialistic feeling in this country more than the automobile," and 追加するd that it 申し込む／申し出d "a picture of the arrogance of wealth." いっそう少なく than twenty years later, two women of Muncie, Indiana, both of whom were managing on small incomes, spoke their minds to 捜査官／調査官s 集会 facts for that admirable sociological 熟考する／考慮する of an American community, Middletown. Said one, who was the mother of nine children, "We'd rather do without 着せる／賦与するs than give up the car." Said the other, "I'll go without food before I'll see us give up the car." And どこかよそで another housewife, in answer to a comment on the fact that her family owned a car but no bathtub, uttered a fitting 主題 song for the automobile 革命. "Why," said she, "you can't go to town in a bathtub!"

This change in the status of the automobile from a 高級な for the few to a necessity for the many--a change which, as we shall see, progressively transformed American communities and daily living habits and ideas throughout the half century--did not come about 突然の. It could not. For it depended upon three things. First, a reliable, manageable, and not too expensive car. Second, good roads. And third, garages and filling 駅／配置するs in profusion. And all these three 必要物／必要条件s had to come slowly, by degrees, each 増強するing the others; a man who had tried to operate a filling 駅／配置する beside a dusty 田舎の road in 1906 would have speedily gone 破産者／倒産した. But it was during the nineteen-twenties that the 衝撃 of the change was felt most はっきりと from year to year.

When Woodrow Wilson spoke in 1906, and for years thereafter, the automobile had been a high-hung, noisy 乗り物 which couldn't やめる （不足などを）補う its mind that it was not an obstreperous variety of carriage. It was so unreliable in its 業績／成果, so likely to be beset by tire blowouts, 誘発する-plug trouble, carburetor trouble, defects in the 伝達／伝染, and other assorted 病気s, that a 正確に，正当に popular song of the time celebrated the troubles of the owner who "had to get under, get out and get under." The country doctors who in 増加するing numbers were coming to use the little 厚かましさ／高級将校連-nosed Fords of the day had to be students of mechanical 同様に as human pathology. Each car had a toolbox on the running board, and tourists were accustomed to carrying with them blowout patches, French chalk, and a variety of tire アイロンをかけるs against that awful moment when a tire would pop, miles from any help. One had to crank the engine by 手渡す--a difficult and いつかs dangerous 商売／仕事. All cars except the リムジンs of the 豊富な were open, with vertical windshields which gave so little 保護 against 勝利，勝つd and dust to those in the 支援する seat that dusters and even goggles were 広範囲にわたって worn; and a gust of rain would necessitate a frantic raising of the 倍のing 最高の，を越す and a vexatious fitting and buttoning of the 味方する curtains.

Roads were mostly dusty or muddy, with no through 大勝するs. Even as late as 1921 there was no such thing as an 公式に numbered 主要道路. In that year the Automobile Blue 調書をとる／予約する 警告するd those who 提案するd to 運動 from Richford, Vermont, to Montreal: "Chains on all four wheels 絶対 必須の in wet 天候." And it advised tourists in general that "where mountain roads, sandy stretches, and muddy places are to be met with, a shovel with a collapsible 扱う" might 証明する very useful. At the time when Wilson spoke, panicky horses were still a hazard for the driver in remote 地区s, and 速度(を上げる） 限界s 始める，決める by 農業者-minded 地元の 公式の／役人s were いつかs low indeed: my personal memory tells me--unbelievably but I think reliably--that in tranquil Holderness, New Hampshire, the 初めの 合法的な 限界 was six miles an hour.

Ford's energetic 運動ing 負かす／撃墜する of prices helped to make the automobile more popular, but 平等に responsible were a 一連の 決定的な 改良s: the 発明 of an 効果的な self-starter, first designed by Charles F. Kettering and 任命する／導入するd in the Cadillac in 1912; the coming, within the next two or three years, of the demountable 縁 and the cord tire; but above all, the introduction of the の近くにd car. As late as 1916 only 2 per cent of the cars 製造（する）d in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs were の近くにd; by 1926, 72 per cent of them were.

What had happened was that 製造業者s had learned to build の近くにd cars that were not hideously expensive, that did not 動揺させる themselves to pieces, and that could be painted with a 急速な／放蕩な-乾燥した，日照りのing but 持続する paint; and that 一方／合間 the car-buying public had discovered with delight that a の近くにd car was something やめる different from the old "horseless carriage." It was a 力／強力にする-driven room on wheels--嵐／襲撃する-proof, lockable, parkable all day and all night in all 天候s. In it you could succumb to 速度(を上げる） fever without 存在 乱打するd by the 勝利，勝つd. You could の近くに its windows against dust or rain. You could use it to fetch home the groceries, to 運動 to the ゴルフ club or the 鉄道／強行採決する 駅／配置する, to 冷静な／正味の off on hot evenings, to reach a 職業 many miles distant and さもなければ inaccessible, to take the family out for a day's 運動 or a week-end excursion, to 支払う／賃金 an impromptu visit to friends forty or fifty miles away, or, as innumerable young couples were not slow to learn, to engage in 私的な intimacies. One of the cornerstones of American morality had been the difficulty of finding a suitable 地元の for 不品行／姦通; now this cornerstone was 崩壊するing. And if the car was also a たびたび（訪れる） source of family 摩擦 ("No, Junior, you are not taking it tonight"), 同様に as a 破壊者 of pedestrianism, a weakener of the churchgoing habit, a promoter of envy, a 死に至らしめる武器 when driven by heedless, drunken, or irresponsible people, and a formidable convenience for 犯罪のs 捜し出すing a 安全な 逃亡, it was nonetheless 不可欠の.

その上に, a car was now いっそう少なく expensive to 持続する than in the days when the cost of 連続する 修理s might 開始する up to a formidable sum each year. And it could be bought on 平易な 支払い（額）s. The 分割払い selling of cars, 事実上 unknown before World War I, spread so 速く that by 1925 over three-４半期/4分の1s of all cars, new and old, were 存在 sold this way.

Over these same years more and more roads had been 覆うd, as public 公式の／役人s discovered that （資金の）充当／歳出s for 主要道路 surfacing were no longer considered mere 好意s to the rich; and garages and filling 駅／配置するs had multiplied.

The result of all these 開発s was a headlong 急ぐ to buy cars on the part of innumerable people to whom the idea of becoming automobile owners would have seemed fantastic only a few years before. In 1915 there were いっそう少なく than 2 ¹/₂ million cars 登録（する）d in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. By 1920 there were over 9 million; by 1925, nearly 20 million; by 1930, over 26 ¹/₂ million.

So it was that the years between 1918 and 1930 introduced to America a long 一連の novelties which are now such familiar features of the American scene that one might think we had always had them: (a)自動的な／(n)自動拳銃 traffic lights, 固める／コンクリート roads with banked curves, six-小道／航路 boulevards, one-way streets, 公式に numbered 主要道路s, tourist homes, and tourist cabins; and lined the 辛勝する／優位s of the major thoroughfares with that garish jumble of 道端 services and 商売／仕事s that Benton Mackaye and 吊りくさび Mumford called "road town"--道端 diners, hot-dog stands, peanut stands, fruit and vegetable 立ち往生させるs, filling 駅／配置する after filling 駅／配置する, and used-car lots.

一方／合間 an antidote to the 増加するing snarl and 混乱 and 失望／欲求不満 of traffic through the built-up areas of the East was already in 準備. For a 世代 the 公式の／役人s of Westchester 郡, New York, had been 乱すd by the 汚染するd 条件 of the little Bronx River and by its 傾向 to flood, and had been planning to 制限する and 支配（する）／統制する its flow while making it the 長，指導者 attraction of a long （土地などの）細長い一片 of parkway--which almost incidentally would 含む／封じ込める a through automobile road. When this road was opened to the public in 1925, 運転者s and traffic （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限s and 地域の planners happily saw in it the answer to their 祈りs: an ample 主要道路, with traffic 小道／航路s separated at intervals, uncluttered by 地元の traffic, winding through a landscape undefaced by 商業. On such a 主要道路 one could make time most agreeably. Other parkways, wider and straighter, were thereupon built, both in Westchester 郡 and どこかよそで; 存在するing through 主要道路s were rebuilt to by-pass towns along their way; so that by August, 1931, Mackaye and Mumford, 令状ing in Harper's, could 発表する that it had at last been 認めるd that the automobile was いっそう少なく like a family carriage than like a family locomotive, and also could look 今後 prophetically to a now-familiar scene. The time would come, they 予報するd, when a 運転者 with a long 運動 before him would 緩和する into the 急速な／放蕩な traffic on a "townless 主要道路" and presently would be spinning along "with いっそう少なく 苦悩 and more safety at 60 miles an hour than he used to have in the old road-town 混乱 at 25." When that day （機の）カム, they said, the automobile would have become "an 栄誉（を受ける） to our mechanical civilization and not a reproach to it."

In 1931 those days had not yet arrived. There was still no Merritt Parkway, no Pennsylvania Turnpike; there were no バタフライ 交差点s; there was no such majestic combination of separate 小道／航路s of traffic as would be seen by the 中央の-century at Cahuenga Pass in Los Angeles, where no いっそう少なく than fourteen 小道／航路s were to run 味方する by 味方する. Already モーター busses had arrived in 量, but the 進歩／革新的な ripping up of trolley 跡をつけるs had only begun. Already モーター トラックで運ぶs were taking freight 商売／仕事 away from the 鉄道／強行採決するs, but there was still no such 広大な and humming all-night traffic of トラックで運ぶs, トラックで運ぶ tractors, and 半分-trailers between our 広大な／多数の／重要な cities as later years were to bring. And that perfect symbol of our 国家の mobility, the 居住の trailer, was only just appearing: the first trailer had been built in 1929 by a bacteriologist, for vacation use, but these houses on wheels were not to arrive in 軍隊 until the 中央の-thirties. Yet already the pattern of the automobile age had been 始める，決める.

No such startling change in the habits of a people could have taken place without having far-reaching social 影響s. Let us ちらりと見ること at a few of them.

1. It developed the motorized 郊外. Where a 郊外 had 以前 been accessible by 鉄道／強行採決する, but had been 限られた／立憲的な in size because of the difficulty of reaching the 駅／配置する from any place more than a mile or so away from it, it grew with startling 速度(を上げる）, as real-広い地所 subdivides bought up big tracts of 所有物／資産／財産 and laid out Woodmere Road and Edgemont 運動 and Lakeside Terrace, suitable for English-cottage-type or Spanish-郊外住宅-type or New-England-salt-box-type (or, later, ranch-type) houses with 大（公）使館員d garages; where the children would have the 利益 of light and 空気／公表する and play space, and their parents would have the 利益 of constant 戦う／戦いs over the 政策s of the 地元の school board; where the wife would gulp 負かす／撃墜する her coffee at 7:52 to 運動 her husband to the 8:03 train before 運動ing her children to school and doing the family errands.

In a 郊外 which had 以前 been inaccessible by 鉄道／強行採決する the same 現象 took place with only a slight variation: the earner of the family drove all the way from his almost-田舎の cottage to his place of work--and worried about the parking problem in the city. The number of Americans whose heart and treasure were twenty miles apart, as Agnes Rogers has put it, was vastly 増加するd. And as more and more people whose living was 扶養家族 upon work at the 中心 of the city fled to the leafy 郊外s, 都市の planners began to be 関心d about the blighted areas around the 中心 of the city, where land values were 落ちるing and a general 悪化／低下 was manifest.

2. The coming of the automobile age brought other changes too. It 原因（となる）d a 普及した 転換 of 商売／仕事, and of 経済的な and social importance, from the 鉄道／強行採決する town to the off-the-鉄道／強行採決する one; from the farm that was four miles from a 鉄道／強行採決する 駅／配置する but had poor 国／地域 to the fertile farm that was twenty or fifty miles from rail; and from the 中心 of the small city to its 郊外s.

The hotel on Main Street, that had 以前は been the one and only place for the traveling salesman to stop, lost 商売／仕事 to the tourist （軍の）野営地，陣営 on 主要道路 84. In 予定 course this tourist （軍の）野営地，陣営 was transformed into a new 肉親，親類d of 道端 hotel, which 申し込む／申し出d 夜通し privacy--and いつかs 高級な--without having to carry the 経済的な 負担 of high land value and of 持続するing a restaurant and other public rooms. The shops along Main Street lost 商売／仕事 to the new Sears Roebuck 蓄える／店 at the 辛勝する／優位 of town, with its ample parking lot. City department 蓄える／店s, becoming painfully aware of their dwindling 控訴，上告 to 通勤（学）者s, opened 郊外の 支店s to catch the out-of-town 貿易（する）. And by the 中央の-century, shopping 中心s were beginning to be developed out in the open countryside, where the prime 必須の of parking space would be abundant.

The big summer hotel lost 商売／仕事, as the automobile opened up to a 広大な number of people the 適切な時期 either to 範囲 from motel to motel or to have their own summer cottages, to which they could travel not only for the summer, but even for 時折の week ends at other times in the year, by wedging the family into a car that bulged with people, スーツケースs, and assorted duffle. In 訴える手段／行楽地 after 訴える手段／行楽地 a pattern of change was repeated: the big hotel on the point, or at the beach, or on the 丘の頂上 was torn 負かす／撃墜する, while the number of cottages in the 近隣 of its 場所／位置 二塁打d, ３倍になるd, quadrupled; and 一方／合間 the Friday afternoon traffic out of the city to さまざまな points, beaches, and 丘の頂上s became denser and denser. The trunk 製造業者s lost 商売／仕事 to the スーツケース 製造業者s, and the 表明する companies languished.

During the 選び出す／独身 １０年間 of the nineteen-twenties, 鉄道／強行採決する 乗客 traffic was almost 削減（する） in half; only 通勤（学）者 traffic held up. (In the 郊外s of New York, the next two １０年間s were to 証言，証人／目撃する a 拒絶する／低下する even in 鉄道／強行採決する 通勤（学）者 traffic, as the new parkways, 橋（渡しをする）s, and tunnels into Manhattan swelled the number of 通勤（学）者s by bus and by 私的な car.)

3. The automobile age brought a parking problem that was forever 存在 solved and then unsolving itself again. During the 早期に nineteen-twenties the 通勤（学）者s who left their cars at the 郊外の 鉄道／強行採決する 駅／配置する at first parked them at the 辛勝する／優位 of the 駅／配置する 運動; then they needed a special parking lot, and pretty soon an 延長するd parking lot, and in 予定 course a still bigger one--and the larger the lot grew, the more people 手配中の，お尋ね者 to use it. New boulevards, 広げるd roads, and parkways relieved the bottlenecks at the approaches to the big cities--and 招待するd more and more cars to enter. At the end of the half century the question, "Where do I park?" was as annoyingly insistent as it had been at any time since the arrival of the automobile.

4. The new 免除 brought sudden death. During the nineteen-twenties the number of people 虐殺（する）d 毎年 by cars in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs climbed from a little いっそう少なく than 15,000 in 1922 to over 32,000 in 1930; eighteen years later, in 1948, it stood at almost 正確に／まさに the 1930 人物／姿／数字. As cars had become more powerful, and roads had become more persuasively straight and smooth, and 速度(を上げる）s had 増加するd, the shocking death （死傷者）数 each week end had led to the more 用心深い licensing of drivers and 査察 of cars, to the multiplication of 警告 調印するs along the 道端s, and to the 熟考する／考慮する of the 原因（となる）s and cures of death on the 主要道路 by such organizations as the 国家の Safety 会議 and the 自動推進の Safety 会議. But 一方／合間 youngsters had learned to play "chicken," and hot-棒 熱中している人s had taken to the road; and many older drivers, after a few drinks, 設立する it 平易な to 説得する themselves that they should 追いつく and pass that damned old creeping car at the crest of a hill, and even the most sedate 運転者 いつかs fell asleep at the wheel--and now the 事故s that took place, while いっそう少なく たびたび（訪れる）, were more lethal. So that at the turn of the half century one could still 予報する with reasonable certainty that a holiday week end would bring several hundred men, women, and children to an abrupt and gory end.

5. Along with the telephone, the 無線で通信する, and the other 機関s of communication, the automobile 革命 ended the 孤立／分離 of the 農業者. In 1900 Ray Stannard パン職人, 述べるing a wave of 繁栄 の中で the 農業者s of the Midwest, had said that when a 農業者 did 井戸／弁護士席, the first thing he did was to paint the barn; the second was to 追加する a porch to his house; the third was to buy a piano; and the fourth was to send his children to college. By the 中央の-twenties the 購入（する） of a car was likely to come even before the 絵 of the barn--and a new piano was a rarity. The 広げるing use of the tractor was 大きくするing farms; and with the 援助（する） of the profusion of 科学の （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） which was made 利用できる through the 出版（物）s and 郡 スパイ／執行官s of the Department of 農業, the 農業者 was becoming いっそう少なく and いっそう少なく a 労働者 by 手渡す, using 支配する-of-thumb methods, and more and more a 実業家 of the 国／地域, an 操作者 of machines, and a technologist. No longer, now, when he visited town, was he a rube, a hayseed, whose wife and daughters looked hick in calico. By 1939 the Sears Roebuck 目録 was 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）ing dresses "奮起させるd by Schiaparelli," and in 1940 it solemnly 発表するd that "The 伝統的な lapse between the 受託 of new fashions . . . in 主要都市の 中心s and on farms 明らかに no longer 存在するs."

6. The automobile broadened geographical horizons, 特に for people who had hitherto considered themselves too poor to travel. One could still find, here and there, men and women who had never 投機・賭けるd さらに先に from home than the 郡 seat, but their number was dwindling 急速な／放蕩な. For now the family who had always stayed at home on their day off could 運動 to the lakes or the shore, and on their vacation could 範囲 広範囲にわたって over the land, see new things, engage in new sports, 会合，会う new people. Even their daily 半径 of activity lengthened startlingly: by the nineteen-forties it might be a 事柄 of 決まりきった仕事 for a 田舎の family to 運動 ten or fifteen miles to do their shopping, twenty or thirty to see the movies, fifty to visit a doctor or dentist.

その上に, the automobile 弱めるd the roots which held a family to one 位置／汚点／見つけ出す. Always a 動きやすい people by comparison with the peoples of Europe, now Americans followed the 経済的な tides more readily than ever before, moving by automobile--and before long by trailer--wherever there might be a call for construction 労働者s, or fruit pickers, or airplane mechanics. Sober 知識人s were wont to 嘆き悲しむ the growing American restlessness and to 賞賛する the man who was rooted to the land where he and his forefathers had been born and bred; but the automobile ふさわしい the American genius. For that genius was not static but venturesome; Americans felt that a rolling 石／投石する gathers experience, adventure, sophistication, and--with luck--new and かもしれない 実りの多い／有益な 適切な時期s.

7. The automobile 革命 engendered personal pride. When I say this I am not thinking of the envy-in-逆転する of the man or woman who revels in having a finer model of car than the neighbors can afford, but of something いっそう少なく readily defined but no いっそう少なく real. Someone has said that the Asiatic, long accustomed to humiliation at the 手渡すs of the lordly white European, will 耐える it no longer after he has once sat at the 支配（する）／統制するs of a tractor or a 脅迫者. 類似して the American who has been humbled by poverty, or by his insignificance in the 商売／仕事 order, or by his racial status, or by any other circumstance that might demean him in his own 注目する，もくろむs, 伸び（る）s a sense of 当局 when he slides behind the wheel of an automobile and it leaps 今後 at his bidding, ready to take him wherever he may 本人自身で please. If he 運動s a bus or a 抱擁する トラックで運ぶ trailer his 明言する／公表する is all the more kingly, for he feels himself 責任がある the （権力などを）行使するing of a sizable 集中 of 軍隊.

This 影響 of the automobile 革命 was 特に noticeable in the South, where one began to hear whites complaining about "uppity niggers" on the 主要道路s, where there was no Jim Crow. But the new sense of pride was 分散させるd far more 広範囲にわたって than that; in some degree it 影響する／感情d almost everyone on the road. In 1950 the 非軍事の labor 軍隊 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was 概算の to number a little いっそう少なく than 59 million men and women; in the same year the number of drivers in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was 概算の to be a little larger: 59,300,000. More than one driver for every jobholder! Never before in human history, perhaps, had any such 割合 of the 国家のs of any land known the 解除するing of the spirit that the 解放する／自由な 演習 of 力／強力にする can bring.

一時期／支部 9

Indian Summer of the Old Order

During the three or four years that followed the Armistice of 1918 there （機の）カム a subtle change in the emotional 天候. The たいまつ of idealism that had kindled the 反乱 of the American 良心 seemed to have pretty 井戸／弁護士席 燃やすd itself out. People were tired. In particular their public spirit, their 良心s, and their hopes were tired.

The returning 兵士s were disillusioned about the crusade they had been sent off on. The war had 証明するd to be a filthy 商売／仕事, in which noble 目的s had been いっそう少なく 明白な than barbarity and cooties; and a good many American doughboys, allergic to foreign manners and ways of living, had seen やめる enough of their noble British and French 同盟（する）s to 持つ／拘留する them for some time. Foreigners began to seem a 疑わしい lot anyhow; American enthusiasm for the League of Nations petered out, and we decided--disastrously perhaps, but under the circumstances almost 必然的に--to play in our own backyard. People felt it was about time to relax; to look after themselves, rather than after other people and the world in general; and to have a good time. The 禁止 法律--that curious final 製品 of the 反乱 of the American 良心--had not been long on the 調書をとる／予約するs before people began to 侮辱する／軽蔑する it 権利 and left; pretty soon a 広大な／多数の／重要な many men and women who had always considered themselves patterns of 法律-がまんするing respectability began to patronize bootleggers, or home-brew very peculiar beer, or concoct even queerer bathtub gin, or wear hip-pocket flasks to parties. Even the 改革者s themselves were tired, and wondered why they now went limp at the thought of 戦う／戦いing for 広大な／多数の／重要な political 原因（となる）s.

疲れた／うんざりした of 努力する／競うing onward and 上向き, the 選挙民 chose for 大統領 in 1920 the handsome 過密な住居 G. Harding, a 上院議員 whose greatest 資産s, aside from his magnificent good looks, were his kindliness, folksiness, and humility. An amiable man of no lofty 知識人 or moral stature, he had no 目だつ 勧める to 改善する anything; he preferred to talk about what he called "normalcy," meaning normality. And he was subsequently discovered to have had の中で his buddies in office some egregious grafters. When Harding died--some time before the 十分な enormity of the スキャンダルs of his 政権 became known--he was 後継するd by Calvin Coolidge, an honest, careful, 慎重な man but one of the most 消極的な characters ever to 達成する high American office. Coolidge didn't grapple with any 国家の problem until it was 軍隊d upon his attention, could sit through a 長引かせるd social occasion without 開始 his mouth to utter more than an 時折の monosyllable, and liked to take afternoon naps in the 静かな of the White House--naps which によれば 長，指導者 勧める "Ike" Hoover lasted from two to four hours. Coolidge's genius for inactivity seemed to be all 権利 with the 大多数 of the American people, who for the time 存在 手配中の，お尋ね者 to enjoy the sort of happiness that has been said to be the lot of the nation that has no history.

A friend of 地雷 who was a very small boy in 1918 was told by his father that the Armistice had been 調印するd, and asked, "Now that the war's over, what will they find to put in the newspapers?" His father laughed, but in retrospect the question seems to have had かなりの point. For the fact is that 徐々に 軍の 事件／事情／状勢s and 外務 and politics began to 産する／生じる first place in newspaper ニュース報道 to スキャンダルs, 罪，犯罪s, 災害s, human 演劇s, and sports, not 簡単に in such sensational sheets as the new tabloids, but also in the more 厳しい and 控えめの ones. Turn 支援する today to the yellowing pages of the newspapers of the latter part of 1926, when the Hall-Mills 殺人 事例／患者 was 広げるing, and you may be surprised to find that even the New York Times--a paper conscientiously 充てるd then, as later, to telling everything about everything important--gave 前線-page, 権利-手渡す-column 治療, day after day, to the news from Somerville, New Jersey, where Mrs. Edward Wheeler Hall and her two brothers and her cousin were on 裁判，公判 for the 殺人 of the Rev. Mr. Hall and Mrs. Mills of his church choir. And when, the に引き続いて spring, young Charles A. Lindbergh flew 非，不，無-stop from New York to Paris, the papers, along with everybody else, behaved as if his feat had been the most earth-shaking event since the 創造. Nothing that 議会 could do, no 勝利 of the devisers of foreign 条約s, no public 危機, seemed to 事柄 と一緒に the fact that a charming young man had made a bold and exceptionally long flight.

Something like a World-Series-week spirit--a contagion of delighted 関心 over things that were exciting but didn't 事柄 profoundly--was 支配的な. People followed 熱望して the 冒険的な 偉業／利用するs of Jack Dempsey, Babe Ruth, Bobby Jones, Helen Wills, Gertrude Ederle, Red Grange, the Four Horsemen of Notre Dame, and other 運動競技の heroes of the hour; agonized over the 試みる／企てるs to 救助（する） from a Kentucky 洞穴 an obscure young man 指名するd Floyd Collins; hung on the day-to-day 報告（する）／憶測s from the 範囲s 裁判，公判 in Dayton, Tennessee, and from the 殺人 裁判，公判 of Leopold and Loeb; and welcomed to America, with にわか雨s of torn paper in New York, heroes and ヘロインs of large and small renown. Why stop to ask whether Queen Marie of Rumania, for example, really 率d a public welcome? She was a handsome woman and a queen, and anyhow the party itself, the （人が）群がるs, the noise, and the torn-up telephone 調書をとる／予約するs and streams of ticker tape drifting 負かす／撃墜する from upper windows made a wonderful show.

Along with this enjoyment of tremendous trivia there was a very general 願望（する）, in the nineteen-twenties, to shake off the 抑制s of puritanism, to upset the long-standing 条約s of decorum.

There had been 前進する signals of this 反乱. One had been the dance craze which had arrived about 1912, and which had 始める，決める stiff-共同のd 年輩の couples to fox-trotting or doing the tango along with their juniors at innumerable an 爆発 of 解放する／自由な 詩（を作る） の中で poets in 反乱 against 受託するd poetic 条約s. その上に, the war had pulled millions of young men and women out of their accustomed 環境s, and given them a taste of freedom under circumstances in which it didn't seem to 事柄 very much what Mrs. Grundy said. With many of these young people the 戦後の reaction took a special form: it was 平易な for them to think of themselves as a 世代 who had been 非難するd to go through the hell of war because of the mistakes of their 年上のs, whose admonitions on any 支配する must therefore be 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う. At any 率, by 1920 the 反乱 against puritanism and stuffiness was 広範囲にわたって 明白な, and it 伸び（る）d in impetus as the １０年間 進歩d.

It was the girls who spearheaded it. Did mothers think of corsets as the armor of respectability? A 広大な／多数の／重要な many daughters decided that dancing without a corset was much more personal and 満足な. Did mothers think young girls shouldn't drink? Daughters 設立する that a gulp of 違法な whiskey from the hip flask of a swain in a parked sedan 追加するd an excellent 公式文書，認める of zest to the 訴訟／進行s. Did mothers converse in ladylike circumlocutions? Daughters talked 権利 out about sex and the libido, the latter 存在 a word one got from Freud, who had said, によれば 報告（する）／憶測, that repressions were bad for you. Had mothers been brought up in the 時代 of long skirts, when the （危険などに）さらす of an ankle to the public gaze had been regarded as a 事実上の 招待 to masculine lust? Daughters reveled in the emancipation of the new styles, which by the middle of the １０年間 had 解除するd the hemline all the way to the 膝.

In a few short years American women in general changed almost unrecognizably in 外見. As late as 1919 they had worn amply 削減（する）, ankle-length dresses over such underpinnings as corset covers, envelope chemises, and petticoats; they had worn their hair long, and had needed hatpins; and their daytime stockings had been mostly made of 黒人／ボイコット (or brown, or green, or blue) cotton or lisle; silk stockings were considered somewhat luxurious. By the latter nineteen-twenties young women had 減ずるd the yardage of their 衣料品s by one-half, were ますます wearing silk or rayon underwear, and sought 猛烈に to look pencil わずかな／ほっそりした. They wore their hair short--bobbed or boyishly shingled--and made たびたび（訪れる） visits to that rising 会・原則, the beauty parlor, which had come into its own に引き続いて the 普及した 受託 of the 永久の wave. And since the 早期に twenties they had been 全員一致で （麻薬）常用者d to what 証明するd to be the most 持続する fashion 革新 of our times--flesh-colored stockings. (From their color （機の）カム the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 "cheesecake" for leggy photography.) Older women followed these changes more slowly, and in some 事例／患者s with a 気が進まない feeling that they were succumbing to a pernicious 教団 of 青年. But there was no resisting the 傾向.

For it fitted a changing pattern in the relations between the sexes: the much more general 受託 of women's taking 職業s, whether they "needed to" or not; a sharp 増加する in feminine smoking; the advent of mixed drinking and the introduction of that 基準 social 会・原則 of later years, the cocktail party; police 保護 of the speakeasy, which in most places was 簡単に a dive where one could get アルコール飲料, but in Manhattan might be a 井戸／弁護士席-guarded but 慎重に managed restaurant-with-妨げる／法廷，弁護士業; the rising vogue of the night club; a more playful 態度 toward sex の中で young people, and a more tolerant 態度 toward 離婚, and indeed toward extramarital 事件／事情／状勢s, の中で people who considered themselves sophisticated. It was characteristic of the times that during the nineteen-twenties Mary Pickford, the 動議-picture embodiment of girlish innocence, was 後継するd as a movie goddess by Clara 屈服する, the "it" girl. What had happened was that feminism had gone into a new 段階. Now that the 投票（する） had been won, the 約束d 入ること／参加（者） of women into politics on a large 規模 had not taken place; instead, women by and large were 主張するing the 権利 to enjoy themselves like and with men.

To this generalization one may perhaps 追加する some footnotes from the vantage point of the nineteen-fifties. The first is that by 現在の-day 基準s the social 行為／行う of those days was not 特に loose; much more astonishing to us, in retrospect, is the code of puritanical 抑制 against which the youngsters of the nineteen-twenties were rebelling. Which is another way of 説 that, although there have been かなりの changes in the 受託するd 方式s of social 行為／行う since the nineteen-twenties, it was during that １０年間 that something approaching the 現在の code was 設立するd. Yet the atmosphere was different then: there was an 空気／公表する of novelty and self-conscious 実験 about the relaxing of the code which was intensely exciting to the 関係者s and shocking to 観察者／傍聴者s who were out of step with the change.

The second footnote is that 下落するs such as Dr. Kinsey 主張する that there is little change from 世代 to 世代 in the 量 of actual illicit intercourse; to which one can only answer that ardors of a 単に 予選 or 試験的な sort, when 行為／行うd in public or 誇るd of in public, tend to 伝える to all and sundry the impression that the days of Saturnalia have arrived, whatever the 統計（学） of consummation may be.

The third footnote is that the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing mood was not one of abandonment so much as of rowdiness. 証言，証人／目撃する the women's fashions, which made 円熟した 女性（の）s look like short-skirted, long-waisted, flat-breasted, short-haired little girls trying to look worldly wise; 証言，証人／目撃する, too, the 有望な vogue of dances such as the "Charleston," which was a lively but unseductive romp. The final footnote is that of course not everybody let himself or herself go; there were millions of Americans to whom such goings-on as I have been hinting at were all but 考えられない.

Along with this 緩和 of the social code went a wave of 宗教的な 懐疑心--wasn't science making mincemeat of the old-time 宗教?--and of hedonism. の中で young men and women who prided themselves on their modern-mindedness there was a disposition to regard church work or social service work or anything else to which the word "uplift" could be 適用するd as "poisonous" and an unwarranted 侵入占拠 upon other people's privacy; and besides, one had a 権利 to enjoy oneself, and taking a ride in the sedan of a Sunday morning was much more fun than going to church. 統計（学） of church 会員の地位 showed no conclusive 証拠 of loss, but it was （疑いを）晴らす that a lot of church members were at the ゴルフ links on Sunday instead of in their pews, and that the church was progressively losing its 持つ／拘留する on the brighter members of the younger 世代. People of a 自然に aspiring turn of mind were likely to be channeling their idealism into a devotion for psychoanalysis, which looked to them like an agreeably uninhibited sort of 救済-through-science; or for 進歩／革新的な education, which was based upon a 反乱 against the strictness of the old 教育の tradition; or for humanism, a rather vague sort of 宗教 without theology.

Disillusionment and 反乱 characterized the writers of the time, too: disillusionment over the crusading spirit that had …を伴ってd the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs into World War I, 怒り／怒る at the way in which the writers felt they had been repressed and tormented by dogma and 条約 in their 青年, and 軽蔑（する） for the supposed vulgarity of the 商売／仕事 civilization of the day. Hence the astonishing vogue of H. L. Mencken, who scoffed at 宗教, respectability, Victorian propriety and sentimentality in the arts, 改革者s, and 政治家，政治屋s 一般に, and who at the same time was a tub-thumper for such 堅い-穀物d writers as Dreiser. Sinclair 吊りくさび wrote of the American small town and the American absorption in 商売／仕事 with photographic distaste, mingled with sympathy for their 犠牲者s. Ernest Hemingway, in his sparing prose, 納得させるd those younger 知識人s whose spiritual home was Montparnasse that they were indeed a lost 世代, and that there was little left for them but drink and sex. Eugene O'Neill turned Freud and the stream-of-consciousness literary technique to the uses of 激しい if interminable 演劇 on 主題s which an earlier 世代 would have considered shocking.

Some of the writers of the day 展示（する）d such disillusionment even with disillusionment itself that they approached 完全にする negation, but on the whole the new mood was not 失望させるing; indeed it was intensely 刺激するing. Throughout the world of the arts, there was a feeling that now at last one could shake off the 伝統的な 抑制s upon candor and could tell the truth. And the result was a sort of 知識人 renaissance: the blossoming time not only of 吊りくさび and Hemingway and O'Neill and Dreiser but also of Dos Passos, Sherwood Anderson, Maxwell Anderson, Willa Cather, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Ellen Glasgow, F. Scott Fitzgerald, and a 広大な／多数の／重要な many other able 小説家s, poets, and dramatists. にもかかわらず the rise of the movies to the status of a 広大な 産業 which drew millions of people into the theaters every twenty-four hours, the 合法的 行う／開催する／段階 had never fared so 井戸／弁護士席: during the 選び出す／独身 year 1927 there were no いっそう少なく than 268 開始s on Broadway--a 抱擁する 人物／姿／数字 compared with those of 最近の years. It is true that the idols of the young American writers and artists were predominantly foreign, or 移植（する）d: Proust, Joyce, T. S. Eliot, Gertrude Stein, the French modern painters, the Bauhaus architects; yet 調印するs were multiplying that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was coming of age culturally.

The highbrows 軽蔑（する）d Babbitt, a 甚だしい／１２ダース and vulgar fellow in their 注目する，もくろむs. Yet Babbitt himself was riding high. More important in retrospect, perhaps, than the 緩和するing of 条約s or the enlivenment of letters and the arts was the 簡潔な／要約する triumphal march of American 産業 and 商売／仕事 during the seven fat years from 1923 through 1929--or, to be more 正確な, until October, 1929.

These were にわか景気ing years, and for this fact there was ample basis. For one thing, there was the 広大な／多数の／重要な growth of the automobile 産業--which meant 拡大するing 商売／仕事 not only for automobile 製造業者s and parts 製造業者s but also for 売買業者s, garagemen, filling-駅／配置する 操作者s, トラックで運ぶing companies, bus companies, 道端 商売／仕事s, and so on almost 無期限に／不明確に. There was the sudden blooming of the 無線で通信する 産業 after Dr. Frank Conrad put on the first scheduled broadcast in 1920; by the end of the １０年間 無線で通信する sales totaled over three-４半期/4分の1s of a billion dollars a year, and the 無線で通信する advertisers 設立する they had struck 支払う／賃金 dirt. There was the lively rise of the construction 産業, as a 確信して 商売／仕事 community called for bigger and better office buildings, and a more and more congested 都市の 全住民 called for new apartment houses, and the motorized 郊外s and にわか景気ing 訴える手段／行楽地s called for new real-広い地所 開発s. There was the onset of the rayon 産業 and the multiplication of chain 蓄える／店s and chain services of many 肉親，親類d. Better still, 製造業者s had been learning what new machines and a careful planning of 生産／産物 could do to 増加する 生産（高）. During the years between 1922 and 1929 the physical 生産／産物 of the 農業の, 製造業の, 採掘, and construction 産業s 増加するd by 34 per cent--an astonishing 人物／姿／数字--and between 1920 and 1930, 生産（高） per man hour 増加するd by 21 per cent!

So far, so good. The stuff could be produced all 権利. The question was whether it could be sold. The 合意 was that a きびきびした enough salesman could sell it. And so the nineteen-twenties saw the canonization of the salesman as the brightest hope of America.

Sales 割当s were 課すd on young men setting out to vend their wares. Contests の中で salesmen--often merciless contests--were 工夫するd. (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs told their juniors that the day of the order taker was over; that instead of waiting for 顧客s, they must go out and find them. "Look 負かす／撃墜する there," Charles E. Mitchell, the sales-conscious 長，率いる of the 国家の City Bank, would say, 主要な one of his 社債 salesmen to a window. "There are six million people with incomes that aggregate thousands of millions of dollars. They are just waiting for someone to come and tell them what to do with their 貯金. Take a good look, eat a good lunch, and then go 負かす／撃墜する and tell them." Advertising 会社／堅いs produced copy and pictures and layouts so glossily persuasive that they made the advertising pages of an earlier day look amateurish, and 偉業／利用するd to the 限界 the techniques of 脅すing the 消費者 into buying and of 控訴，上告ing to the most 原始の forms of social ambition. ("Four out of five lose"--in other words, they get pyorrhea if they don't use the 権利 toothpaste. "Often a bridesmaid but never a bride"--because she has unpleasant breath from not using the 権利 mouthwash. "When your guests are gone--are you sorry you ever 招待するd them?"--because, not having 熟考する／考慮するd the 調書をとる／予約する of Etiquette, you have behaved boorishly.) Sales 条約s became more plentiful and livelier, along with 貿易（する） 条約s--partly, of course, because it was fun for gregarious men to get away from the home folks to a place where their adventures with bootleg hooch would be uninhibited by any 恐れる of 会合 their neighbors; but also because the arts of salesmanship could be 刺激するd by a comparison of 公式文書，認めるs on methods and 手続きs, 行為／行うd in an atmosphere of 前向きに／確かに revivalist fervor for bigger and better sales.

What was there to 妨害する the furious onward march of 商売／仕事? Not the 政府, whose regulatory 公式の／役人s and （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限s seemed mostly to be napping along with Coolidge. Not labor: after an angry wave of strikes すぐに after the war, unionism languished; total 貿易（する）-union 会員の地位 in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs dwindled from over five millions in 1920 to いっそう少なく than four millions in 1927 and three and a third millions in 1931. (One 推論する／理由 for this 拒絶する／低下する, かもしれない, was that union 会員の地位 要求するd 成果／努力 and devotion and that union members, like other people, preferred to relax. Another was that 給料 were rising anyhow, though not, perhaps, as 急速な／放蕩な as 生産性 was rising. A third was that the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing union leadership was old-fashioned, large-waisted, and slow.)

What was 運命にあるd to 停止（させる） the 今後 進歩 of 商売／仕事 was the fact that the businessmen of America had become bemused with paper values--with the piling up of 思索的な or artificially 生成するd wealth which had little relation to the 生産／産物 of goods. At a time when the greatest 経済的な need of the nation was for 装置s which would 分配する as 広範囲にわたって and 公正に／かなり as possible the fruits of 産業の 進歩, without destroying the incentives (to 資本／首都, to 管理／経営, and also to 労働者s) which 誘発するd that 進歩, there developed a 思索的な mania which 利益d すぐに only those who could lay their 手渡すs on 資本／首都; and in 新規加入, there were invented or 改善するd a 一連の 装置s for 分配するing the fruits of 繁栄--or what looked like them--into the pockets of the few.

These 装置s 含むd company 合併s at inflated prices which gave insiders a chance to line their own pockets; the piling of 持つ／拘留するing companies one upon another until--as in the Insull and 先頭 Sweringen empires--they were いつかs five or six or seven 深い, with the result that the heaviest cream of the 利益（をあげる）s of the 関心s at the base of such a pyramid could be drawn off by the owners of the 関心 at the 最高の，を越す; the 形式 by banks of "安全 (v)提携させる(n)支部，加入者s" which in 影響 used the depositors' 基金s to make 投資s, in 安全s and in real 広い地所, such as were 否定するd to the banks themselves by 法律; the たびたび（訪れる） practice of inflating 法人組織の／企業の 利益（をあげる）s by selling 所有物／資産／財産s 支援する and 前へ／外へ の中で a group of companies at rising prices; and the 形式 of 在庫／株-market pools in which the officers of a company would join with 仲買人s and 井戸／弁護士席-heeled 相場師s to 押し進める up the price of the company's 在庫／株--and then 荷を降ろす the 在庫／株 on a new lot of 買い手s, thus making money at the expense of those officers' own 株主s.

These were only a few of the 広範囲にわたって 雇うd 装置s of that day. Not only did they 代表する, collectively, an appalling 決裂／故障 of the fiduciary tradition; but--this is the 最初の／主要な fact to 耐える in mind--they tended, collectively, to knit 思索的な or even phony values into the 経済的な fabric of the country at so many points that if values fell, bank after bank and company after company--and their depositors and 従業員s--would be hard 攻撃する，衝突する. The irresponsible 活動／戦闘s of men who did not stop to think that they were 建設するing a caricature of the 資本主義者 system were 覆うing the way for 災害.

…を伴ってing the 雇用 of these ingenious 計画／陰謀s--and 強めるd by them--（機の）カム an 巨大な 思索的な にわか景気. Not long after the fantastic Florida real-広い地所 にわか景気 爆発するd, in 1926, the Big Bull Market in ありふれた 在庫／株s began. It really got under way in 1927, went into high gear in 1928, and after a 一連の convulsive 後退s rose to its majestic 最高潮 in September, 1929.

Just how many people were 推測するing in 在庫／株s during those wild years is unknown, but probably a million or so were buying on 利ざや--putting up only a fraction of the price of the 在庫／株s they bought--and a million or two more, though they were 支払う／賃金ing cash in 十分な for their 購入（する）s, were に引き続いて the 在庫／株-market quotations in the 財政上の pages with almost 平等に rapt attention. Not only were financiers and businessmen of high and low degree 推測するing, but housewives, ranchers, stenographers, clergymen, elevator men--whoever could lay 手渡すs on some cash to put into General モーターs or 無線で通信する ありふれた or Monty 区 or 事例／患者 Threshing or Electric 社債 & 株. The story is told of a young man who went to a financier for advice on how to get a 商売／仕事 education and was told to buy such-and-such a 在庫／株 and watch what happened to it; a couple of weeks later he （機の）カム 支援する to the financier agog: "How long has this been going on?" he asked in bewildered rapture. During most of 1928 and 1929 buying 在庫／株s was like betting at a race 跡をつける at which, fantastically, most of the horses won. Prices climbed and climbed and climbed. The 基準 統計（学） 索引 of ありふれた 在庫／株 prices 普通の／平均（する）d 100 during the year 1926; by June, 1927, it had reached 114; by June, 1928, it had got to 148; by June, 1929, to 191; and by September, 1929, to the dizzy 高さ of 216!

As prices 急に上がるd, some of the 現在の wise men said they had reached a 永久の 高原; this was a New 時代. Others 前進するd the 有望な idea that presently the whole nation would 濃厚にする itself by owning ありふれた 在庫／株s. Still others said that what was happening was a wild 賭事, and a lot of people would surely lose their shirts, but a 衝突，墜落 wouldn't 事柄 much さもなければ; after the smoke had （疑いを）晴らすd away, things would hum along as before. What they did not realize was that the 思索的な market had now become so 抱擁する that the 機械装置s that were supposed to make it self-規制するing--the (a)自動的な／(n)自動拳銃 selling out of unlucky 買い手s, for example, which was supposed to 原因（となる） a 減少（する） in prices which would 招待する new 買い手s--would become 機械装置s for 構内／化合物ing 災害; and that such a large part of American 商売／仕事 was geared to these inflated values that the repercussions of a 衝突，墜落 would shake the whole economy.

Who could have 停止（させる）d the march to 災害? 大統領 Coolidge? He knew little of 財政／金融, and a にわか景気 looked good to him; he even innocently encouraged it on occasion. Andrew Mellon, his astute 財務長官? Perhaps; Mellon once went so far as to make a 穏やかな 声明, soon forgotten, to the 影響 that it was a good time to buy 社債s; but Mellon was 明らかに too wedded to the idea that 政府 must keep its 手渡すs off 商売／仕事 to do anything more. The 連邦の Reserve System? It tried hard to 停止（させる） the price インフレーション by means of banking 規則s--and was roundly 公然と非難するd for so doing--and failed to bring about more than a 一時的な 停止（させる）. Said Roy Young, 知事 of the 連邦の Reserve Board, laughing one day as he looked at the rising prices on the ticker tape, "What I am laughing at is that I am sitting here trying to keep a hundred and twenty million people from doing what they want to do!"

Herbert Hoover 後継するd Calvin Coolidge as 大統領 in March, 1929. Could he have stopped it? By the time he reached the White House it was too late to do so without 原因（となる）ing at least a minor panic--and what 大統領 would want to have a panic follow すぐに upon his 即位 to office on a （選挙などの）運動をする スローガン of "four more years of 繁栄"?

井戸／弁護士席 then, could the responsible leaders of American 財政／金融--the Morgan 会社／堅い, for example--have stopped it? Hardly; for the Morgan 会社／堅い was itself 伴う／関わるd in some of the most ambitious of the 持つ／拘留するing-company 計画／陰謀s whose fortunes depended on high prices; and in any 事例／患者, though it enjoyed such prestige that the lesser men of 塀で囲む Street hesitated even to breathe its 指名する in casual conversation, preferring to 言及する 単に to "the Corner" (meaning the 会社／堅い on the corner of 幅の広い and 塀で囲む Streets), にもかかわらず it （権力などを）行使するd no such direct 当局 as it had in the days of the implacable Pierpont Morgan the 年上の.

No, there was no one in responsible 力／強力にする with both the will and the ability to check the onrush. So the gay summer of 1929 ran to its end, and the autumn began. . . .

Let us pause for a second to look at some other 人物／姿／数字s.

During that very year 1929, によれば the その後の 見積（る）s of the very careful and 保守的な Brookings 会・原則, only 2.3 per cent of American families had incomes of over $10,000 a year. Only 8 per cent had incomes of over $5,000. No いっそう少なく than 71 per cent had incomes of いっそう少なく than $2,500. Some 60 per cent had incomes of いっそう少なく than $2,000. More than 42 per cent had incomes of いっそう少なく than $1,500. And more than 21 per cent had incomes of いっそう少なく than $1,000 a year.

"At 1929 prices," said the Brookings 経済学者s, "a family income of $2,000 may be regarded as 十分な to 供給（する） only basic necessities." One might reasonably 解釈する／通訳する this 声明 to mean that any income below that level 代表するd poverty. 事実上 60 per cent of American families were below it--in the golden year 1929! The Brookings 経済学者s 追加するd another 用心深い 観察: "There has been a 傾向, at least during the last １０年間 or so, for the 不平等 in the 配当 of income to be accentuated."

If the nineteen-twenties 構成するd a sort of Indian summer of the old order, when 塀で囲む Street seemed more than ever to be the axis on which America turned, and when 銀行業者s and 仲買人s walked the earth like kings, and it looked as if 繁栄 could be soundly based upon making the rich richer and letting the gravy trickle 負かす／撃墜する, 減少（する） by 減少（する）, to those in the lower 階級s of society, it was にもかかわらず an Indian summer with a difference. The warmth of it was a 誤った warmth because the values upon which it was 設立するd were unreal and 運命にあるd to be self-destroying, and because it 深くするd the 湾 between the fortunate and the 大多数.

一時期／支部 10

The 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気

On the morning of October 24, 1929, the 非常に高い structure of American 繁栄 割れ目d wide open. For many days the prices of 在庫／株s on the New York 在庫／株 交流 had been 事情に応じて変わる faster and faster downhill; that morning they broke in a wild panic. The 主要な 銀行業者s of New York met at the House of Morgan to form a buying pool to support the market; Richard Whitney, brother of a 主要な Morgan partner, thereupon crossed the street to the 広大な／多数の／重要な hall of the 在庫／株 交流 and put in orders to buy 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel at 205; and for a time prices 決起大会／結集させるd. Pierpont Morgan had 停止（させる）d the Panic of 1907. Surely this panic, too, would 産する／生じる to the 組織するd 信用／信任 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な men of the world of 財政／金融.

But within a few days it was （疑いを）晴らす that they could no more stop the flood of selling than Dame Partington could sweep 支援する the 大西洋 Ocean. On it went, 開会／開廷／会期 after 開会／開廷／会期. On the worst day, October 29, over sixteen million 株 of 在庫／株 were thrown on the market by frantic 販売人s. And it was not until November 13 that order was 回復するd.

In the course of a few 簡潔な／要約する weeks, thirty billion dollars in paper values had 消えるd into thin 空気／公表する--an 量 of money larger than the 国家の 負債 at that time. The whole credit structure of the American economy had been shaken more 厳しく than anybody then dared guess. The legend of 塀で囲む Street leadership had been 穴をあけるd. And the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 was on its way.

At first 商売／仕事 and 産業 in general did not seem to have been 厳粛に 影響する／感情d. Everybody 保証するd everybody else that nothing really important had happened, and during the spring of 1930 there was 現実に a Little Bull Market of かなりの 割合s. But in May this spurt was at an end. And then there began an almost 連続する two-year 拒絶する／低下する, not only in 安全 prices, but also--an infinitely more serious 事柄--in the 容積／容量 of American 商売／仕事: a vicious circle of ebbing sales, followed by 拒絶する／低下するing 法人組織の／企業の income, followed by 試みる／企てるs to 回復する that income by cutting salaries and 給料 and laying off men, which 原因（となる）d 増加するd 失業 and その上の 減ずるd sales, which led to 増加するd 商売／仕事 losses, which led to その上の 行う cutting and その上の 解雇する／砲火／射撃ing of men, and so on toward 災害.

During these bewildering years 大統領 Hoover at first tried to 組織する 国家の 楽観主義 by 召喚するing 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs to Washington to 宣言する that 条件s were fundamentally sound and that there would be no 行う cutting. This didn't work. Then for a time he was inactive, 信用ing to the 恐らく self-訂正するing 過程s of the market. These didn't work. Then, 納得させるd that the 財政上の panic which was 同時に 激怒（する）ing in Europe was the worst source of trouble, he 組織するd an international 支払い猶予／一時停止 in war 負債s and 賠償s--a 罰金 一打／打撃 of 外交 which 緩和するd 事柄s only 簡潔に. Then he 始める，決める up the 再建 財政／金融 会社／団体 to bring 連邦の 援助（する） to hard-圧力（をかける）d banks and 商売／仕事s--while 確固に 辞退するing, as a 事柄 of 原則, to put 連邦の 基金s at the 処分 of individual persons who were in trouble. Just when it seemed as if 回復 were at 手渡す, in the winter of 1932-1933, the American banking system went into a tailspin; even the RFC 解答 hadn't worked. The result was one of the most remarkable coincidences of American history. It was on March 4, 1933--the very day that Hoover left the White House and Franklin D. Roosevelt entered it--that the banking system of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs ground to a 完全にする 停止（させる）. An able and 高度に intelligent 大統領, committed to 正統派の 経済的な theories which were 一般に considered enlightened, had become one of the 悲劇の 犠牲者s of the 崩壊（する） of the going system.

その結果 Roosevelt, 宣言するing in his cheerfully resolute 就任の 演説（する）／住所 that "the only thing we have to 恐れる is 恐れる itself," swept into a トルネード，竜巻 of 活動／戦闘--首尾よく 再開するing the banks and 始めるing that lively, helter-skelter, and often self-contradictory program of 改革（する）, 救済, and stimulation which was to keep the country in a dither during the middle nineteen-thirties and bring at least a 手段 of 回復.

苦しめるing 失敗s are readily forgotten, whether they are personal or 国家の; instinctively one tries to lock away the memory of them. It was やめる natural, in later years, for 共和国の／共和党のs to try to gloss over what had happened during Hoover's long ordeal; for 信奉者s in individualism to try to forget the 宙返り／暴落する that 私的な 企業 had taken; and, for that 事柄, for 愛国者s 一般に to 最小限に減らす what seemed a blot on the 国家の 記録，記録的な／記録する. And there were millions of Americans to whom the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 was associated with such painful personal memories that they tried, unconsciously perhaps, to banish the recollection of it from their minds. Any writer who reaches it in his chronicle is aware that at this point some readers will be tempted to put his 調書をとる／予約する 負かす／撃墜する. Yet there are several things about the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 that must be borne in mind if one is to understand the その後の fortunes of the American people.

1. It was a 崩壊（する） of terrifying 割合s and duration. At the middle of the year 1932--more than two and a half years after the 衝突，墜落 of 1929--American 産業 as a whole was operating at いっそう少なく than half its 最大限 1929 容積／容量. During this year 1932, the total 量 of money paid out in 給料 was 60 per cent いっそう少なく than in 1929. The total of （株主への）配当s was 57 per cent いっそう少なく; and these （株主への）配当s 代表するd the 収入s of the more fortunate 関心s--some might say the more ruthless toward their 従業員s--while American 商売／仕事 as a whole was running at a 逮捕する loss of over five billion dollars.

As for 在庫／株 prices, which were 伝統的に 関係のある to the 量 of 楽観主義 in the 商売／仕事 community, take a look at a few 見本s. General モーターs ありふれた, which had been 定価つきの at 72 ³/₄ at the 頂点（に達する） of the Bull Market in 1929, and had fallen in the Panic to 36, reached a 1932 low of 7 ⁵/₈. 無線で通信する 会社／団体 ありふれた, which had been 101 at the 頂点（に達する）, and 26 after the Panic, got as low as 2 ¹/₂. And 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel, long considered the bellwether of the market, with a 1929 high of 261 ³/₄ and a 地位，任命する-Panic quotation of 150, sank to 21 ¹/₄.

In that year over 12 million Americans were 失業した. In the 産業の towns the 割合 of 失業 people was staggering. In Buffalo, for instance, a house-to-house canvass of nearly fifteen thousand people who were ready and able to work showed that 31 per cent of them could not find 職業s, and いっそう少なく than half of them were working 十分な time. And 一方／合間 the 農業者s were in desperate 海峡s, with cotton bringing いっそう少なく than 5 cents, wheat いっそう少なく than 50 cents, and corn only 31 cents.

It was an oddly invisible 現象, this 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気. If one 観察するd closely, one might 公式文書，認める that there were より小数の people on the streets than in former years, that there were many untenanted shops, that beggars and panhandlers were much in 証拠; one might see breadlines here and there, and "Hoovervilles" in 空いている lots at the 辛勝する／優位 of town (groups of tar-paper shacks 住むd by homeless people); 鉄道／強行採決する trains were shorter, with より小数の Pullmans; and there were many factory chimneys out of which no smoke was coming. But さもなければ there was little to see. 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of people were sitting at home, trying to keep warm.

2. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 was part of a world-wide 崩壊（する）: what Karl Polanyi has aptly characterized as the 崩壊（する） of the market economy that had been 設立するd during the nineteenth century.

3. It 示すd millions of people--inwardly--for the 残り／休憩（する） of their lives. Not only because they or their friends lost 職業s, saw their careers broken, had to change their whole way of living, were gnawed at by a constant lurking 恐れる of worse things yet, and in all too many 事例／患者s 現実に went hungry; but because what was happening to them seemed without rhyme or 推論する／理由. Most of them had been brought up to feel that if you worked hard and 井戸／弁護士席, and さもなければ behaved yourself, you would be rewarded by good fortune. Here were 失敗 and 敗北・負かす and want visiting the energetic along with the feckless, the able along with the unable, the virtuous along with the irresponsible. They 設立する their fortunes interlocked with those of 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of other people in a pattern コンビナート／複合体 beyond their understanding, and 明らかに developing without 推論する／理由 or 司法（官）.

Even if they tried to hide their 狼狽, their children sensed it and were 示すd by it. The editors of Fortune wrote in 1936: "The 現在の-day college 世代 is fatalistic . . . it will not stick its neck out. It keeps its pants buttoned, its chin up, and its mouth shut. If we take the mean 普通の／平均（する） to be the truth, it is a 用心深い, subdued, unadventurous 世代. . . ." As time went on there was a continuing disposition の中で Americans old and young to look with a 冷笑的な 注目する，もくろむ upon the old Horatio Alger 決まり文句／製法 for success; to be 疑わしい about taking chances for ambition's sake; to look with a 都合のよい 注目する，もくろむ upon a 安全な if unadventurous 職業, social 保険 計画（する）s, 年金 計画（する）s. They had learned from bitter experience to crave 安全.

4. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 brought the abdication of 塀で囲む Street from the 命令（する）ing position which it had 達成するd in the late nineteenth century, had 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd under the personal leadership of Pierpont Morgan, and had institutionalized since his death in 1913. Not only had the big 銀行業者s of 1929 failed to stop the Panic, but as time went on the 無（不）能 of financiers 一般に to 対処する with the 負かす／撃墜する 傾向, their loss of 信用／信任 in their own 経済的な 有罪の判決s, and the downfall of the banking system itself all advertised their helplessness. If after 1933 a part of their former 力／強力にする passed to the big 会社／団体 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs who had 以前は regarded them with deference, and a much larger part of it passed to Washington, which now became the 経済的な 同様に as political 資本／首都 of the nation, this was at least partly because nature abhors a vacuum.

5. The 不景気 はっきりと lowered the prestige of businessmen. The worst 苦しんでいる人s were the 銀行業者s and 仲買人s, who 設立する themselves translated from 反対するs of veneration into 反対するs of public derision and 不信--the 不信 存在 はっきりと 増加するd by the 証拠s of 財政上の skullduggery which （機の）カム out in 連続する congressional 調査s. But even 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs in general sank in the public regard to a point from which it would take them a long time to 回復する; and in this 拒絶する／低下する the conscientious and public-spirited 苦しむd along with the predatory.

6. Yet the world-wide 不景気--though it brought Hitler to 力／強力にする in Germany, and in many other lands seemed to have sounded the death knell of capitalism--brought to the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs nothing approaching a 革命. It brought an 疫病／流行性の of 提案s for 経済的な panaceas--the 教団 of technocracy, Upton Sinclair's EPIC, the Townsend Old Age 回転するing 年金s 計画（する）, and suchlike; it brought the dictatorlike Huey Long to 簡潔な／要約する 地域の 力／強力にする; it brought 暴動s at 農業者s' 破産 sales, a 共産主義者-led "march" on Washington, and the 簡潔に ominous 特別手当 Army march of 1932. It also saw a 早い growth in the 知識人 影響（力） and labor-union 影響（力） of the 共産主義者s--though not in their 投票（する）ing strength, which remained 極端に small. But にもかかわらず the 狼狽 of uncounted Americans at their lot, there was no 革命--just a 転換 of 力／強力にする from one 政党 to the other, after the time-栄誉（を受ける）d custom. And although Roosevelt's New 取引，協定 introduced a hodge-podge of 改革（する）s and 規則s and 干渉，妨害s with what had been known as 経済的な 法律, only a few people--some of the starry-注目する，もくろむd zealots of the Washington 官僚主義, on the one 手渡す, and a few die-hard haters of the 政権, on the other--thought of these 改革（する）s as introducing a total change in the political or 経済的な structure of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs.

To the New York Times of December 31, 1933--when Roosevelt had been in office いっそう少なく than a year--the English 経済学者 John Maynard Keynes 与える／捧げるd an open letter to the 大統領. "You have made yourself," he wrote, "the trustee for those in every country who 捜し出す to mend the evils of our 条件 by 推論する／理由d 実験 within the 枠組み of the 存在するing social system. If you fail, 合理的な／理性的な change will be 厳粛に prejudiced throughout the world, leaving orthodoxy and 革命 to fight it out." As things eventuated, orthodoxy and 革命 were not left to fight it out. 実験 within the 枠組み of the 存在するing social system was the order of the day. Once more, as during the 反乱 of the American 良心, the American way of 対処するing with a 明らかにする／漏らすd defect in the 国家の 機械／機構 was to make a 一連の 実験の 修理s while the machine was running--and to do this through the 伝統的な party 機械／機構 of America.

The long-standing political coolness between the Oyster Bay Roosevelts and the Hyde Park Roosevelts should not blind us to the striking 平行のs between the approach to public 事件／事情／状勢s of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and of his wife's uncle Theodore Roosevelt. Both men had wealth. Both 支持する／優勝者d the underdog out of 有罪の判決, though they were upperdogs themselves. Both were men of abounding energy and captivating charm, though Theodore's was the more rugged, Franklin's the more gracious. Both were exuberantly 利益／興味d in people, people of all sorts and 条件s. Neither had a systematic 経済的な philosophy; both, in 工夫するing their 政策s and programs, played by ear; and both thought of 経済的な problems as essentially moral problems. Each, in his own time, was curiously fitted to bring change without the ideology or the 暴力／激しさ of 革命.

There is no need to rehearse here in 詳細（に述べる） the familiar story of the New 取引，協定: how the country was 元気づけるd and galvanized by Roosevelt's 納得させるing and contagious 信用／信任 in the spring of 1933; how in his very first "fireside 雑談（する）" over the 無線で通信する, when the banks were still の近くにd, he 伝えるd a serene 保証／確信 that they could be 首尾よく opened--as they すぐに were; how during the wild first hundred days he jammed through 議会, at 記録，記録的な／記録する-breaking 速度(を上げる）, a jumble of あわてて improvised 法律制定; how the 保守的なs, and 井戸／弁護士席-to-do people 一般に, began before long to 泡，激怒すること with 激怒（する） at him as he continued to 押し進める his 改革（する） program, and tinkered with the price of gold, and ran up big 連邦の 赤字s as Harry Hopkins furnished 救済 through the WPA to millions of families; how he gathered about him two 連続する Brain 信用s composed of 有望な young Idealists who furnished him with 経済的な ideas and oratorical 弾薬／武器; how he 敗北・負かすd the 共和国の／共和党の Landon in 1936, 絡まるd with the 最高裁判所 in 1937, and 直面するd and overcame--with the 援助（する） of その上の 連邦の spending--the sharp "後退，不況" of 1937-1938; and how he thereafter was distracted from his New 取引，協定 客観的なs by the 嵐／襲撃する clouds over Europe moving nearer and nearer. It is necessary only to 公式文書，認める the hard fact that the New 取引，協定 did not at any time bring a 十分な return of 繁栄; that was not to come until 弁護 spending went into high gear in 1940-41.

But in many ways the New 取引，協定 永久的に altered the nature of the American economy, and we may 井戸／弁護士席 pause for a moment to look at some of the changes it brought about and the new 軍隊s it 抑えるのをやめるd.

In the first place it rewrote a good many of the 支配するs of the 経済的な game as played in America. For instance, in order to 妨げる any 再発 of the 財政上の follies of the nineteen-twenties, it 離婚d 商業の banks from the 安全s 商売／仕事, forbade the 問題／発行する of 安全s without exhaustive 公表，暴露 of pertinent facts, circumscribed pool 操作／手術s on the 在庫／株 交流s and 始める，決める up a 連邦の 機関 to police these 交流s, and 取り去る／解体するd the more illogical 持つ／拘留するing-company structures in the 公共事業（料金）／有用性s 商売／仕事. Not only was there a new 支配する 調書をとる／予約する, but at many points the 連邦の 政府 moved in as umpire to 解釈する／通訳する and 施行する the 支配するs.

In the second place, it 介入するd extensively in the 経済的な game as protector of the underdog. For instance, because the 操作／手術s of one of the old-time 支配するs of the game, the 法律 of 供給（する） and 需要・要求する, appeared to be doing 損失 to the American 農業者, it stepped in to jack up and then to 保証（人） the prices he got. (The anomalous result was that the 農業者s of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, as 保守的な a group temperamentally as were to be 設立する in the land, became 扶養家族 for their very 経済的な lives upon 政府 決定／判定勝ち（する）s intheir に代わって!) 類似して, the New 取引，協定 continued to 支え（る） up 病んでいる 会社／団体s through Hoover's RFC; made 手はず／準備 to 妨げる 近づく-破産者／倒産した 会社／堅いs from going broke; 補佐官d farmowners and homeowners in 会合 their mortgage 支払い（額）s; underwrote the 財政／金融ing of new 住宅 企業s; insured bank deposits; gave a 手段 of 援助（する） to 失業した people and old people through Social 安全; and wrote a 最小限 行う and hours 法律 for labor.

All this was as if Washington were 説, "Do a lot of people seem likely to get gypped through the 邪魔されない workings of 経済的な 法律? All 権利, we'll make it up to them through 補助金s, 保証（人）s, or 保険." In short, while the New 取引，協定 did not 廃止する the market place as the determiner of values and rewards, it rigged the market plenty.

In the third place, it went into the active 商売／仕事 of 刺激するing 雇用, by building dams, 橋（渡しをする）s, parkways, and playgrounds on the grand 規模, and by putting even the 受取人s of 救済 to work at all manner of 企業s carefully concocted so as not to 干渉する with 私的な 商売／仕事; and it 始める，決める up the Tennessee Valley 当局 to do a 連合させるd 職業 of competing with the 私的な electric 公共事業（料金）／有用性s, 妨げるing floods, and teaching 農業者s some of the 原則s of 自然保護.

In the fourth place, the New 取引，協定 gave a go-ahead signal to 組織するd labor. Up to this time such 法律s as seemed to 権限を与える 集団の／共同の 取引ing, like the Clayton 行為／法令／行動する, had frequently been 無効にするd by the 法廷，裁判所s. But now the Norris-LaGuardia Anti-（裁判所の）禁止（強制）命令 行為／法令／行動する of 1932 was followed by Section 7a of the 国家の 産業の 回復 行為／法令／行動する of 1933, and--after that 法律 had been 始める，決める aside by the 最高の 法廷，裁判所--by the Wagner 行為／法令／行動する. The authorization to 組織する 存在 （疑いを）晴らす and 明確な／細部, there was a 急ぐ to join unions. In 1935 John L. 吊りくさび formed the CIO, which on 存在 expelled from the A F of L became a 競争相手 outfit 専攻するing in 産業の unions. The CIO moved into the hitherto unorganized 重工業s, 特に the automobile and steel 産業s, and a terrific struggle 続いて起こるd: unreconstructed 雇用者s spending hundreds of thousands of dollars on 雇うing 産業の 秘かに調査するs and plug-uglies; angry 労働者s 組織するing violent strikes. Within a few months from the 落ちる of 1936 to the spring of 1937, almost half a million American men and women やめる their 職業s, mostly using the new--and 違法な--sit-負かす／撃墜する technique fostered by 共産主義者 組織者s and taken up by others too; there was a 緊張 in the 産業の towns almost as of civil war, with 暴動s and 流血／虐殺. But at the 高さ of the 緊張 Myron Taylor, chairman of the board of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Steel 会社／団体, 任意に entered into a union 契約 with a 部隊 of the CIO; and although the little steel companies continued the struggle, it was presently （疑いを）晴らす that unionization was the order of the day.

By the end of the １０年間 the number of union members in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs had climbed from the 1933 人物／姿／数字 of いっそう少なく than three millions to nearly nine millions; office 労働者s who had never in their earlier years dreamed of joining a union 設立する themselves 組織するing and 脅すing to strike; (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs and their 従業員s 設立する themselves separated from one another by a 塀で囲む of 相互の 不信; and, partly because of union 圧力s, the 普通の／平均（する） work week in 商売／仕事 and 産業 was about five hours shorter than it had been at the beginning of the １０年間 (one 見積（る） gave a 拒絶する／低下する from 49.3 hours to 44 hours), and the two-day week end was becoming 基準.

Through its general sympathy with labor, the New 取引，協定 had 抑えるのをやめるd what J. Kenneth Galbraith has subsequently called a "countervailing 軍隊" in the American economy--a 軍隊 which, 事実上の／代理 in 対立 to 商売／仕事 管理／経営s, and 生成するing for the time 存在 a formidable 量 of 摩擦, served to bring about a 議席数是正 of the 国民所得 downward to those in the lower income brackets.

Finally, the New 取引，協定 tried to do a 職業 of managing the 国家の economy as a whole. It abandoned the automatically operating gold 基準 and introduced something approaching a managed 通貨. It abandoned the idea that the first 義務 of a 政府 was to balance its 予算, and embraced the Keynesian idea of 赤字 spending, with the 高度に 楽観的な notion that 赤字s in bad years would be counterbalanced by 黒字／過剰s in good years. Whatever the dangers inherent in such a dream, at least the idea became pretty solidly 設立するd that it was the 職業 of the 当局 at Washington so to manipulate their spending and their 会計の 支配（する）／統制するs that the economy would run on a reasonably even keel.

The result of all these 介入s--the 改革（する） 対策, the 補助金s and 保証（人）s, the public 作品, the 激励 of labor, and the 試みる／企てる to steer the economy as a whole--was certainly not a 社会主義者 order, at least in the old sense of the 政府's taking over the 管理／経営 of 商売／仕事 and 産業. For the 管理／経営 of the 広大な variety of 関心s remained in 私的な 手渡すs (though it was so often hedged in by 規則s, bedeviled by 税金s, and …に反対するd by unions that many an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある felt himself a 囚人 of 政府 and labor). Nor was it a 解放する／自由な 経済的な order, at least in the old sense of an order in which everybody's 経済的な fortunes were 決定するd by the 活動／戦闘 of 買い手s and 販売人s in the open market, with the 政府 standing aside as Herbert Hoover had tried to stand aside in 1930-1931. It was something between the two: one might call it a 修理d and 修正するd form of capitalism in which--to 逆戻りする to our earlier 人物／姿／数字 of speech--the 政府 umpires were forever blowing their whistles and 急ぐing の上に the field to penalize this player or that, or to pace off a fifteen-yard 伸び（る） for a hard-圧力（をかける）d team.

Nor, for that 事柄, was this new order planned in any 包括的な way by Roosevelt and his Brain Trusters. It was a patchwork of 対策 工夫するd almost without regard for one another; and as a result the American economy, after a few years, was いっそう少なく like a new and statelier mansion than like an old house extensively remodeled, with a new bit of roofing here, a new wing there, new supports under part of the 床に打ち倒すing, and a 大いに 大きくするd staff of servants.

Nor did the new order seem to work 特に 井戸／弁護士席. 十分な 災害 had been 回避するd, it is true, and many people long forsaken by fortune had been given new hope. But it was not until the 影をつくる／尾行するs of war began to 深くする, and the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs began to arm feverishly for 弁護, that this new, hybrid American system began really to work.

However, the grim １０年間 of the nineteen-thirties had left a number of 遺産／遺物s to the American people, of major importance to their 未来.

The first of these, and the most 根底となる, was the idea that the fortunes of individual Americans are interlocked, that they are "all in the same boat." Never before had a 国家の 危機 so challenged the ability of 経済学者s, sociologists, students of 政府, and intelligent 国民s 一般に to find out what was 現実に happening to their fellow countrymen, how they were variously 影響する／感情d by the 活動／戦闘s of 銀行業者s in 塀で囲む Street, 製造業者s in Detroit, 立法議員s and bureaucrats in Washington, and how they lived from day to day. During the years 1930 and 1931, when I had been at work on Only Yesterday, an informal history of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs in the nineteen-twenties, my best sources had been the daily papers and magazines of the period; the 調書をとる／予約するs of reportage or 評価 which I really needed to 協議する could have been 範囲d on a 選び出す／独身 shelf. In 1939 I wrote a 類似の 調書をとる／予約する about the nineteen-thirties, Since Yesterday; this time, the 調書をとる／予約するs on which I might have drawn, had I had the time and energy, would have filled a large library building, so diligently had the 世論調査員s, social 分析家s, 経済的な statisticians, and authors of assorted 調査するs been 診察するing the 条件s of their 同時代のs. And there was manifest, too, の中で 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of men and women, 含むing not only scholars but; comparatively untutored folk, the 漸進的な 拡大 of a sort of half-mystical 約束 in the American people--a 約束 all the more striking because the ability of these people to order their 事件／事情／状勢s 首尾よく was 存在 so 厳粛に 実験（する）d. It was as if men and women of different circumstances and antecedents, having discovered that their 運命／宿命s were interdependent, had begun to regard one another with a fresh understanding and had 設立する that on the whole they liked one another. 競うing as this 約束 did with the political and social 摩擦s of the times, it was hard to 手段 and its durability was uncertain. But I wonder if a good many readers of these pages, 解任するing, let us say, their reactions to the New York World's Fair of 1939, will not remember feeling--as they enjoyed the fountains, the illuminated trees, the 花火s, the 人工的な waterfalls streaming 負かす／撃墜する the 味方するs of buildings, the imaginative General モーターs Futurama, the girls swimming to waltz time at the Aquacade, and the brightly colored sideshows--a sort of inner exhilaration which, if it had 設立する words, might have said something like this: "All these things, the beautiful and the silly alike, 反映する in their さまざまな ways the one hundred and forty million people of this land, friendly, inventive, 希望に満ちた people who have 設立する that their lot is cast together."

Two more 遺産／遺物s of the nineteen-thirties were based upon the first one and 補足（する）d it. One was the idea that if individual Americans are in 深い trouble, it is the 職業 of the 残り／休憩（する） of the people, through their 政府, to come to their 援助（する）. The other was that it is their 職業, again through their 政府, to see that there is never another 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気. Each of these ideas, born in travail and ひどく contested for years, was by 1940 暗黙に 受託するd by the 広大な 大多数. Whether they could be lived up to remained to be seen.

一時期／支部 11

The 気が進まない World 力／強力にする

During the 早期に and middle nineteen-thirties there were 時折の grim 思い出の品s from overseas that the world 含む／封じ込めるd warlike nations bent on conquest. But at first these seemed hardly more than offstage noises during the 演劇 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気. When the Japanese 侵略するd Manchuria in 1931, when Mussolini's 国粋主義者／ファシスト党員 Italy 侵略するd Ethiopia in 1935, when Hitler entered the Rhineland in 1936 and gave manifest 調印するs of an inclination to 押し進める さらに先に, American 不賛成 was 激しい but the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of us felt that it wasn't up to us to do anything about such foreign depredations. For the country was in an 圧倒的に isolationist mood, 納得させるd that it could live in safety and satisfaction behind a 塀で囲む of 中立, 関わりなく what was going on in the 残り／休憩（する） of the world.

This was a belief at which individual men and women had arrived by a 広大な／多数の／重要な variety of 大勝するs. There were, to begin with, the natural-born distrusters of all things foreign. Their logic 控訴，上告d to many people of Irish 降下／家系 (who bore England no love) and of German 降下／家系 (who dreaded another 衝突 with Germany) and likewise to 非常に／多数の Midwesterners and 広大な／多数の／重要な Plainsmen who 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd Easterners 一般に of an undue susceptibility to the blandishments of European 外交官s in （土地などの）細長い一片d pants. There were also men and women who had 苦しむd 深く，強烈に from the 不景気 and who, せいにするing their troubles to the greed of financiers and big businessmen, proceeded 自然に to the belief that it was the sly 作戦行動s of "international 銀行業者s" and "merchants of death" that sucked nations into war. There were also the 共産主義者s and their dupes, whom the party line of the moment directed to join in the hue and cry against 塀で囲む Street and the 軍需品s 製造者s. There were men and women who so 深く，強烈に 不信d Franklin D. Roosevelt that they 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd him of trying to drag the country into war ーするために fasten his 持つ／拘留する upon it the more securely. Still others conscientiously believed that, with a 不景気 on its 手渡すs, the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs had enough to 対処する with at home without 投機・賭けるing into foreign 探検隊／遠征隊s, and that the best 出資／貢献 that America could make to 僕主主義 and freedom was to 論証する that these ideals could be realized within its own 国境s.

Finally there were those men and women who, as members of the disenchanted younger 世代 after World War I, had become (to borrow Lloyd Morris's phrase) "truculently 冷笑的な" about that war. These youngsters of the previous １０年間 were now coming into their middle years, and many of them, now solid and 影響力のある 国民s, had settled into the 有罪の判決 that America's 入ること／参加（者） into World War I had been the 広大な／多数の／重要な 悲劇の 失敗 of their parents' 世代. When in the 中央の-thirties a 上院 委員会 長，率いるd by Gerald P. Nye of North Dakota exposed the 抱擁する 利益（をあげる）s made by some American 会社／団体s during that war, and 後継するd in 伝えるing the impression that the Morgans and du Ponts and their like had got us 伴う／関わるd in it, many members of these さまざまな groups felt that their worst 疑惑s had been 確認するd. The "revisionist" 見解（をとる） of World War I was becoming the 正統派の 見解（をとる）.

Thus it happened that when in January, 1937, the Gallup 世論調査員s asked the question, "Do you think it was a mistake for the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs to enter the World War?" no いっそう少なく than 70 per cent of those who 表明するd an opinion answered "Yes"; and that when, in the 落ちる of 1935, they asked whether 議会 should get the 是認 of the people in a 国家の 投票（する） before 宣言するing war, as many as 75 per cent said "Yes." It is doubtful, of course, whether many of those who gave this answer realized how long it would take to 組織する a 国民投票 (imagine our waiting for one after Pearl Harbor!); yet the answer was 重要な as 明らかにする／漏らすing the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing 見解（をとる） that peaceable people got inveigled into wars by villains and fools in their own land.

During the years 1935, 1936, and 1937 議会 表明するd this isolationist mood by passing three 連続する 中立 行為／法令／行動するs 目的（とする）d at 妨げるing the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs from selling 武器 or 軍需品s to any warring 力／強力にするs. 大統領 Roosevelt and the 明言する／公表する Department didn't like these 行為／法令／行動するs--felt that they were unrealistic, tied America's 手渡すs, and negated its 影響（力） and its 権利s abroad--but public opinion was too strong to 反対する. And when in October, 1937, Roosevelt made a speech in which he said that 攻撃者s must be "検疫d," the uproar of 抗議する was deafening.

Already, however, events were marching at an 加速するing and ominous pace, and the offstage noises bore overtones of 増加するing menace. By 1937 Hitler and Mussolini were both 活発に 補佐官ing the 独裁者 フランス系カナダ人 in the Spanish Civil War. In that same year the Japanese attacked 中国. In March, 1938, Hitler 占領するd Austria. In the 落ちる of that year, at the Munich 会議／協議会, he browbeat England and フラン into 同意ing to his 部分的な／不平等な 占領／職業 of Czechoslovakia. The next spring he brazenly 占領するd the 残り／休憩（する） of Czechoslovakia, and Mussolini 侵略するd Albania. In the late summer of 1939 Hitler made an 同盟 with Stalin and then attacked Poland; this time England and フラン could stand aside no longer, and World War II was under way. By the next summer--the summer of 1940--the horrified American people had seen Finland attacked by Russia, Denmark and Norway 侵略（する）／超過（する） by Hitler, and the Low Countries and even フラン unbelievably 粉砕するd; only Britain now stood between Hitler and the total conquest of Europe, and Britain's ability to 耐える hung in the balance.

This 狼狽ing sequence of events--加える Roosevelt's ますます persuasive 成果／努力s to awaken his countrymen to the 十分な meaning of Hitler's onrush--shocked the American people into a 漸進的な but 決定的な change of 有罪の判決 as to the ability of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs to live by itself and to itself. One by one the 明らかな moral certainties of the 中央の-thirties--such as the notion that wars are fomented by 軍需品s 製造者s--were （海，煙などが）飲み込むd by the news from abroad. With each portentous event American opinion 転換d; いつかs the 転換 was so 早い that one could trace its 進歩 in 連続する Gallup 投票s. For instance, in March, 1939, 52 per cent of those 投票d thought that if war broke out in Europe we should sell Britain and フラン airplanes and other war 構成要素s; the very next month--after Hitler's total 占領／職業 of Czechoslovakia--the 百分率 had gone up from 52 to 66. 自然に, then, when war did 勃発する in the autumn of 1939 the 中立 行為／法令／行動する was 修正するd to 許す the cash sale of 軍需品s. Yet still the 大多数 of Americans, にもかかわらず the nightmare change that they were 証言，証人／目撃するing across the seas, remained stubbornly 気が進まない to commit themselves; their neutralism died hard. It was not until フラン fell and Britain stood alone, 直面するing the prospect of "血, toil, 涙／ほころびs, and sweat," that their sense of the implacable necessities of the new 状況／情勢 began really to 打ち勝つ their 疑惑 that somebody must be putting something over on them.

When フラン 崩壊（する）d in June, 1940, the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was beginning to step up its 弁護 生産／産物 very はっきりと. On the desperate need of the country to arm itself almost everybody could 部隊. Within a few weeks thereafter, Roosevelt was 申し込む／申し出ing guns and over-age 破壊者s to Britain. By the 早期に autumn of 1940, the American 草案 法律 was going into 操作／手術. Yet in that very season the two 大統領の 候補者s--Roosevelt, breaking precedent by running for a third 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, and Wendell Willkie, the last-minute choice of the 共和国の／共和党のs--though they agreed upon 援助（する） to Europe, were both 主張するing that they …に反対するd taking the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs into war. The orators of the "委員会 to Defend America by 補佐官ing the 同盟（する）s," and of "Fight for Freedom," were 熱心に …に反対するd by the 平等に 肯定的な orators of "America First." During the に引き続いて year, as Hitler desolated British cities with 爆弾s, overran the Balkans, and 侵略するd Russia, and as the Japanese began to 脅す the subjugation of the Far East, opinion swung by degrees toward more and more direct 介入; the Lend-賃貸し（する） 行為／法令／行動する went through 議会 with a strong 大多数, American 軍艦s began 軍用車隊ing American 供給（する）s part way to England, and the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 設立する itself in a 事実上の 明言する／公表する of undeclared war with Germany. Yet as the month of December, 1941, arrived, the country was still はっきりと divided emotionally.

At that moment a very large number of Americans, perhaps a 大多数, believed that Hitler must imperatively be 敗北・負かすd, even at the 危険 of 完全にする American 関与. A small 少数，小数派 were in 好意 of 急落（する），激減（する）ing in with all we had. But a かなり larger 少数，小数派 regarded Roosevelt's warlike gestures with a vehement 不信. Only a handful of this latter group regarded Hitler or the Japanese 帝国主義のs with any 好意; the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing feeling の中で them was 簡単に that, にもかかわらず our loathing for 侵略, we must not go to war to stop it unless or until it すぐに 脅すd the Western 半球.

Then, on December 7, 1941, （機の）カム the 一打／打撃 which ended all 疑問s.

It （機の）カム, ironically, not from Hitler's Germany, but from Japan. The attack on Pearl Harbor was a challenge that could not be 否定するd. And it was 敏速に followed by the astonishingly 強いるing 活動／戦闘 of Hitler and Mussolini in 宣言するing war on the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, and thus 放棄するing whatever hope they might have 心にいだくd that a ぐずぐず残る 不一致 about Europe would keep America divided. The die was cast. Suddenly we were a people 部隊d in our 意図 to 起訴する World War II to victory against the 攻撃者s both in Asia and in Europe.

Reluctantly--like a man walking backward--we had been 押し進めるd by events into a 承認 of the fact that we were not a 孤独な nation 安全な・保証する on our own continent, but a world 力／強力にする which must live up to the 適切な時期s and 責任／義務s inherent in that fact. We resented the idea. We felt we would much prefer to look after ourselves by ourselves; and we continued to feel so. But we had no choice.

During World War I there had been a lively crusading spirit--and there had also been かなりの 対立 to the war. This time there was no 対立. During the whole three years and eight months that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs fought, there was no antiwar 派閥, no 組織するd 平和主義者 element, no 反対 to 抱擁する （資金の）充当／歳出s, no noticeable 対立 to the 草案. Yet there was also a 最小限 of crusading spirit. For the popular disillusionment over World War I and the 論争 over 関与 in World War II had left their 示すs.

A 世代 of men and women who had heard again and again how men could be seduced by war スローガンs and 戦争の parades were 必然的に skeptical in their inner minds. This new war was astonishingly like that of 1917-1918, in Europe at least; and にもかかわらず the obvious differences and the hard logic of circumstance, something remained in the subconscious of millions of people to rise and 告発する／非難する them whenever they heard a 愛国的な peroration. They didn't want to be 犠牲者s of "hysteria." They felt uncomfortable about 旗 waving. They preferred to be 事柄-of-fact about the 職業 ahead. 意気込み／士気 officers 報告（する）／憶測d an astonishing 無関心／冷淡 to 指示／教授／教育 on American war 目的（とする）s; the 長，指導者 war 目的（とする） in most 兵士s' minds appeared to be to get 支援する home, by vanquishing the enemy if there was no quicker way; and the strongest 軍隊 making for valor and endurance was 明らかに pride in one's outfit and 忠義 to one's buddies. Few 禁止（する）d played, few trumpets blew, there were no parades, and people who became demonstrative about America's war ideals sensed a coolness in the 空気／公表する about them.

その上に, the emotional 疑惑s of those who had been anti-interventionist--and of some of those who had been 単に 気が進まない--remained to 条件 them: to make them move skeptically, grudgingly, and with strenuous 対立 to 明確な／細部 war 政策s that called for 激烈な 政府 支配（する）／統制するs and sharp 非軍事の sacrifices. These people were unstintedly loyal, and went to 戦う／戦い--or saw their brothers and sons go--without 保留（地）／予約; yet they remained emotionally on guard--distrustful of Britain, 怪しげな of our high 命令（する）'s disposition to put the war in Europe ahead of the war in the 太平洋の, and derisive over our 非軍事の 公式の／役人s in Washington, who looked to some of them like another 刈る of Brain Trusters using the war as an excuse for getting former professors to 干渉する with American 商売／仕事.

And the 不景気, too, had left its scars. People who for years had felt that 運命／宿命 was against them and that the next turn of its wheel might 急落（する），激減（する） them into 十分な 災害 felt that their whole 未来 had become a 抱擁する and ominous question 示す. Sure, they would fight--but where would they come out afterward? What 肯定的な thing was there that they could look 今後 to with 本物の hope, once the enemy had been 粉砕するd? They didn't know. Talk about war 目的（とする）s sounded hollow to them. They would do their 職業, but without 肯定的な hope. And 一方／合間 some of them would nourish a shrewd 不信 of anybody who looked like a big 大君; it was a 安全な 支配する to follow that the boss was out to feather his own nest. It may have been a 調印する of the nearness of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 that the 普通の／平均（する） GI felt more active 憤慨 for his own general, who lived comfortably in the house on the hill with a にわか雨 and plenty of cocktails, than for the enemy that 直面するd him.

Yet, with 孤立するd exceptions, the 武装した 軍隊s of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs fought magnificently. It is very doubtful if they could have done so if in their inner 存在s they had 深く，強烈に questioned the 有効性，効力 of the 原因（となる） for which they were fighting. By and large, the 非軍事の 全住民 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs likewise met adequately the major challenges of total war, and of them too the same thing can be said: they too fully believed in the 司法（官） of America's 使節団, however distrustful they might be of rhetoric about it. And even when things went worst, neither the 軍の nor the 非軍事のs ever 疑問d the 結局の coming of victory, however 疑わしい they might be that it would insure a harmonious and comfortable peace. The American people were their nation's--and freedom's--disillusioned and deadpan defenders.

It is not for this chronicle to rehearse the 軍の story of World War II, from the first agonizing days when the Japanese held most of the 太平洋の, and our 軍隊／機動隊s were 存在 粉砕するd at Bataan, and German 潜水艦s were 沈むing ships in a smear of oil off Cape Hatteras, to the 素晴らしい success of D-Day, the sweep across フラン, the 後退 of the Bulge, the 押し進める into Germany, and--に引き続いて a series of island-hopping 太平洋の victories--the dropping of the 原子の 爆弾 on Japan and the 降伏する of August, 1945. The generals, 外交官s, 軍の historians, and autobiographers have rung the changes on this 広大な／多数の／重要な story again and again, 述べるing and 審議ing each 戦略の 決定／判定勝ち（する） and each 戦術の move; 特派員s and 小説家s and 脚本家s have taken us through the 押し寄せる／沼地s of Guadalcanal and the hedgerows of Normandy, and の上に the beaches of Tarawa and Salerno, and through the long nights of 太平洋の patrolling, and into the sky 戦う／戦いs over Germany. いっそう少なく adequately told--and yet of continuing significance to us today--is the staggering story of American 生産／産物 during those anxious years.

The 悲惨s of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 had obscured a striking fact: that under the 刺激（する） of necessity American 産業 had 伸び（る）d はっきりと in efficiency during the nineteen-thirties. The 人物／姿／数字s are 明らかにする／漏らすing. によれば the best 見積（る）s of which 経済学者s are 有能な, 生産（高） per man hour had 増加するd during the １０年間 1900-1910 by 12 per cent; during the １０年間 1910-1920, by only 7 ¹/₂ per cent; during the brash １０年間 1920-1930, by an impressive 21 per cent. During the 不景気 １０年間 of 1930-1940--when many 工場／植物s were shut 負かす／撃墜する or working part time, and there was 激しい 圧力 for efficiency and economy--it had 増加するd by an amazing 41 per cent. But always, in most 産業s, the ブレーキs had been on, as it were. They must not overproduce. Now, with the coming of the war 緊急, the ブレーキs were 除去するd.

For the 軍の planners at Washington had conceived their 計画（する）s on a truly majestic 規模. By the end of the war the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs had a total of over twelve million men in service, as against いっそう少なく than five million in World War I. The devisers of the 成果／努力 had 解決するd that these 軍隊s of ours would be the best 武装した, best equipped, best 供給（する）d, and most comfortably circumstanced in history which they were. And we had to 供給（する） not only our own 軍隊s, but others too. The result, ーに関して／ーの点でs of 生産（高） and of cost, was 天文学の.

By the end of 1943 we were spending money at five times the 頂点（に達する） 率 of World War I. During the nineteen-thirties, critics of the New 取引，協定 had become apoplectic over 年次の 連邦の 予算s of seven or eight or nine billions, which they felt were carrying the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs toward 破産; during the 会計年度 1942 we spent, by contrast, over 34 billions; during 1943, 79 billions; during 1944, 95 billions; during 1945, 98 billions; during 1946, 60 billions. For the last four of these years, in fact, our 年次の 支出s were greater than the total 国家の 負債 which had been a 事柄 of such 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な 関心 during the 不景気. That 国家の 負債 had risen from 19 billions in Hoover's last year in office to 40 billions in 1939--and here was the 政府, only a few years later, spending up to 98 billions per year, and thus piling the 国家の 負債 up to 269 billions by 1946! These colossal sums made anything in the previous history of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs look like small change.

And how was the ambitious and expensive 職業 of 軍の 生産／産物 遂行するd? By 支払う／賃金ing little attention to costs, and asking 生産者s--as in World War I--to concentrate on 容積／容量 and 速度(を上げる）. "How many can you make, and how 急速な／放蕩な?"

The American 製造業者 答える／応じるd to the challenge with zest. For it 控訴，上告d to that peculiar enthusiasm for 記録，記録的な／記録する breaking which seems to blossom in the 空気／公表する of a land where 無線で通信する listeners to ball games are 知らせるd by 記録，記録的な／記録する-conscious 放送者s that so-and-so's ３倍になる with the bases 十分な is the first ３倍になる made in the first game of a World Series since 1927, and where schoolboy 走者s dream dreams of 存在 the first man in history to 達成する a four-minute mile.

New 工場／植物s were built, and built 急速な／放蕩な. The entire automobile 産業 was コースを変えるd from the 製造（する） of 乗客 cars into the 生産／産物 of 戦車／タンクs, トラックで運ぶs, 武器s. All manner of new 製品s and 装置s were 割り当てるd to American 工場／植物s to produce in a hurry--範囲ing from synthetic rubber to レーダ, from 上陸 ships to proximity fuses, from atabrine and penicillin and DDT to the Manhattan 事業／計画（する） for the 原子の 爆弾. Always the call from Washington was for 速度(を上げる）, 速度(を上げる）, 速度(を上げる）, and for 量.

The result: in the year 1945 the 甚だしい／１２ダース 製品 of goods and services in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs （機の）カム to $215 billions--井戸／弁護士席 over twice the dollar total of 1939, which had been $91 billions. Even when one makes allowance for the 戦時 rise in prices, one finds that the 製品 of 1945 was more than two-thirds bigger than that of 1939. American 産業 had 達成するd probably the most 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 増加する in 生産／産物 that had ever been 遂行するd in five years in all 経済的な history.

What happened to the 国家の 基準 of living when the 連邦の 政府 注ぐd into the 国家の economy war orders by the billions, and then by the tens of billions, and then by the 得点する／非難する／２０s of billions? Roaring 繁栄. During the nineteen-thirties the New 売買業者s had been conscientiously trying to "prime the pump" by 政府 支出s of a few billions a year; what they had done with a teaspoon was now 存在 done with a ladle.

By 1943 the last appreciable 失業--except of people transferring from 職業 to 職業, or waiting for a 約束d 開始 to materialize--had been soaked up. By 1944 the 調印するs of 繁栄 were everywhere. It was hard to get a hotel room in any city. Restaurants in which it had always been 平易な to find a （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する for lunch were now crammed by a few minutes after twelve. Sales of fur coats and 宝石類--many of them for cash across the 反対する--were jumping. 高級な goods for which there had long been a dwindling market were suddenly in 需要・要求する: the proprietor of a music 蓄える／店 報告（する）／憶測d that he was selling every grand piano, new or renovated, that he could lay his 手渡すs on. And 訪問者s to New England mill towns which had been 不景気-ridden since long before the nineteen-thirties were 公式文書，認めるing newly painted houses, 盗品故買者s in fresh 修理.

This 噴出する of 繁栄 was a strange 現象 to 証言，証人／目撃する in a nation 恐らく stripped 負かす／撃墜する for the 最高の 成果／努力 of war--a nation in which airplane spotters sat under the 星／主役にするs of a 冷淡な winter's night to listen for an improbable enemy; in which 空気／公表する-（警察の）手入れ，急襲 wardens put on their armbands for practice 灯火管制／停電s, and waited endlessly for the dreadful moment when the word would go out, "Signal 50 received, 地位，任命する your wardens"; in which first-aiders took lessons in triangular 包帯s and talked sagely about 圧力 points; in which women went stockingless because they were running out of nylons, and cigarettes, butter, sugar, and coffee were in short 供給（する）, and beefsteak became the rarest of 扱う／治療するs, and 草案 boards puzzled over the 最新の changes in the 規則s from Washington, and the ubiquity of 兵士s and sailors in uniform was a constant 思い出の品 of everybody's 義務 to make sacrifices for the ありふれた safety. The 政府 was doing what it could to 減ずる spending and thus slow 負かす／撃墜する インフレーション--through price 天井s, rationing of 不十分な and 必須の goods, 行う 氷点の, 超過-利益（をあげる）s 税金s, and 記録，記録的な／記録する-high personal 所得税s--and with some success. Yet the 繁栄 was there, paradoxically 洪水ing. And after the long 干ばつ of the nineteen-thirties there was something undeniably welcome about it.

Who was getting the money?

一般に speaking, the 株主s of the biggest 会社／団体s were not getting very much of it. These 会社／団体s were in many 事例／患者s getting 抱擁する war orders, and thus 強固にする／合併する／制圧するing their important positions in the 国家の economy; but 超過-利益（をあげる）s 税金s, along with 管理の 警告を与える over the 不確定s of the 未来, and with the recollection of the embarrassing スキャンダルs of 1918 war 利益（をあげる）s, 連合させるd to keep their （株主への）配当 支払い（額）s at modest 率s. The 株式市場 languished. Big 資本／首都, as such, was having no heyday.

Some smaller companies which had barely been able to keep alive during the 不景気 and now were receiving big war orders were making 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の money--支配する both to 税金s and to 再交渉 of their 契約s. There were also 非常に／多数の small 関心s, in the 織物 商売／仕事 for example, that got no war orders but 利益（をあげる）d hugely--again before 税金s. But other 商売／仕事s were in 限定された trouble. Tourist （軍の）野営地，陣営s and 道端 taverns and automobile 売買業者s, for example, 苦しむd because of gas rationing, and there were many 製造業者s and 売買業者s who were hard 攻撃する，衝突する by 不足s of 構成要素s, could not 転換 into war 生産／産物, and went 深い into the red. But what was more 利益／興味ing than the sort of 関心s which were getting the money was the sort of individual people who were getting it.

The rich were getting some of it, but those of them who were honest were keeping very little because of high income 税金s. Most of the extravagant spending which was manifest in so many places was the result either of 税金 dodging or of the lavish use of company expense accounts. "It's all on the 政府" was the 主題 song of many a sumptuous party. Although the war was making a few 合法的 millionaires--おもに の中で oil men who by 推論する／理由 of "depletion allowances" did not feel the 十分な 負わせる of 連邦の 税金s--in general the rich and honest did not 伸び（る） much.

People outside the war 産業s whose salaries or 給料 were frozen by the War Labor Board were not 伸び（る）ing at all, though some of them were helped by "reclassification of 職業s" or by "長所 増加するs," with or without quotation 示すs. People who were 扶養家族 on （株主への）配当s and 利益／興味 likewise were seldom の中で the gainers; indeed in many 事例／患者s インフレーション brought a real 悪化／低下 in their circumstances.

The 主要な／長／主犯 受益者s, 一般に speaking, were 農業者s; engineers, 専門家技術者s, and specialists of さまざまな sorts whose knowledge and ability were 特に 価値のある to the war 成果／努力 in one way or another; and 技術d 労働者s in war 産業s--or unskilled 労働者s 有能な of learning a 技術d 貿易（する） and stepping into the 技術d group.

The 農業者s were in clover; and it was about time. For they had long been 直面するd with adversity after adversity. During the nineteen-twenties few of them had had seats on the 繁栄 禁止（する）d wagon; a にわか景気 in the price of farm land after World War I had overextended many of them, the 失敗 of 非常に／多数の 田舎の banks had been 悲惨な to these and to others, and the prices they had got had seemed perpetually 不十分な. During the 不景気 these prices had dropped to ruinous depths; and just as 回復 was setting in, a 一連の 干ばつs and 砂じん嵐s had desolated whole areas of the 広大な／多数の／重要な Plains, sending 哀れな "Okies" on the desperate trek to California, where at least there was a faint hope of something better. But now prices were good, the 需要・要求する for farm 製品s was 圧倒的な, the 天候 was 都合のよい, their methods were vastly 改善するd, and by 1943 their total 購入（する）ing 力／強力にする was almost 二塁打 what it had been at the end of the nineteen-thirties.

The engineers, 専門家技術者s, and 労働者s in the war 工場／植物s 利益d by an 利益／興味ing circumstance. Since at the beginning of the war 緊急 there had still been millions of 失業した men and women, there had been no need for an 公式の／役人 配分 of 動員可能数; the war 産業s could 吸収する large numbers of 労働者s from other 占領／職業s without 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なうing the economy. And they 誘惑するd them 大部分は by 申し込む／申し出ing high 支払う／賃金. A young 化学者／薬剤師 would find himself sought out by a 化学製品 関心 at a salary he hadn't 推定する／予想するd to earn for many a year. Mrs. Smith's waitress would leave for a 職業 in an 電気の 工場／植物 that would bring her $50 a week with evenings 解放する／自由な. A soda jerker would 二塁打 his income by walking 負かす／撃墜する the street to the factory that was going to make parts for 戦車／タンクs. And a salesgirl at a department-蓄える／店 在庫／株ing 反対する would fetch up in an airplane 工場／植物 at two or three times her 蓄える／店 支払う／賃金.

Later, it is true, 労働者s in 必須の 産業s were "frozen" in their 職業s and the 判決，裁定s of the War Labor Board tended to keep their 支払う／賃金 within bounds; but the 必須の fact remained that these war 労働者s became, as a group, the 長，指導者 受益者s of the new 繁栄. Look at the 人物／姿／数字s for 労働者s in 製造業の 産業s. Between 1939 and 1945 their 普通の／平均（する） 週刊誌 収入s went up by 86 per cent. 一方／合間 their cost of living went up by an 概算の 29 per cent--but even so they were far better off than in 1939. They had experienced a sharp and welcome 伸び（る） in "real 給料."

By and large, what the war にわか景気 did, then--with 非常に／多数の exceptions--was to give a 解除する to people with low incomes.

We shall come 支援する to that fact in a later 一時期／支部. It was a very important fact for the 未来 of America.

During these war years there was an 課すing growth in the size, 当局, and 複雑さ of the 連邦の 政府, superimposed upon the growth that had already taken place under the New 取引，協定.

At this point a word of amplification is necessary. This growth was nothing wholly new. Both the 連邦の 政府 and the 明言する／公表する and 地元の 政府s had been growing almost continuously even in earlier years (支配する only to the 原則 that in 戦時 it is the 連邦の 政府 which swells while the others do not). During the years 1915-1930, for example, the cost of running the 連邦の 政府 had jumped by 352 per cent; and, although 軍の and 退役軍人s' 支出s accounted for much of the 増加する, even the civil 行政の costs had gone up by 237 per cent. As for the 明言する／公表する 政府s, the cost of running them had leaped 上向き even during the time when the parsimonious Calvin Coolidge was 持つ／拘留するing 連邦の 支出s more or いっそう少なく in check; how could it help doing this when even the most 保守的な 国民s 手配中の，お尋ね者 new 明言する／公表する 主要道路s and bigger and better schools? This 傾向 toward growth was the 避けられない result of the 増加するing interdependence of people in a society that is becoming ever more urbanized and more コンビナート／複合体: anybody who has lived for any stretch of time in a rising 郊外, and has seen its 政治の 予算 swell as its 全住民 grows, will 認める the 現象.

But the New 取引，協定 did 加速する this 傾向, はっきりと; and the war of 1941-1945 gave it a much stronger 押し進める. In 1930, when Hoover was in the White House and the 不景気 was still young, there had been some ⁶/₁₀ of a million 連邦の civil 従業員s. By 1940, when the New 取引，協定 had done its 最大の and the war にわか景気 was just beginning, the number had risen from ⁶/₁₀ of a million to a little over a million. By 1945, when the war was ending, it had 発射 up to more than 3 ¹/₂ million.

And in the years に引き続いて World War II, did it 縮む 支援する again to only a little over a million? It did not. It shrank 支援する only part way--just as after World War I it had shrunk 支援する only part way. In 1949, some four years after the war, and before the Korean 危機, there were still over 2 million 連邦の civil 従業員s.

For the 失敗 of the roster to 契約 more はっきりと one may 非難する, if one wishes, the Fair 取引，協定 行政, so anxious to be a 修正するd 炭素 copy of the expansive New 取引，協定 行政; or one may 非難する the inherent 傾向 of bureaucrats to hang の上に office at all cost. In any 事例／患者 a major 原因（となる） was our 長引かせるd 緊張 with Soviet Russia. Yet another 原因（となる）, in all probability, was our still 増加するing interdependence.

I remember a talk I once had with a number of men who were 深く，強烈に 利益／興味d in 自然保護. They 含むd a public-spirited but very 保守的な ex-銀行業者. When he said that to 達成する some end--I think it was the 保護 of watersheds--a new 連邦の 法律 was needed, I asked whether interstate compacts wouldn't serve, 示唆するing that I preferred to see such things managed if possible without conferring new 当局 on Washington. The ex-銀行業者 explained to me 根気よく that only 連邦の 活動／戦闘 would do the trick. On the growth of 連邦の 力／強力にする in general I am sure my friend would have been sulphurous. But in this field he 認めるd the inexorable 原則 that as our lives become more closely interlocked, we must needs depend more and more on 連邦の 法律制定, 連邦の 規則, 連邦の 基金s.

Diligently as public-spirited 団体／死体s like the Hoover （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, apprehensive over the groaning 負わせる of 税金s, may work for efficiency and economy in 行政, and 真面目に as others may 努力する／競う to 限界 政府 活動／戦闘 to fields in which it will not stifle individual 企業 and personal freedom, there seems to be little prospect of a real shrinkage. Big 政府 appears to be with us to stay.

The year 1945 was a year of 広大な／多数の／重要な events. As it opened, the German counteroffensive of the Bulge in the 雪の降る，雪の多い Ardennes was 存在 turned 支援する, while at the other end of the world General MacArthur's 軍隊／機動隊s were 嵐／襲撃するing through the Philippines. In March, American 軍隊／機動隊s 掴むd 損なわれていない a 橋（渡しをする） across the Rhine at Remagen, and the way was opened for an 不快な／攻撃 across Germany. In April, when this 不快な／攻撃 had just reached the Elbe, Franklin D. Roosevelt--who had 証明するd himself a 熟達した war leader, 井戸／弁護士席 fitted to work in cordial 共同 with the incomparable Churchill--died, exhausted by his long labors toward victory; and the 大規模な 重荷（を負わせる）s of the 大統領／総裁などの地位 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs fell upon the shoulders of the inexperienced and unassuming 副／悪徳行為-大統領, Harry S. Truman. Later in the same month there began, at San Francisco, the international 会議／協議会 which 始める，決める up the 国際連合 organization. By 早期に May, Mussolini was dead, Hitler was dead, and Germany had 降伏するd. In July, the first 原子の 爆弾 爆発 took place in New Mexico. In August, the 爆弾 was used on two Japanese cities, and Japan 降伏するd--just after Stalin, like a football coach sending a 上級の into a game during the last minute of play to get his letter, had belatedly moved his 軍隊／機動隊s against the Japanese. V-J Day brought wild rejoicing. Now for an 時代 of peace!

As soon as possible we began bringing our 軍隊／機動隊s home in 返答 to a vociferous public 需要・要求する. その結果 we 遭遇（する）d two surprises.

The first was a happy one. There was no 戦後の 不景気 such as innumerable people had 推定する／予想するd. On the contrary, the new 繁栄 went 権利 on, with the public spending money at such a pace that, with the 緩和 of 連邦の 支配（する）／統制するs, there began a 進歩／革新的な インフレーション more 厳しい than the 戦時 one. (From 1940 to 1945 the rise in the cost of living for 穏健な-income families had been 28.4 per cent; from 1945 to 1949 it was 31.7 per cent--with prices still going up.) A 一連の strikes brought a 一連の 連邦の 介入s, which usually gave labor at least a part of what it had asked for; and these 行う 増加するs were followed by price 増加するs to 吸収する them--with, いつかs, a 利ざや to spare. We saw a first 一連の会議、交渉／完成する of 行う 増加するs, a second 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, a third 一連の会議、交渉／完成する--and then we lost 跡をつける of the number. The rising cost of almost everything bore 負かす／撃墜する ひどく upon some 商売／仕事s, and upon individuals with 直す／買収する，八百長をするd incomes, but as to the continuing actuality of 繁栄 there could be no 疑問 whatever. With 政府 支出s continuing at a high level, the 経済的な question of the day was not whether America could 吸収する all it could produce, but whether it could produce all it 手配中の，お尋ね者 to 吸収する.

The other surprise was 深く，強烈に 乱すing. With Hitlerism dead and done with, and with Japan docile under MacArthur's 皇室の 支配する, we no sooner started to relax than it was borne in upon us, with 増加するing ominousness, that Soviet Russia in her turn was bent upon world conquest. Not only must we keep large 占領／職業 軍隊s both in the Far East and in Europe; we must also 支え（る） up exhausted Britain with a 貸付金, come to the 援助（する） of Greece and Turkey under the Truman Doctrine, 開始する，打ち上げる the Marshall 計画（する） to the tune of billions a year for 援助（する） to the 非，不，無-共産主義者 政府s and peoples of Western Europe; run for months a 危険な airlift to Berlin to 妨げる the Soviets from 餓死するing that city into submission; (1)偽造する／(2)徐々に進む an 大西洋 協定／条約 to 保護する Western Europe, and 与える／捧げる ひどく to its 弁護; and, in 1950, 持つ／拘留する off a 共産主義者 attack upon South Korea--一方／合間 直面するing, at every 開会／開廷／会期 of every 会議, 議会, and （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 of the new 国際連合 organization, an unremitting 一斉射撃，（質問などの）連発／ダム of obstruction and vilification from the Soviet 代表者／国会議員s.

So our dreams of 勝利を得た 緩和 ended almost as soon as they began. The 草案 had to be continued. The 軍の 設立 had to be built up again--at a cost which unhappily 長引かせるd インフレーション. We 設立する ourselves the uneasy proprietors of a big 原子の-力／強力にする 産業, 政府 controlled (how strange to American experience!) and supersecret. We made 断続的に successful 成果／努力s at bi-同志／支持者 管理／経営 of our 外交政策, but under the 緊張する of our bewildering 責任／義務s there were constant political 摩擦s and recriminations over the 失敗s or 申し立てられた／疑わしい 失敗s that had given 共産主義 the 率先 in so many parts of the earth. We discovered that the American 共産主義者s had infiltrated into the 管理／経営 of many labor unions, many 恐らく 自由主義の public-service organizations, and some 政府 departments; and so 激しい had the anti-Soviet feeling become that this 発見 led--as we shall see in another 一時期／支部 of this 調書をとる／予約する--to the besmirching, often on the flimsiest or falsest of 証拠, of the 評判s of many estimable 国民s. But on the other 手渡す, our very 不信 of the Soviets led to the passage, by large 大多数s, of 手段 after 手段 for the 救済, upbuilding, and 弁護 of Europe. In our 深い 苦悩 we were carrying through a 政策 of 援助（する） which--however it might be resented by people in Europe who knew 井戸／弁護士席 that we had never 苦しむd as they did, and whatever the final 結果 of it might be--was generous and statesmanlike.

As the international 緊張 機動力のある again, still another surprise became manifest. Real 孤立主義 had 事実上 disappeared.

What had happened, paradoxically, was that most of those Americans who had 以前は been isolationist, or would have been isolationist had the international skies been clearer, had become interventionists in a special area, the Far East. When they looked across the 大西洋 Ocean, they looked with the old 注目する，もくろむs of 懐疑心, 投票（する）ing against （資金の）充当／歳出s for Britain, paring 負かす／撃墜する （資金の）充当／歳出s for the Continent. But when they looked across the 太平洋の Ocean, their mood was not skeptical, but 十分な of 約束 in Chiang Kai-shek, whom they 手配中の，お尋ね者 to support fully; and they were angry at American 公式の／役人s, not because these 公式の／役人s had been too lavish in 援助（する） to a foreign 政府, but because they had been too lukewarm and too niggardly. Some of the critics even 押し進めるd their attack upon these 公式の／役人s to the point where it was 暗示するd that anyone who was not a wholehearted interventionist in Asia was 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う of 共産主義者 sympathies--an 関わりあい／含蓄 which they would hardly have 受託するd if it had been 適用するd to 十分な support of, let us say, the Marshall 計画（する）.

What did this all 追加する up to? To the fact that we had interventionists-in-Europe and interventionists-in-Asia, but few true isolationists any more--at least for the time 存在. However acrid the 論争s over 外交政策, there was general 協定 that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 直面するd an inescapable assignment as 長，指導者 後見人 and 財政上の helper and 助言者 of the 非，不，無-共産主義者 world.

That was a 開発 which the American of 1935, had he been able to 予知する it, would have regarded with 完全にする incredulity.

Because it was so new, it was a 開発 for which we ourselves were unprepared. The 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was 厳粛に 欠如（する）ing in 専門家s who knew 中国, Korea, Indo-中国, Iran, Egypt, and other lands where 危機 ぼんやり現れるd; we had to begin hurriedly training them. Foreign-政策 problems were new and strange to most of us. By nature we resented having to engage in 政府 宣伝 abroad. Emotionally we were 準備ができていない for the 命令（する）ing 役割 that had been thrust upon us; for our 相続するd instincts--and most of our acquired instincts--told us that where we belonged was in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, looking after our own 事件／事情／状勢s. More than ever, we were the 気が進まない world 力／強力にする.

一時期／支部 12

Ole Ark A'Moverin'

By the 中央の-century--as a small army of 専門家技術者s, 外交官s, 交流 scholars, and 新聞記者／雑誌記者s left the country to 治める its new world 責任／義務s--Americans abroad 設立する that they were 繰り返して asked the question (partly as a result of 執拗な 共産主義者 宣伝): "What about your race relations in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs?" To the Asiatic, to the African, to the men of color in every land, it made a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 of sense to 裁判官 American 約束s of a 勇敢に立ち向かう New World against American 業績／成果 at home.

To this 在庫／株 question the new missionaries of Fulbright, Point Four, ECA, and the technical 援助 programs of the 国際連合 could find no 在庫／株 返答. They were unable to 否定する that a degree of 差別 continues to 存在する in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. Yet they were also aware that the impressions in men's minds abroad were outdated, and to that extent at least were distorted. And they 設立する themselves wanting to tell the world, "But you must understand how much these things have changed in the past few １０年間s."

In 1900 there were not やめる nine million Negroes in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs (as compared with some fifteen million in 1950) and they were 圧倒的に concentrated in the South. Not only did nearly nine-tenths of them live there, but nearly three-４半期/4分の1s of them were to be 設立する in the 田舎の South. For a 世代 they had enjoyed the 名目上の status of 解放する／自由な men and women; but they were 猛烈に handicapped by poverty, ill health, bad 住宅, 不十分な education, scanty 適切な時期, and--in the South--an inferior position before the 法律. No いっそう少なく than 44.5 per cent of them were 無学の. By and large they held the most servile, heaviest, dirtiest, and worst-paid 職業s; and their most characteristic 占領／職業 was as cotton-pickers, 犠牲者s of an uneconomic and demoralizing system of farm tenantry which a cynic might have imagined to have been deliberately 工夫するd ーするために inculcate in the tenants the very traits of shiftlessness and irresponsibility which were せいにするd to the Negroes. Many of them lived in 事実上の peonage by 推論する／理由 of 負債.

The 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing 見解（をとる） of them の中で the Southern whites was that they were 事実上 subhuman and incapable of 利益（をあげる）ing by education; when a Negro manifested exceptional 知能, this was taken to be a 調印する that he must have white 血 in his veins. The colored people were to be regarded with affection and amusement so long as they kept their place, but must be 脅迫してさせるd the moment they showed any 調印するs of stepping out of it; for underlying the enjoyment which the Southern whites took in their agreeable deportment, their gentle humor, their gift of song, their zest for rhythm, their instinct for 儀礼, was a 深遠な 恐れる of them--a 恐れる 高くする，増すd by long memories of 再建 days, and by the 現実化 that in many parts of the 地域 they より数が多いd the whites.

This 恐れる had brought about their 漸進的な disfranchisement by such 装置s as the "grandfather 法律": in 1900 it was 概算の that out of 181,471 Negro males of 投票（する）ing age in Alabama only 3,000 were 登録（する）d. Lynchings were 非常に／多数の: in 1900 no いっそう少なく than 115 were 記録，記録的な／記録するd, and in 1901 the 人物／姿／数字 rose to a 記録，記録的な／記録する 130 (as compared with an 普通の／平均（する） of いっそう少なく than four a year during the nineteen-forties).

The million or so Negroes who lived outside the South fared on the 普通の／平均（する） much better, partly because the 行う level tended to be higher in the North and West, the schools better, the sanitary 条件s いっそう少なく 原始の, but also because there was as yet little 恐れる of them in these 地域s; in some smaller communities the few 居住（者） Negroes were 高度に regarded and 占領するd positions of 事実上の social equality with their neighbors. But even in the North, Negroes in general were customarily regarded as comic or picturesque minor characters in the 演劇 of American life, and the 最新の quaint 説 of a colored servant played a part in the conversation of the 井戸／弁護士席-bred, somewhat like that of the 最新の quaint 説 of an amusing child.

There had long been a 傾向 to move northward の中で those Negroes who could afford the trip, but it was not until about the year 1915 that the northward 移住 reached flood 割合s. What 加速するd it was a rising 需要・要求する for unskilled 労働者s in northern 産業 by 推論する／理由 of the war にわか景気. Year by year it continued, as word spread through 郡 after 郡 in the South that colored friends and 親族s in Harlem or Philadelphia or Chicago were eating 定期的に and 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がるing the absence of Jim Crow 制限s. But as the Negro 全住民 in the North swelled--特に in the big cities which 吸収するd an 圧倒的な 大多数 of the migrants--the same sort of 恐れる that had 以前 been 激烈な／緊急の only in the South began to 所有する many Northerners. 成果／努力s to keep Negroes out of 職業s which whites might want, and to pen them within their own slum 地区s, lest their presence どこかよそで lower real-広い地所 values, became more 審議する／熟考する, more 組織するd; during the 中央の-twenties the vicious Ku Klux Klan 繁栄するd not only in the South but in many parts of the North too. The colored people were learning to their cost that the 量 of 組織するd 差別 against any group considered 外国人 is likely to be proportionate to the 親族 size of that group in the community, and that as they moved north they brought their problems with them.

Then （機の）カム the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気, and its 衝撃 upon the Negro 全住民 was appalling. In those days when 逮捕 over the loss of one's 職業 became an obsession with millions of Americans, 必然的に the worst 苦しんでいる人s were those who 伝統的に had been the last to be 雇うd, the first to be demoted, the first to be 解雇する／砲火／射撃d. If the northward 移住 continued--as it did--this was 大部分は because the chances of getting on 救済 were on the whole better in the North than in the South. In the year 1935 the median incomes of colored families were 計算するd in a number of cities; in the northern ones, they 普通の／平均（する）d about half, or a little いっそう少なく, of the median incomes of white families (which themselves were nothing to brag of in that 不景気 year); in southern cities they 普通の／平均（する）d even いっそう少なく. In 動きやすい, Alabama, for example, the median Negro family took in only $481 during the year, as against $1,419 for the median white one. And in that same year something like half of all the Negro families in the North were on 救済!

The 共産主義者s made terrific 成果／努力s to 出資する upon this 状況／情勢, and no wonder: was there not here a proletariat made to their order? They signally failed to make more than a small number of Negro 変えるs, however; partly, perhaps, because the Negroes 構成するd something closer to a caste than to a class, and had stratifications in their own communities which made such an 控訴，上告 unpalatable to many, 含むing most of their natural leaders; partly because 共産主義 was 人気がない and, as one Negro put it, it was "bad enough to be 黒人／ボイコット without 存在 red too"; and partly because they were by nature allergic to the alienness of 共産主義者 theory and 活動／戦闘.

The approach of World War II brought a sharp 経済的な 改良. As the general level of 給料 rose, Negroes could hardly escape getting some of the 利益s. These reached them laggingly, however, for the 願望（する） of white 労働者s to keep the best of the new 職業s for themselves had 常習的な into an 態度 much more conscious and 審議する／熟考する than during the 産業の にわか景気 of World War I.

By this time another factor was at work. Innumerable white 国民s were becoming uncomfortably aware that the 存在 of an underprivileged caste in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs was a blot upon the 記録，記録的な／記録する of a nation enlisted in a fight for 僕主主義. Negro leaders took every 適切な時期 to 追加する to their moral 不快 by reminding them that Negroes, 草案d into the 武装した 軍隊s like whites, were segregated there and 割り当てるd to menial 義務s. The agitation against this segregation, and for a code of "fair 雇用 practices" in war 製造業の 工場／植物s, won strong 支援 の中で whites in the North; and even in the South, though there remained Rankins and Talmadges to shout the old 戦う／戦い cries of "white 最高位," there was manifest の中で 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of decent people the same sort of stirring of the 良心. They were becoming aware of how 激しい an 経済的な 負担 重さを計るs upon any community which deliberately 非難するs a part of its 消費するing public to poverty; and they were making a conscientious 成果／努力 to find, by 静かな accommodation, 同情的な 解答s for the 古代の problems of Negro poverty and 悲惨 in the Southern 明言する／公表するs.

For a time the upshot was uncertain. Wrote Gunnar Myrdal, 完全にするing during the war his 大規模な, dispassionate 熟考する／考慮する of the 条件 of the colored people, An American 窮地: "Reading the Negro 圧力（をかける） and 審理，公聴会 all the 報告（する）／憶測s from 観察者／傍聴者s who have been out の中で ありふれた Negroes in the South and the North 納得させるs me that there is much sullen 懐疑心, and even cynicism, and vague, tired, angry 不満 の中で American Negroes today." And 推定する／予想するing--as most people did during 1943, 1944, and 1945--that the war would be followed by another 不景気, Myrdal wondered whether the 摩擦 that would result might 始める，決める 支援する Negro 進歩. For a time it looked as if the 相互の 反感 of Negroes and whites might not remain within 平和的な bounds, 特に when, すぐに after the war, some colored leaders advised their fellow Negroes to resist the 草案 so long as the 武装した 軍隊s of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs did not put the two races on a 地盤 of equality.

But there was no 戦後の 不景気. And all this time the uneasy American 良心 was 刻々と at work. The result was that the 戦後の years saw a change that would have seemed unbelievable only a １０年間 earlier.

A 一連の 最高裁判所 決定／判定勝ち（する）s 始める，決める aside many of the 法律s and practices which had kept Negroes from the 投票s and from 教育の 適切な時期. One 決定／判定勝ち（する） 弱めるd the 軍隊 of 人種上 制限する real-広い地所 covenants. A number of Southern 明言する／公表するs 廃止するd the 投票-税金 法律s which had 妨げるd 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of poor people, white and 黒人／ボイコット, from 投票（する）ing; in the 選挙 of 1948 over a million Southern Negroes went to the 投票s. The 空気／公表する 軍隊 and 海軍 公式に ended segregation and the Army 修正するd its former segregation practices. The 圧力 of "fair 雇用" 法律s in several Northern 明言する／公表するs, 連合させるd with the 切望 of many 雇用者s to 始める，決める an example of enlightened 雇用 政策, brought about the 入ること／参加（者） of colored 労働者s in many fields of 雇用 new to them. In New York, for example, anybody returning to the city after a long absence would have been struck by the large numbers of colored men and women in the midtown busses and on the midtown streets, traveling to 職業s that had 以前 been for whites only, or to shop in 蓄える／店s where colored 顧客s had 以前 been few and far between. In Northern and Western cities 一般に there was a noticeable 決裂／故障 of Jim Crow 制限s in hotels, restaurants, and theaters.

Ever since the nineteen-twenties there had been a rising 評価, の中で 知識人s, of the Negro 出資／貢献s to the arts, and 特に to jazzmusic; and as time went on there developed の中で the more ardent students of jazz such a reverence for the 開拓するing 出資／貢献s of the 初めの, jazz musicians of New Orleans and Memphis, and for the inheritors of the traditions of 水盤／入り江 Street and Beale Street, that men like Duke Ellington and Louis Armstrong 設立する themselves the 反対するs of a 深い and deferential 尊敬（する）・点 の中で thousands of music lovers. 一方／合間, in やめる another area, the statesmanship and dignity of Ralph Bunche, as 調停者 in the 近づく East, was winning for him the 賞賛 of innumerable whites. But still more important for Negro prestige, because it 伴う／関わるd such an enormous public, was the prowess of Joe Louis, the 広大な／多数の／重要な heavyweight 支持する／優勝者, of whom Jimmy 大砲 said that he was a credit to his race--the human race; and also the 業績／成果 of a number of colored baseball players after the Jim Crow 制限s in professional baseball were broken 負かす／撃墜する in the late nineteen-forties. Not only did the remarkable playing and 模範的な 行為 of men like Jackie Robinson make the earlier color line in baseball seem preposterous to the fans, but by 1950 most of the 熱中している人s for baseball seemed to choose their favorite players with almost no regard for the color line; and so carefully did 無線で通信する reporters of baseball games 差し控える from について言及するing the color of the players that there were 現実に stay-at-home fans who could tell you Roy Campanella's approximate 打率 but were not aware that he was a Negro.

"Probably the most important thing that has happened in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs in the field of race relations," wrote Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, "is that so many things are now taken for 認めるd where the 統合，差別撤廃 of the two races is 関心d. This was brought home to me at the 就任（式）／開始 of 1945 in the White House when a group of newspaper women who had been watching the receiving line （機の）カム to me at the end of the day and said: 'Do you realize what twelve years have done? If at the 1933 歓迎会 a number of colored people had gone 負かす／撃墜する the line and mixed with everyone else in the way they did today, every paper in the country would have 報告（する）／憶測d it. We do not even think it is news and 非，不，無 of us will について言及する it.'"

No longer did magazines, newspapers, and moving pictures show Negroes almost 排他的に as comic or menial characters. Those 古代の stereotypes had been 大部分は 除去するd.

Most striking of all the changes, perhaps, was a new 態度 on the part of younger white Americans, both North and South--a very 普及した 解決する to 受託する Negroes as people without regard to their color. This 態度 was manifest when, に引き続いて 最高裁判所 決定／判定勝ち（する）s, a number of universities in the southern and 国境 明言する／公表するs 認める Negroes to unsegregated standing. University 行政官／管理者s were uneasy: would some hothead whites の中で the students raise a ruckus? Up to the end of 1951 there had been no ruckus anywhere. Uniformly, the students took the 革新 in their stride.

一方／合間 a 深遠な change in the 経済的な pattern of the Old South was having a その上の 影響 upon Negro fortunes. The 発明 of the cotton-picker and cotton-stripper was bringing an end to the 統治する of King Cotton in the Southeast and was slowly 土台を崩すing the 古代の 会・原則 of farm tenantry. Little by little the former cotton 農園s of Georgia, Alabama, and the Carolinas were 存在 abandoned as cotton planters in the Mississippi Delta, Texas, Oklahoma, New Mexico, and Arizona 証明するd themselves able to 収穫 cotton economically on large tracts of land fully adapted to 機械化するd 操作／手術s. Little by little the southeastern 明言する／公表するs were 転換ing from cotton to 酪農場 farming, livestock raising, vegetable raising, and the growing of pine trees for cellulose. And the result was a その上の drift of the former tenant 農業者s, 黒人／ボイコット along with white, to the 産業の cities and towns the country over.

The 国勢（人口）調査 人物／姿／数字s of 1950 showed the extent of the 転換. In 1900, as we have seen, nearly three-４半期/4分の1s of the Negroes in America had lived in the 田舎の South; by 1950, いっそう少なく than one-fifth of them did. (And いっそう少なく than half of these were tenants.) In several Southern 明言する／公表するs--Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, and Mississippi--the total colored 全住民 showed an actual 拒絶する／低下する since 1940; and although South Carolina 登録（する）d an 増加する, it was exceedingly small. 一方／合間 the 人物／姿／数字s for さまざまな Northern 明言する／公表するs illustrated how 広範囲にわたって the Negro 全住民 was becoming 分配するd. In Connecticut, for example, the number of colored 居住（者）s had leaped in ten years from 33,835 to 54,953; in Wisconsin, from 24,835 to 41,884. The northward tide was not 簡単に flooding into the biggest and most congested 中心s; it was seeping out into other parts of the land.

And what of the 経済的な fortunes of the colored people? During World War II Gunnar Myrdal had written:

The 経済的な 状況／情勢 of the Negroes is pathological. Except for a small 少数，小数派 enjoying upper or middle class status, the 集まりs of American Negroes, in the 田舎の South and in the segregated slum ４半期/4分の1s in Southern and Northern cities, are destitute. They own little 所有物／資産／財産; even their 世帯 goods are mostly 不十分な and dilapidated. Their incomes are not only low but 不規律な. They thus live from day to day and have scant 安全 for the 未来. Their entire culture and their individual 利益／興味s and strivings are 狭くする.

By the 中央の-century there was still a degree of truth in this generalization. Yet there were 調印するs that during the nineteen-forties the rising tide of 繁栄 had to a very かなりの extent carried the Negro 全住民 with it.

True, it was 概算の in 1948 that the median Negro family income was 47 per cent lower than the 類似の white family income. But in the 国家の 経済的な Review for the year 1950, published by the 大統領's 会議 of 経済的な 助言者s in January, 1951, there was an 見積（る） of the 割合 of Negroes in さまざまな income groups which put the 状況／情勢 in somewhat different 条件. の中で those "spending 部隊s"--which means families and individuals--whose money income before 税金s was いっそう少なく than $1,000 for the year, 83 per cent were 設立する to be white; 15 per cent, Negro (leaving two per cent 分類するd as "unascertainable"). の中で the next higher group, with 年次の incomes between $1,000 and $2,000, 89 per cent were white, 10 per cent Negro. In the $2,000-$3,000 class, 92 per cent were white, 7 per cent Negro. And in the large group with incomes of $3,000 or over, 97 per cent were white, 3 per cent were Negro. When you 診察する those 人物／姿／数字s, remember that the Negroes of the country 構成する just about one-tenth of the 全住民. Therefore par for each of these 分類s would be 10 per cent. The 人物／姿／数字s 明らかにする／漏らす a 示すd 不足 of colored people in the more 井戸／弁護士席-to-do groups, and an 超過 of colored people in the lowest group. But I wonder if many readers will not feel, as I did when I first saw those 人物／姿／数字s, some surprise that the overloading in the lowest brackets was not more extreme. The movement of Negroes away from tenant farming and into 産業, and out of the Old South into other parts of the country, was 連合させるing with the general change in public 態度s to mitigate the deplorable 状況／情勢 述べるd by Myrdal.

There were other 都合のよい 調印するs. Negro illiteracy had been 削減（する） in fifty years from 44.5 per cent to 11 per cent, and Negro 見込み of life had been 増加するd by nearly 26 years. Lynchings--the endless topic of 共産主義者 宣伝 the world over--had 事実上 中止するd: in the entire 部隊d 明言する／公表するs only one lynching was 記録，記録的な／記録するd in 1945; six in 1946; one in 1947; two in 1948 (of which one of the 犠牲者s was white); three in 1949; and two in 1950 (of which one 犠牲者 was white). One would find it hard to find a 病気 so rare, or a type of 事故 so unusual, that in a land of a hundred and fifty million people they would not produce death 率s larger than those.

By the 中央の-century there were 94,000 Negro students in American colleges and universities. And a colored woman who had been serving as an 交流 professor in フラン told me that she was 絶えず having to explain to French audiences that there were a 広大な／多数の／重要な many people like herself who were able to lead their professional lives with a 最小限 sense of belonging to a special caste. "Are you 許すd to walk on the sidewalk in Washington?" she would be asked; and would have to explain that of course she was. One 公式文書，認めるd an 増加するing number of Negro policemen in Southern cities--often 逮捕（する）ing white lawbreakers; and such 象徴的な events took place as the 選挙 of a Negro to the city 会議 in Richmond, Virginia. All in all, the 証拠 was strong, not only that the status of the Negro had risen far above what most Europeans--影響（力）d にもかかわらず themselves by 共産主義者 rantings and also by the writings of earlier 反逆者／反逆するs against the American color line--imagined it to be, but above what most Americans still imagined it to be.

There was little prospect that this major American problem would move toward a 解答 without その上の 摩擦 and 相互の antagonism. No 時代 of amiable harmony was in sight. Yet at least the battleground of opinion was moving slowly toward a 場所 いっそう少なく disadvantageous to the Negro. As Walter White wrote in the summer of 1951, America was making 進歩 toward rubbing out the darkest blot on its democratic 記録，記録的な／記録する--"often painfully slow, but it is still 進歩."

一時期／支部 13

Faster, Faster

令状ing in the year 1904, Henry Adams--"an 年輩の and timid 選び出す／独身 gentleman in Paris," as he 述べるd himself--記録，記録的な／記録するd his astonishment at the year-by-year 拡大 of steam 力／強力にする and electric 力／強力にする, and at the 発見 of 放射能; and he propounded a "法律 of acceleration." The 量 of 軍隊 at the 処分 of mankind was 増加するing faster and faster, he 公式文書，認めるd. "The coal 生産（高） of the world, speaking 概略で, 二塁打d every ten years between 1840 and 1900, in the form of 利用するd 力／強力にする, for the トン of coal 産する／生じるd three or four times as much 力／強力にする in 1900 as in 1840." And he looked 今後 to a fantastic 未来, in which the 軍隊s 利用できる to man would multiply until "the new American--the child of incalculable coal 力／強力にする, 化学製品 力／強力にする, electric 力／強力にする, and radiating energy, 同様に as of new 軍隊s yet undetermined--must be a sort of God compared with any former creature of nature."

At the 率 of 進歩 since 1800, continued Adams, "every American who lived into the year 2000 would know how to 支配（する）／統制する 制限のない 力／強力にする. He would think in 複雑さs unimaginable to an earlier mind. He would を取り引きする problems altogether beyond the 範囲 of earlier society. To him the nineteenth century would stand on the same 計画（する） with the fourth--平等に childlike--and he would only wonder how both of them, knowing so little, and so weak in 軍隊, should have done so much."

At the 中央の-century a thoughtful 観察者／傍聴者 of the startling 進歩 of American 科学（工学）技術 is likely to feel a bewilderment akin to that which Adams felt in 1904. For the 使用／適用 of 力／強力にする to the circumstances of American life has not only 増加するd at a dizzy pace since Adams's time, but has seemed to be 加速するing はっきりと, with the 約束 of その上の leaps ahead. In the latter nineteen-thirties many 経済学者s had come to the 結論 that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs had arrived at a "円熟した economy"; instead, we have been 証言，証人／目撃するing a 科学技術の 革命 類似の to that which followed the introduction of steam, and far more 早い. During the fifteen years from 1935 to 1950 American 科学（工学）技術 took a stride 今後 at least as impressive as that which Henry Ford's 議会 line dramatized in earlier years; and from all 外見s this was not the culmination, but 単に a 予選 段階, of a 過程 of change which in time would profoundly alter the working and living 条件s of the people.

We have already 公式文書，認めるd, in 一時期／支部 II, how the coming of World War II 打ち明けるd the 生産力のある 力／強力にするs of American 産業; how the 製造業者s, when asked to go ahead and produce with little regard for cost or for anything else except 量 and 速度(を上げる）, went into a burst of activity which astonished the world. But we have given only passing について言及する to the way in which the war 刺激するd 発明 and 科学技術の change. What the 政府, through its Office of 科学の 研究 and 開発 and other 機関s, was 絶えず 説 during the war was, in 影響: "Is this 発見 or that one of any possible war value? If so, then develop it and put it to use, and damn the expense!" The result has been に例えるd to a team of 専門家s 徹底的に捜すing through a deskful of 科学の papers, pulling out those which gave 約束 of usefulness, and then （軍用に）徴発する／ハイジャックするing all the talent and appropriating all the money that might be needed to translate 決まり文句／製法 into goods of 軍の value.

The classic example, of course, is the way in which, に引き続いて the splitting of the 原子 in 1939 and the 確定／確認 of this event by American 実験s in 1940, the 政府 presently 開始する，打ち上げるd the Manhattan 事業／計画（する）, at a cost of billions, and compressed into いっそう少なく than five years of 研究 and 工学 and 製造業の 実験 and 開発 what might さもなければ have taken a 世代 to 遂行する. But there were other examples innumerable. For instance, it was in 1929 that Alexander Fleming first 述べるd penicillin. Long years went by before the 可能性s of what he had discovered were realized. Not until the war （機の）カム was penicillin adapted for medicinal use. But then the work was 押し進めるd with such 速度(を上げる） that before the end of the war the 麻薬 was 存在 供給（する）d in 広大な 量s. Still another example was the 開拓する work done by Robert Watson-ワット and other British 捜査官／調査官s in the 開発 of レーダ, under the awful necessity of 保護するing England from German 爆弾s; the utilization of their findings in the American 製造（する） of レーダ 器具／備品 on the grand 規模; and the resulting education of thousands of young Americans in the 原則s and 可能性s of electronics.

Each of these 開発s which I have 特記する／引用するd was based, in large part, upon 科学の 発見s made abroad. We should remember that the metaphorical deskful of papers of which I have spoken was international; much if not most of the 根底となる work out of which grew the new 戦時 製品s and 装置s was European. What the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 与える／捧げるd most 効果的に was a capacity for the organization of 研究, 特に in 適用するd science; the ability to 始める，決める up きびきびした 生産／産物 lines; and a zest for doing big things at 最高の，を越す 速度(を上げる）.

The war 危機 brought together as never before the pure scientist, the 適用するd scientist, the 製造業の (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, the 軍の officer, and the 政府 行政官／管理者, and put them into a 共同 which mightily 影響する／感情d their 未来 understanding of one another. The physicist or 化学者／薬剤師 who had been cloistered in a university 研究室／実験室, and had taken a special pride in 支払う／賃金ing no 注意する to the possible practical 使用／適用 of his findings, was thrust into 緊急 work of the most lethally practical sort, and 運ぶ／漁獲高d off to Washington to 協議する with generals and 海軍大将s and bureaucrats and engineers and 製造業者s; and these others acquired a new 尊敬（する）・点 for his scholarly ardor, now suddenly so 決定的な to them. The question has been raised whether the 質 of disinterested academic 調査 was not somehow （名声などを）汚すd in the 過程, and 特に whether the continuing 転換 of much 科学の talent into 明確な／細部 事業／計画（する）s for the 政府 even after 1945 may not have slowed our 前進する in pure science. But certainly there took place during the war a cross-fertilization of thinking which was 刺激するing to all 関心d. Many a professor was enlivened by his new 接触するs, and many an 産業の (n)役員／(a)執行力のある went home from Washington with a new insight into the 未来 可能性のある of 科学の 研究.

All in all, during the war American 科学（工学）技術 underwent a hothouse growth.

一方／合間 the war-induced 繁栄 was スピード違反 科学技術の change on a やめる different level. The jingle of cash in the pocket was 準備するing innumerable ordinary Americans to buy and use more machines just as soon as these became 利用できる. And after V-J Day the 急ぐ was on.

Everybody, to begin with, seemed to want new automobiles, which had been unavailable for 購入（する） during the war. There was hot 競争 for the joy of getting a new car fresh from the 議会 line; people talked about the number of months or years that they had "had their 指名する in" with 売買業者s; there was a lively ゆすり in 表面上は used cars; and it was years before the automobile 製造業者s could catch up with the 需要・要求する. After they had done so, in the 選び出す／独身 year 1950 they sold more than eight million 乗り物s--which was more cars than had 存在するd in the entire 部隊d 明言する／公表するs at the end of World War I.

But that wasn't the half of it. During these 戦後の years the 農業者 bought a new tractor, a corn picker, an electric milking machine; in fact he and his neighbors, between them, 組み立てる／集結するd a formidable array of farm 機械／機構 for their 共同の use. The 農業者's wife got the 向こうずねing white electric refrigerator she had always longed for and never during the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 had been able to afford, and an up-to-date washing machine, and a 深い-凍結する 部隊. The 郊外の family 任命する／導入するd a dishwashing machine and 投資するd in a 力／強力にする lawnmower. The city family became 顧客s of a laundromat and acquired a television 始める，決める for the living room. The husband's office was 空気／公表する-条件d. And so on endlessly.

Few of these machines for working and living were new in 原則. Many had been on the market and in use for a long time. Essentially it was 繁栄 which put these and other machines into 普及した use--繁栄 加える a variety of いつかs 相互に antagonistic 軍隊s, such as, for example, the electric-公共事業（料金）／有用性 産業, enemy-to-the-death of the New 取引，協定, and the 田舎の Electrification 行政, offspring of the New 取引，協定, which between them were at least partly 責任がある the remarkable 進歩 in the electrification of American farms. In 1935 only about 10 per cent of American farms were electrified; by 1950, more than 85 per cent were.

A one-time 居住（者） of Arkansas, returning to Fayetteville at the 中央の-century after a 長引かせるd absence, 発言／述べるd that the most 注目する，もくろむ-開始 thing about the farms he saw in the 近隣 was that almost all were electrified; in his boyhood an electric-lighted farm had been a rarity. At about the same time the editors of a popular magazine planned to publish a picture story on the daily 決まりきった仕事 of a 農業者's wife; they abandoned the 事業／計画（する） because the 農業者s' wives that their 特派員s and photographers had 遭遇（する）d had so much mechanical kitchen 器具／備品 that they could hardly be distinguished photographically from other housewives. In 1950 a British "生産性 team" visited America to 熟考する／考慮する the 農業の methods in use, and visited a large number of farms from New Jersey to Nebraska, with their 利益／興味 焦点（を合わせる）d, not on the spectacularly large farm with its 集中的な mechanization, but on the family-size farm run by the 農業者 and his family with the 援助（する）, perhaps, of one 雇うd 手渡す. They 公式文書，認めるd not only the 普及した and 増加するing use of such things as tractor 骨折って進むs, disk harrows, corn planters, corn pickers, 連合させる harvesters, milking machines, self-荷を降ろすing trailers, and so on, but also the fact that on farm after farm the work was 存在 再編成するd to take advantage of 機械／機構. The 農業者 no longer thought of a machine 簡単に as an efficient and untiring 代用品，人 for a horse, or for human 成果／努力, but as a 装置 which would enable him to go about his 商売／仕事 in a new way using a hay dryer to 保存する the ビタミンs in his cattle 料金d, for instance, or 代用品，人ing for the 電気の milking of cows in a 伝統的な stanchion barn the building of a "milking parlor" 隣接する to an open cattleshed or "loafing barn."

During the nineteen-forties the number of farm 労働者s shrank from 9 ¹/₂millions to only a little over 8 millions. にもかかわらず farm 生産／産物 増加するd by 25 per cent. This was partly, of course, because 繁栄 at home and food 不足s abroad had broadened the market; but partly it was because 農業者s, like other Americans, were using more and more machines, old and new, in their daily life.

同時に the rising 行う 率s in American factories were 誘発するing a restless search for labor-saving methods of 生産／産物. These took innumerable forms, some of them based upon sheer elementary ありふれた sense--"Can't we dream up a machine to do the work that those unskilled 労働者s are sweating over?" or "Why not redesign this 床に打ち倒す of the factory so that the work won't have to be 解除するd by 手渡す from this point to that, but will move 滑らかに from 職業 to 職業 by conveyor belt?"--while others 伴う／関わるd 科学の 決まり文句／製法 and mechanical 議会s of the 最大の 複雑さ.

The ありふれた-sense labor-saving 装置s would make a long 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）--総計費 cranes, conveyors of all sorts (gravity rollers, skate rollers, belt conveyors), 力／強力にする 得る，とらえるs for 選ぶing up 部隊 負担s, 力／強力にする-driven 手渡す 道具s, the use of compressed 空気／公表する for きれいにする, and so 前へ／外へ. Typical, perhaps, in its 簡単 and its significance is the use of the fork トラックで運ぶ and pallet: the fork トラックで運ぶ 存在 a sturdy little トラックで運ぶ equipped with a fork--or pair of metal fingers--with which it can 選ぶ up goods, 解除する them high, and carry them from point to point; and the pallet 存在 簡単に a 二塁打-底（に届く）d tray on which cartons or bundles of goods can be piled for such transportation. The fork トラックで運ぶ can 挿入する its metal fingers between the two 層s of a 負担d pallet on a freight car, 解除する it, carry it to its 任命するd place in the factory, put it carefully in place, and then 身を引く the metal fingers and return for another 負担. All very simple; nothing abstruse about it. But anybody who has watched the laborious 荷を降ろすing of トラックで運ぶs across a city sidewalk--one man 解除するing cartons out of the 跡をつける, another man こどもing them indoors, to be taken by a third man to their proper place in the building--can realize the 量 of human heaving and 運ぶ／漁獲高ing that the fork トラックで運ぶ and pallet 除去する. For all this 成果／努力 is 代用品，人d the work of one man, 運動ing about in his fork トラックで運ぶ and manipulating with 正確な 技術 the metal fingers of his fork. Such contraptions are 象徴的な of a whole class of labor-saving 装置s in that they regard human labor as expensive and therefore to be 保存するd, while the 支持を得ようと努めるd or plastic that goes into the making of pallets is plentiful and comparatively expendable.

Anybody can understand the basic 原則 of a fork トラックで運ぶ. But the layman can only stand in awe before some of the コンビナート／複合体 electronic machines which （機の）カム into use during the period between 1935 and 1950--machines for 手段ing 構成要素s with microscopic exactitude, or for watching the 業績／成果 of a machine and automatically 訂正するing 欠陥s in its 業績／成果. The language used by engineers in talking about them is やめる unintelligible to him, as are the 過程s 伴う／関わるd. But at least he can 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる the miraculous results they 達成する. They can count and 検査／視察する the goods coming off an 議会 line, passing or discarding them as faithful or unfaithful to the specifications. They can check, with incredible precision, the exact thickness of a sheet of steel, or discover the hidden 欠陥s inside a 集まり of metal. They can watch the work of a machine with an 注目する，もくろむ of superhuman 見通し, and start, stop, 規制する the machine in 一致 with their 観察s. Here again, though the 科学の 原則s at work are far beyond lay comprehension, the 象徴的な significance is （疑いを）晴らす: you can not only dispense with even a reasonably 技術d workman by building into a machine all the foreseeable 動議s with which he might 反応する to variations in the 仕事 before him, but you can even 供給する the machine with 注目する，もくろむs much 詐欺師 and reactions much prompter than his. With such 器具s coming into use, no wonder the most striking thing about many a factory 床に打ち倒す, today, is the multiplicity of machines and the almost total absence of machine tenders.

Another 革新 which （機の）カム into use during this same period has a somewhat different significance. It does not 除去する the workman; instead, it makes him a いっそう少なく wasteful and more responsible performer. This is "質 支配（する）／統制する"--a system of taking an 時折の 見本 of the work produced by a given machine, submitting this 見本 to the most minute electronic 査察, and 記録，記録的な／記録するing on a chart just how it deviates from 絶対の perfection. The workman, 協議するing this chart, can thereupon 規制する the 調整 of his machine, not by guesswork, but with exact knowledge of just how it is 機能（する）／行事ing. This 装置--which in many a factory has saved large 量s of money by 減ずるing the number of 欠陥のある 製品s--has the 影響 of raising the status of the workman by making him in a special sense his own boss, the 知らせるd critic and 裁判官 of his 業績／成果.

What has been the cumulative 影響 of the introduction of such 変化させるd machine methods? First, it has 減ずるd はっきりと the 需要・要求する for unskilled labor. In 1900 there were some eleven million "ありふれた 労働者s" (含むing those on the farms) in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs; by 1950 there were いっそう少なく than six million. At the other end of the spectrum it has 増加するd tremendously the 需要・要求する for engineers and 専門家技術者s. At the beginning of the century, によれば 大統領 Conant of Harvard, 化学製品 工学 had not developed as a profession; "today [he was speaking in 1951] there is a 広大な／多数の／重要な 不足 of 化学製品 engineers in spite of the fact that more than 15,000 have been trained in the last five years." As for engineers in general, they 増加するd in number from about 40,000 in 1900 to about 400,000 in 1950, and still there was such a furious 需要・要求する for them--強めるd by the Korean war--that in 1951 the students 卒業生（する）ing from 工学 schools were 存在 looked over by talent-scout teams from over four thousand companies, and one university placement officer 宣言するd, "Even our worst students have had at least three 申し込む／申し出s."

The 経済学者 Colin Clark has called attention to the fact that as an 産業の civilization becomes more 前進するd, there tends to be a movement of people out of farming into 産業, and then out of 産業 into what he calls the "services"--meaning 商売／仕事, 貿易（する）, transportation, entertainment, the professions, etc. This movement has certainly been taking place in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. Since 1900 the 割合 of Americans engaged in farming has taken a big 減少（する）; the 割合 engaged in 産業, 全体にわたる, has changed very little; the 割合 engaged in the "services" has jumped 上向き. Take this fact in 合同 with the facts about the 転換 within 産業 and we 現れる with a general finding: At the 中央の-century there are より小数の and より小数の people working with their 手渡すs, more and more people working at desks; より小数の 労働者s with brawn, more 労働者s with brain; より小数の whose 職業s 要求する only a 限られた／立憲的な education, more who need an 前進するd education.

There are still many dark 悪魔の（ような） mills in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs. There are still 非常に／多数の 職業s of grinding 成果／努力 or wearisome monotony. Even the most (a)自動的な／(n)自動拳銃 factory has to 雇う 維持／整備 men, 掃海艇s, cleaners; these men's work has been very little 機械化するd, and they tend to form a sort of new proletariat of the machine age. Yet the general 傾向 is toward an enhancement of the dignity of labor.

Ever since Henry Ford 始める，決める up his 議会 line we have been 審理，公聴会 lamentations over the 傾向 of the factory to turn a man into a robot, to make him a mere mechanical bolt-tightener, hour upon hour. Dreadful pictures have been drawn of the 完全に 機械化するd 未来 day when man would be dehumanized by such labor. But what has 現実に been happening, ますます, is that a machine has been put to work 強化するing those everlasting bolts; that the man who 以前は 強化するd them, or his 相当するもの, is either managing a more intricate machine, or sitting at a desk 熟考する／考慮するing 工学 報告（する）／憶測s; while the man who 以前は broke his 支援する 解除するing bundles of goods is sitting at the 支配（する）／統制するs of a conveyer. For the 原則 that has been at work is this: If the 職業 is unendurably 激しい or monotonous, that's a pretty good 調印する that you can get a machine to do it.

Like scouts moving before an 前進するing column of 軍隊／機動隊s, the 捜査官／調査官s and engineers of pure and 適用するd science have 一方／合間 been moving ahead. For 井戸／弁護士席 over a 世代, now, the 化学者／薬剤師s and 化学製品 engineers have been （犯罪の）一味ing the changes on an idea について言及するd in an earlier 一時期／支部 of this 調書をとる／予約する, the idea that "synthetic" 構成要素s can do better than 単に imitate nature: they can 現実に 改善する on nature. It was before World War II--on October 25, 1939, to be exact--that they produced the climactic demonstration of this idea; that was when nylon stockings first went on sale. During the nineteen-thirties and the war years, other 開拓するs of 科学（工学）技術 後継するd in adapting the ディーゼル engine--that long-neglected source of 力／強力にする--to 普及した use on the 鉄道／強行採決するs and in 産業. They developed high-octane ガソリン into a plentiful source of 力／強力にする for airplanes. They brought the 生産／産物 of synthetic rubber to a point where it served, not 単に as a war 代用品，人, but as a 製品 of continuing value for a nation on wheels. They 設立する out how to use tungsten-carbide cutting 道具s for immensely 早い machine-道具 操作／手術s. And they made 医療の history by discovering the 慈悲の 可能性s of the 抗生物質s.

As for 原子の 力／強力にする--their most 課すing 業績／成就--we already have been shown its deadly 可能性s; what its beneficent ones may be is still uncertain, in 見解（をとる） of the fabulous cost of producing it, but they might 井戸／弁護士席, in time, make man--in Adams's words--"the child of incalculable 力／強力にする."

In the field of 航空 the working of Adams's 法律 of acceleration has been strikingly exemplified. In 1935 there was no transoceanic 飛行機で行くing except on an adventurous and 実験の basis; scarcely a dozen years later, the first question asked of anybody who said he was leaving for Europe was, "Are you going to 飛行機で行く or go by boat?" By the end of the war we saw the arrival of the jet 計画（する）; within a few years thereafter, the 速度(を上げる） of 計画（する）s was 報告（する）／憶測d to have passed the 恐らく impassable sonic 障壁; by 1950 the 探検 of the upper 空気／公表する had reached a point where sober men of science were talking in 事柄-of-fact トンs about the chances for space travel.

In やめる different fields one 遭遇（する）s startling 証拠 of the way in which the 前進する of 研究 has been transforming American 商売／仕事s--as when one hears from an 公式の／役人 of the Corning Glass 作品 that more than 50 per cent of Corning sales in 1950 was in 製品s which did not 存在する commercially ten years earlier.

The nineteen-forties were a heyday for the 化学者／薬剤師s and 化学製品 engineers. The oil 産業, for instance, happily discovered that, as Carroll Wilson has put it, "there were things more 価値のある than 燃料 in a バーレル／樽 of 天然のまま oil," and, beginning about 1942, built a number of continuous-flow 化学製品 工場／植物s which 競争相手d the wildest fantasies of an H. G. 井戸／弁護士席s. In these strange new factories with their 向こうずねing fractionating towers and their latticeworks of 有望な-colored 麻薬を吸うs, "the raw 構成要素, fluid or gas, flows continuously in at one end, passes through intricate 過程ing 行う／開催する／段階s, and debouches in a twenty-four-hour stream of 製品s at the other," wrote the editors of Fortune in their 1951 調書をとる／予約する, U.S.A., the 永久の 革命. And what a variety of 製品s--範囲ing from fertilizer to detergents, from cosmetics to refrigerants, from synthetic rubber to printer's 署名／調印する! Nowadays the petrochemists, sitting in their 研究室／実験室s and 製図／抽選 pictures of 手はず／準備 of 分子s that look like diagrams of football plays, see themselves as the architects of a multifold new 産業の 時代.

But perhaps it is not to the 化学者／薬剤師s, but to the physicists, that one should look for the most startling 未来 発見s; or to co-ordinated 成果／努力s by physicists, 化学者／薬剤師s, biologists, and mathematicians. In the year 1948 chemistry gave us cortisone, that 大臣 of 慰安 and shaker of 医療の theory; in the same year physics produced the transistor, a tiny 装置 which may 井戸／弁護士席 supersede the vacuum tube. The half century was hardly over before co-ordinated 研究s developed krilium, a 国／地域 conditioner of unguessed potentialities. And there are hardheaded men who believe that the 共同の 成果／努力s of physicists, 化学者／薬剤師s, and biologists may be taking us to the threshold of 遂行するing the 奇蹟 of 光合成--of producing food from light as 工場／植物s produce it.

Perhaps Henry Adams was not so far wrong with his 予測 that "every American who lived into the year 2000 would know how to 支配（する）／統制する 制限のない 力／強力にする." Certainly things have been 加速するing at the 中央の-century.

一時期／支部 14

More Americans, Living Longer

During the year 1932 a 密談する／（身体を）寄せ集める of social scientists put the finishing touches on a 大規模な 熟考する／考慮する of American life which they called 最近の Social Changes, and in this 調書をとる／予約する some of them made 用心深い 見積（る）s of the probable 増加する in the 未来 全住民 of the country. 公式文書，認めるing that the 率 of growth appeared to be slowing 負かす／撃墜する, they 人物／姿／数字d that a "延長／続編 of 現在の 傾向s" would produce a 1940 全住民 of 132 or 133 millions. In the event they were not far wrong; when the year 1940 rolled 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, the actual 人物／姿／数字 証明するd to be a trifle smaller--推定では because of the discouragements of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気--yet only a trifle: it was 131,669,275. But on the same 試験的な basis the social scientists made a 予測 for 1950, and on this one they were spectacularly wrong. Their 予測: between 140 ¹/₂ and 145 millions (which, you will agree, 許すd かなりの 余裕／偏流 for error). The actual 1950 人物／姿／数字s: 150,697,361 people--more than five millions more than their outside 見積（る）! There had been a 抱擁する, 予期しない, and altogether astonishing 増加する.

The 長，指導者 推論する／理由 for the 増加する was a big jump in the birth 率 during the nineteen-forties. To ascribe this きっぱりと to "war and 繁栄," as some people have done, seems a little oversimple; for World War I had brought no such big bulge, and during the reasonably 繁栄する nineteen-twenties the birthrate had not risen but had 拒絶する／低下するd a little. Yet undeniably the 草案 規則s, deferring husbands with children, were a factor. Another was the natural 傾向 of young people 直面するing the prospect of 存在 separated for months or years--or perhaps forever to 急落（する），激減（する） into marriage in a hurry. Still another was the 切望 of young men returning from the 顕著に undomestic life of the 武装した services, and of girls who had been waiting for them, to want to begin to enjoy domesticity just as soon as possible, with 終点 支払う／賃金 and in many 事例／患者s the G.I. 法案 of 権利s to help 財政／金融 the 投機・賭ける. And at a time when wars and 噂するs of wars seemed to 危険にさらす one's career and 脅す one's very life, there was not only a human need for 掴むing whatever satisfactions were within reach but also, perhaps, a 願望（する） to make some sort of 出資／貢献 to the 未来, to perpetuate one's 血--or if not an 完全な 願望（する） (since most births are in some degree 偶発の) at least a slackening of the 決意／決議 not to perpetuate it for the time 存在.

In any 事例／患者 the birth 率, which--after a long 拒絶する／低下する--in the nineteen-thirties had hovered in the 近隣 of 17 or 18 per thousand of 全住民, went to 20.9 in 1942 and 21.5 in 1943; 拒絶する／低下するd a trifle to 20.2 in 1944 and 19.6 in 1945 (when a good many million 可能性のある fathers were in Europe or on 太平洋の islands or at sea); and then rose 突然の to 23.3 in 1946 and 25.8 in 1947--after which it 拒絶する／低下するd, but only very わずかに, to 24.2 in 1948, 24.1 in 1949, and 23.5 in 1950.

Surely here was a very 利益／興味ing reaction to the dislocations and 大虐殺 of war. It （機の）カム at a time when many of the more articulate 知識人s appeared to have reached the 結論 that the hazardousness of life, the helplessness of the individual in the 支配する of blind 運命, and the general 拒絶する／低下する of 会社／堅い 有罪の判決s as to the value of human 成果／努力, were 減ずるing mankind to despair. What happened to the birth 率 would seem to give grounds for wondering whether the 全住民 in general was not taking a cheerier 見解（をとる） of the 未来. Even の中で American college 卒業生（する）s as a group (who for a long time had been reproved for not 再生するing themselves) the 傾向 in the birth 率 was 上向き; 記録，記録的な／記録するs of the alumni and alumnae of 167 colleges showed that the class of '41 had produced, by 1951, more children per 卒業生（する） than the class of '36 had done when ten years out.

Was the 会・原則 of the family taking on a new 賃貸し（する） of life in America? This notion may seem 半端物, to one who 公式文書，認めるs that while the marriage 率, which had lagged during the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気, rose during and after the war to a lofty 頂点（に達する） in 1946, so did the 離婚 率. But the large number of 離婚s at that time was surely 予定 in part to repentance at leisure from 迅速な 戦時 同盟s. For if it is true, as a cynic has said, that proximity and 適切な時期 are 責任がある most marriages, so a 欠如（する） of proximity and a variety of 適切な時期 will break up many marriages. And even though during the 残り／休憩（する） of the nineteen-forties the 離婚 率 remained higher than in 戦前の years--2.6 per thousand 全住民 in 1949, for example, as against the high 人物／姿／数字 of 4.3 in 1946 and a mere 2 in 1940, 1.6 in 1930, 1.6 in 1920, 0.9 in 1910, and 0.7 in 1900--this gave 証拠, perhaps, of a 拒絶する／低下するing 有罪の判決 that marriages should be 持続する, but not of any 疑問 that they were 望ましい.

The 人物／姿／数字s seem to 耐える out one's impression that most American young people of the nineteen-forties had no such 冷笑的な or disillusioned 保留（地）／予約s about marrying and bringing up a family as had 所有するd many of the 有望な young people of earlier １０年間s. They did not want to 長引かせる 無期限に／不明確に the delights of 選び出す／独身 adventure. They did not regard marriage as a bourgeois expedient for 施行するing a 従来の monogamy upon 解放する／自由な spirits. Nor did they, にもかかわらず many 警告s of the 来たるべき 崩壊（する） of civilization, regard with undue 狼狽 追加するing to the number of human creatures who must 恐らく 直面する that 崩壊（する）. No, they 手配中の，お尋ね者 to marry and have babies, preferably in a ranch-type house with a dishwashing machine for the 共同の use of husband and wife, and with a TV 始める，決める which would entertain them 権利 beside the conjugal hearth. They had been around a lot and had decided that east, west, home was best.

Another 推論する／理由 why the 全住民 of the country grew so startlingly during the nineteen-forties was that より小数の people were dying. The nation had never before been so healthy.

Indeed the cumulative change in this 尊敬（する）・点 since 1900 had been prodigious. The death 率 for a number of 病気s which in 1900 had struck 狼狽 into people's hearts had been 削減（する） way 負かす／撃墜する: for influenza and 肺炎, from 181.5 (per 100,000 people) to 38.7 in 1948; for tuberculosis, from 201.9 to 30; for typhoid and paratyphoid, from 36 to 0.2; for diphtheria, from 43.3 to 0.4; for scarlet fever, from 11.4 to a small fraction of 0.1--a 人物／姿／数字 which in 1948 代表するd only 68 deaths in the entire country. Since immortality is 否定するd to mankind and in the end people usually die of something, it was natural that startling 削減s such as these should have been …を伴ってd by 増加するs in the death 率 from degenerative 病気s, 顕著に heart 病気s and 癌,which took the places 以前は 占領するd by 肺炎 and tuberculosis as the 主要な 原因（となる）s of death. But the 逮捕する change in an American's 期待 of life between 1900 and 1950 could hardly have been more impressive: it went up from 49 years to 68 years!

What had brought this 奇蹟 about? An interlocking series of 前進するs in 医療の knowledge, 医療の training, 医療の practice, 衛生設備, public health 対策, and general popular understanding of the 原則s of health. によれば Dr. Alan Gregg, "The Harvard 生物学の 化学者／薬剤師 Lawrence J. Henderson once 発言／述べるd that somewhere around 1910 the 進歩 of 薬／医学 in America reached the point where it became possible to say that a 無作為の 患者 with a 無作為の 病気 協議するing a 内科医 at 無作為の stood better than a 50-50 chance of 利益ing from the 遭遇（する）." Since then the 医療の profession had not only learned a 広大な lot about the 治療 of 非常に／多数の 病気s, but had acquired for use such extraordinarily 効果的な 麻薬s as sulfanilamide (dating from 1935), penicillin (discovered in 1929, but not put to 臨床の use until the 早期に forties), 抗生物質s such as aureomycin (even more 最近の), and the 革命の ACTH and cortisone (not clinically used until 1948). So 効果的な were public health 対策 such as mosquito 支配（する）／統制する for the 予防 of malaria that in 1950 the 明言する／公表する of Mississippi 申し込む／申し出d a 特別手当 of $10 to any doctor who could find a new 事例／患者 of malaria, and not a 選び出す／独身 事例／患者 was 報告（する）／憶測d. Nor should one overlook the 出資／貢献 to general public health made through the 発見 of the ビタミンs (beginning with ビタミン A in 1913) and through popular education about them; by the 中央の-century it was a rare family which had not yet heard that there were special virtues in tomato juice, fruit juices, green vegetables, and salads, to say nothing of milk.

Let 准將 General Simmons, dean of the Harvard School of Public Health, produce a neat 統計に基づく comparison of the 伸び（る） in the 有効性 of the 医療の services of the 武装した 軍隊s since the days when young Dr. Harvey Cushing, 会合 at Baltimore a trainload of typhoid 犠牲者s of the Spanish-American War, was horrified by the dirt and squalor that he 証言，証人／目撃するd: "In the Spanish-American War the 率 for deaths from 病気 の中で our 軍隊／機動隊s was about 25 per thousand per 年. . . . In World War I the 率 was 減ずるd to about 16. . . . In World War II . . . [it] was only 0.6 per thousand per 年."

The ますます successful war against 感染性の 病気s had brought about during the nineteen-forties a 広大な／多数の／重要な 増加する in the number of old people, a new 利益／興味 in 年金 計画（する）s, and--since the 傾向 of 商売／仕事 関心s to lay off 従業員s at sixty-five or even sixty was still 伸び（る）ing 前進--an 激烈な／緊急の question whether 年金s beyond that age would not 構成する a 重荷（を負わせる） too 激しい for most companies to carry. 一方／合間 the jump in the birth 率 was beginning by 1950 to 押し寄せる／沼地 an already overcrowded elementary school system, and 脅すd to do so ますます for many years to come. So it was that as the nineteen-fifties began, Americans in their 行う-収入 years were 直面するd with the prospect of having to support, in one way or another, more human creatures 上級の and junior to themselves than ever before in 最近の history.

Not only were Americans, by and large, much healthier; they were also 肉体的に bigger. This was not readily demonstrable by 言及／関連 to the 医療の 記録，記録的な／記録するs of the two world wars, for the 普通の／平均（する） 高さ of registrants for the 草案 in the first two years of Selective Service for World War II was 正確に／まさに the same as that of 新採用するs 診察するd during World War I--5 feet, 7 ¹/₂ インチs though the men of 1941-1942 普通の／平均（する）d 8 続けざまに猛撃するs heavier than those of 1917-1918--150 続けざまに猛撃するs as against 142 続けざまに猛撃するs. (Registrants classed by 地元の boards as 利用できる for general 軍の service in 1941-1942 普通の／平均（する）d 5 feet 8 ¹/₁₀ インチs in 高さ and were heavier still--152 続けざまに猛撃するs.) Such comparisons were bound to be somewhat 誤って導くing, however, since they 伴う／関わるd men selected under 異なるing 条件s and 代表するing 異なるing 割合s of men of さまざまな 家系s. Comparisons made for reasonably 類似の groups の中で 井戸／弁護士席-to-do old-在庫／株 Americans 示すd a lively 増加する in size. For instance, Harvard students of the eighteen-seventies and 早期に eighties 普通の／平均（する）d 5 feet 8.12 インチs tall and 138.40 続けざまに猛撃するs in 負わせる; Harvard students of the nineteen-twenties and 早期に thirties 普通の／平均（する）d over two インチs taller--5 feet 10.14 インチs--and over ten 続けざまに猛撃するs heavier--149.05 続けざまに猛撃するs. And there was almost 正確に the same degree of difference between the 測定s of Vassar students of the class of 1885 and of the class of 1940: the younger girls 普通の／平均（する）d, 5 feet 5.1 インチs tall, as against 5 feet 3.1 インチs for the earlier group; 重さを計るd 126 ¹/₈ 続けざまに猛撃するs, as against 115.7 続けざまに猛撃するs for the earlier ones; and incidentally had わずかに larger waists 25 ¹/₄ インチs as against 24 ⁷/₈ インチs. (The Vassar 女性（の） waist, incidentally, reached its 最小限 in girth in 1905--23 ⁷/₁₆ インチs--and its 最大限 in the belt-around-the-hips 時代 of 1927--26 ³/₁₆ インチs.)

Whatever may be the difficulty of 安全な・保証するing 正確に 類似の 統計（学）, it was certainly a ありふれた 観察 throughout the half century that sons tended to be taller than their fathers, daughters than their mothers, and that young girls 特に, at the 中央の-century, were 要求するing shoe sizes that struck their mothers with 狼狽. During the nineteen-forties a 卒業生（する） of an eastern 準備の school for girls, returning as a teacher, 発言／述べるd with surprise to the school doctor on the dimensions of her young 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s. "But they're so big!" she said. "Big?" said he. "That's the tomato-juice 世代 you're seeing. Wait till you see the grapefruit-juice 世代!"

By the 中央の-century the 全住民 統計（学） showed an impressive drift 西方の--特に to California and the 太平洋の Northwest. They showed also a 刻々と continuing movement from the farms and the smaller towns toward the 中心s of 全住民. However much 充てるs of the character-building value of homespun living might lament the urbanization of American life, there seemed to be no stopping it. Behind it was 経済的な logic, for farm 生産／産物 was 要求するing より小数の and より小数の 労働者s, and the service 占領／職業s 繁栄するd best in big communities; behind it, too, was the irresistible centripetal pull of 適切な時期--or fancied 適切な時期--for the talented. Did the automobile, the telephone, the popular magazines, the 無線で通信する, and TV 高める the life of 農業者s and 村人s by enabling them to keep in touch with the 広大な／多数の／重要な world? Yes, but they also brought to the girl or boy in Hagerstown or Paducah or Grand Forks an almost irresistible 招待 to taste the delights of Los Angeles or Chicago or New York, where the doings of people were news, where the lights were 有望な, and where glamour had its 認めるd （警察，軍隊などの）本部.

Finally, the melting マリファナ had long been 首尾よく at work. Since 移民／移住 had been はっきりと 限られた／立憲的な in the 早期に nineteen-twenties, the number of foreign-born Americans had been 刻々と 縮むing as one by one men and women who had come across the seas by steerage during the flood tide from Europe （機の）カム to the end of their lives. いっそう少なく and いっそう少なく often did one hear foreign languages spoken in American cities and 産業の towns. The sons and daughters of the 移民，移住（する）s had resolutely acquired American customs and manners; the third 世代--who 所有するd, as one New Yorker of Italian 血統／生まれ put it, the "広大な／多数の／重要な advantage of having English-speaking parents"--were as American as Mayflower 子孫s, though to the latter their 指名するs might still seem foreign. During the nineteen-twenties, sports writers had been wont to comment with amusement on the European 指名するs that were showing up more and more frequently in the 顔触れs of winning football teams; but by 1950 the cosmopolitan World 一連の that most American of sports, baseball. Here is the batting order of the winning nine of 1950 in the first game of the Series: Woodling, Rizzuto, Berra, DiMaggio, Mize, Brown, Bauer, Colman, Raschi--Yankees all!

PART THREE: THE NEW AMERICA

一時期／支部 15

The All-American 基準

As we enter upon the second half of the twentieth century and pause to take 在庫／株 of our 状況／情勢, let us look to see, first, what has happened to the gap that once yawned so 広範囲にわたって between rich and poor.

In money 条件--income 条件--the change has not been 圧倒的な. There are still islands of 深い poverty in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, and there are families and individuals by the millions who through illness, age, adversity, or ごくわずかの ability, live on the ragged 辛勝する／優位 of want. And the 普通の／平均（する） 代表するs nothing like affluence. Yet even so, what has happened over half a century, but most impressively since 1940, has been striking enough to be 述べるd by the definitely unhysterical director of 研究 of the 国家の Bureau of 経済的な 研究 as "one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な social 革命s of history."

Nobody should produce 人物／姿／数字s on the 現在の 配当 of income の中で the American people without 警告 the reader that they are approximations 単に. Different groups of conscientious 経済的な 捜査官／調査官s, working with different 始める，決めるs of data--such as income-税金 returns, 国勢（人口）調査 returns, and さまざまな special 調査するs--produce very different 計算／見積りs. にもかかわらず our 統計（学） today are far more 正確な than any that could have been produced at the turn of the century, when there was no 所得税, when Andrew Carnegie's income was something like twenty thousand times greater than that of the 普通の／平均（する） American workman, when the slums were 十分な of 哀れな 移民，移住（する）s living in stench and filth, and when many a thoughtful 国民 株d with Edwin Markham a vague 逮捕 of the day when the toiler--"the emptiness of ages in his 直面する"--would rise to 裁判官 the world.

The 人物／姿／数字s I shall 特記する／引用する here are based upon the data 報告（する）／憶測d by a 小委員会 of the 共同の 委員会 on the 経済的な 報告（する）／憶測 of the 議会 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, which dealt with the 配当 of income in 1948; they are 概略で 平行の to the 人物／姿／数字s 含むd in the January, 1951, 報告（する）／憶測 to the 大統領 by his 会議 of 経済的な 助言者s, and probably come somewhere 近づく the truth.*

* The 会議 of 経済的な 助言者s, 人物／姿／数字ing ーに関して／ーの点でs of "spending 部隊s"--which may be families or individuals--say that in 1949 the lowest fifth of these spending 部隊s were scrimping on incomes of under $1,280 a year; the next fifth, on incomes of between $1,280 and $2,289; the middle fifth received incomes of between $2,290 and $3,199; the next-to-the-最高の，を越す fifth, incomes of between $3,200 and $4,499; the 最高の，を越す fifth, $4,500 and over.

If you compare the 会議's 人物／姿／数字s with those of the 共同の 委員会's 小委員会, remember that the 会議's 計算／見積りs are 負担d downward by the fact that in the lower brackets there is a 激しい 集中 of 選び出す／独身 people (as distinguished from families). But you should then 耐える in mind another fact: that what is a deplorable income for a family of five may be a manageable one for a 選び出す／独身 person. If you will also meditate upon the infinite 多様制 of human circumstance, and the difficulty of 製図／抽選 a （疑いを）晴らす line, even の中で your own 知識s, between 扶養家族s and separate spending 部隊s, you will begin to realize why such 人物／姿／数字s give us only a very smudgy 輪郭（を描く） of the actual 明言する／公表する of 事件／事情／状勢s.

によれば them, in 最近の years some 10.6 per cent of all the families in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs have been living on individual or family incomes of いっそう少なく than $1,000 a year. That is about one family in ten, trying to make out on a dismally 不十分な money intake.

About 14.5 per cent have been living on incomes of between $1,000 and $2,000--だいたい one family in seven.

About 20.6 per cent--say one family in five--have had incomes of between $2,000 and $3,000.

A very much larger number, about 33.6 per cent, or something like a third of all our families, have had between $3,000 and $5,000.

Only about 17.9 per cent--say one family out of seven--have had between $5,000 and $10,000.

And a very small group--about 2.9 per cent, or only one family in thirty-four--have been in the over-$10,000 bracket.

There are also a 広大な／多数の／重要な many individuals not living in any family; in 1948 there were 概算の to be some eight million of them in all. Their incomes follow more or いっそう少なく the same pattern, except that they are more numerously 代表するd in the lowest brackets.

Now let us look for a moment at the lowest of these groups: the 10.6 per cent of the families (or thereabouts), and also the individuals, who are living on 年次の incomes of いっそう少なく than $1,000. Who are they?

They 含む, to begin with, some 農業者s and 私的な businessmen who have 簡単に had a bad year--have had to sell 刈るs or goods at a loss, let us say. But some or most of these have 貯金 enough to tide them along. (No grinding poverty there, in most 事例／患者s.) They 含む a 広大な／多数の／重要な number of 田舎の poor: people working poor and worn-out land, tenants, sharecroppers. (A good many of these--we don't know how many--may be able to raise enough food for their own use so as to manage somehow on even a grimly small money income.) Another group, not やめる so large, consists of old people, who in some 事例／患者s have families depending on their 不十分な 貯金 or 収入s, and in other 事例／患者s are fending for themselves alone, with or without old-age 救済. (One out of every four families 扶養家族 on 年輩の people and two out of three 選び出す／独身 年輩の men and women had to get along in 1948 on いっそう少なく than $20 a week, said Robert L. Heilbroner in a 熟考する／考慮する of American poverty in Harper's Magazine for June, 1950.) Others of the lowest group are 犠牲者s of broken families--women, for example, who have been 離婚d or 砂漠d and are unable to support themselves 適切に. Some are 無能にするd people--the 手足を不自由にする／（物事を）損なうd, the mentally ill. (Many of these, to 引用する Mr. Heilbroner, "will be 区s of the community as long as they live.") Some, probably, are chronic ne'er-do-井戸／弁護士席s, useless derelicts of society, seldom 雇うd and then not for long. One should 追加する that の中で the 田舎の poor and the 立ち往生させるd old people and suchlike a disproportionate number are Negroes.

Step up into the next lowest 階級 of poverty, the group with family or individual incomes of between $1,000 and $2,000 a year, and we find more businessmen who have been 遭遇（する）ing 堅い sledding, more ごくわずかの 農業者s, more old people, more 離婚d or 砂漠d wives, more 無能にするd people, more ごくわずかの 労働者s who have been laid off again and again, and also some members of another group: those whose 給料, even in this time of plenty, have been so low as to keep them in a constant struggle with poverty. Again, の中で most of these groups there is an unduly large 代表 of Negroes.

Perhaps the most striking thing about the make-up of these two groups, 構成するing the lowest third of the nation, income-wise, is that--with the 部分的な／不平等な exception of the Negroes whose special 状況／情勢 I have discussed in 一時期／支部 12--these are not "the 集まりs." They are not a proletariat. They are a 広大な／多数の／重要な number of people, very 広範囲にわたって scattered, who are in very different sorts of trouble, 経済的な and さもなければ.

They may 範囲 all the way from the 年輩の man who lives so neatly and proudly that you would never guess, to see him, that he いつかs goes hungry, and the upstanding 農業者 whose 刈るs for this year have been 廃虚d by 嵐／襲撃する, to the bum who panhandles to buy himself another drink, and the moron who hasn't the wit to 持つ／拘留する a 職業. Our 施設s for helping these misfits and 犠牲者s of adversity are far from ideal, heaven knows, but they are far more 適する than they were at the beginning of the century. And there are no such 抱擁する pools of 集まり 悲惨 as 存在するd then.

During the 不景気 Stuart Chase once wrote something to the 影響 that in a fluid society there would always be people climbing up the 経済的な staircase and others 宙返り／暴落するing 負かす／撃墜する it, but that if it was a decent society there should be some way of 妨げるing the latter from 落ちるing all the way to the cellar. What with the helpfulness of 親族s and neighbors, and the 成果／努力s of 私的な charitable organizations, and our city and 郡 救済 organizations, we 後継する nowadays in catching most of them at the ground 床に打ち倒す.

It is when we 診察する the next two or three brackets--those 代表するing incomes of $2,000 to $10,000--that we 遭遇（する） the central fact of our 現在の 繁栄. This is that millions upon millions of families have risen out of the under-$2,000 class and the $2,000-$3,000 class and have climbed a bracket or two. These fortunate families have been getting their money from a wide variety of 占領／職業s; の中で them have been 農業者s, office 労働者s, professional people, semiskilled and 技術d 産業の 労働者s; but it is the 産業の 労働者s who as a group have done best--people such as a steelworker's family who used to live on $2,500 and now are getting $4,500, or the 高度に 技術d machine-道具 操作者's family who used to have $3,000 and now can spend an 年次の $5,500 or more. Consider a 選び出す／独身 salient statistic: that the 普通の／平均（する） 収入s of 労働者s in all 製造業の 産業s in America in 1950 were $59.33 a week. During the past １０年間 these 収入s, as they climbed, have been 追求するd by rising prices, but on the 普通の／平均（する） they have kept 井戸／弁護士席 ahead.

What do these 人物／姿／数字s mean in human 条件? That millions of families in our 産業の cities and towns, and on the farms, have been 解除するd from poverty or 近づく-poverty to a status where they can enjoy what has been 伝統的に considered a middle-class way of life: decent 着せる／賦与するs for all, an 適切な時期 to buy a better automobile, 任命する／導入する an electric refrigerator, 供給する the housewife with a decently attractive kitchen, go to the dentist, 支払う／賃金 保険 賞与金s, and so on 無期限に／不明確に.

Whether these 産業の 労働者s, 農業者s, and other assorted people have been the ones most deserving of such a 解除する in fortune is uncertain. One might have wished that 知識人 労働者s--teachers, for example--had been の中で the 主要な／長／主犯 受益者s of the new order. (They certainly have not.) にもかかわらず the 影響 upon the 残り／休憩（する） of us of the dwindling away of what used to be the lower class has been impressive. For as the families which have moved up a bracket or two have been able to buy more goods, their 拡大するd 購入（する）ing 力／強力にする has given an 巨大な 解除する to 商売／仕事 in general. America has become more 繁栄する by making the poor いっそう少なく poor.

At the 最高の，を越す of the 規模 there has likewise been a striking change. The enormous lead of the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do in the 経済的な race has been かなり 減ずるd.

Let us see what has happened to the 最高の，を越す five per cent of the 全住民, income-wise--概略で speaking, the people who have been living on incomes of $8,000 or over.

によれば the (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する 計算／見積りs of Simon Kuznets of the 国家の Bureau of 経済的な 研究, during the period between the two wars the people in this comparatively 井戸／弁護士席-off group were taking a very big slice of the total 国民所得--no いっそう少なく than 30 per cent of it, before 税金s; a little over 28 per cent after 税金s. But by 1945 their slice had been 狭くするd from 30 to 19 ¹/₂ per cent before 税金s, and from 28 to 17 per cent after 税金s. Since 1945 this upper group has been doing a little better, 比較して, but not much.

As for the 最高の，を越す one per cent, the really 井戸／弁護士席-to-do and the rich, whom we might 分類する very 概略で indeed as the $16,000-and-over group, their 株 of the total 国家の income, after 税金s, had come 負かす／撃墜する by 1945 from 13 per cent to 7 per cent.

A question at once arises. Have we, in 減ずるing the slice received by these upper groups, and 増加するing the slice received by lower groups, 簡単に been robbing Peter to 支払う／賃金 Paul? (It often looks that way to Peter, 特に around March 15.)

The answer is that Peter has been getting a smaller 親族 slice of a much larger pie. Even after one has made allowance for rising prices, one finds that the total 使い捨てできる income of all Americans went up 74 per cent between 1929 and 1950. That is a very かなりの enlargement. So that although the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do and the rich have 苦しむd 比較して, it is much いっそう少なく 確かな that they have 苦しむd 絶対.

And one might 追加する at this point an 利益／興味ing footnote. The big 引き上げ（る） in 給料 that we were speaking of a moment ago has not, by and large, 減ずるd 利益（をあげる）s. In fact when we compare the 1929 totals with the 1950 ones, we discover that total 利益（をあげる）s rose in the interval a little more はっきりと than total 給料 and salaries! To 引用する the apt スローガン of the New England 会議: "The rising tide 解除するs all the boats." (And why did the rich not 伸び（る） ひどく その為に? Because the 利益（をあげる）s were in part 保持するd for 商売／仕事 拡大; because （株主への）配当s were more 広範囲にわたって 分配するd; and also, of course, because 税金s were much higher.)

にもかかわらず the 転換 in the position of the rich has been very striking. It has been cynically said that there are no legitimately rich men any more; there are only 税金-ペテン師 and people who live very 井戸／弁護士席 on expense accounts. That is by no means true. One can 持つ／拘留する on to most of the 利益（をあげる） from some 財政上の 取引，協定s by adroit and やめる 合法的な use of the 資本／首都-伸び（る）s 準備／条項s of the 連邦の income-税金 法律. Oil men have made out very affluently indeed with the advantage of the 27 ¹/₂ per cent allowance for depletion in the same 法律. And there are still some 税金-免除された 安全s which are very useful to those whose 資本／首都 is large enough to 供給する them with a goodly income even at low 利益／興味 率s. But by and large, the big incomes are 切り開く／タクシー／不正アクセスd to pieces by the Collector of 内部の 歳入.

To 申し込む／申し出 a somewhat hypothetical example, the highest 補償（金） 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）d in the public 記録，記録的な／記録するs of the 安全s and 交流 （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 for the year 1950 was $626,300 earned by Charles E. Wilson, 大統領，／社長 of General モーターs. Part of this was in 在庫／株 and cash which he was to receive over the next five years; but let us suppose that it had all been 手渡すd to him in cash in 1950 and that he had had to 支払う／賃金 a 連邦の 所得税 on the whole $626,300, and on nothing else--without any exceptional deductions. The 政府 would have taken some $462,000 of it, leaving him only some $164,300. That is not 正確に／まさに penury, but it is not the sort of income on which one puts aside many millions.

As for those who 所有する large 相続するd fortunes, or self-acquired fortunes piled up in a day when 税金s were lower, and have big 設立s to keep up, and have acquired in the course of time all manner of moral 義務s to いっそう少なく 井戸／弁護士席-heeled 親族s and friends--and who know その上に that it is upon the likes of them that colleges and schools and hospitals and charities depend for sizable gifts (since the 税金-ペテン師, the gamblers, and even many of the worthiest of the newly 繁栄する 認める no such 義務 and 適切な時期)--their 苦境, as 税金s and prices both rise, may often be summed up in the words of one of them who said, "There is no such thing as 存在 rich; there is only 存在 poor on a much larger 規模."

Hence the affection of the rich for 明言する／公表する and 地方自治体の 社債s, which bring in a small but 税金-免除された return; for the 資本／首都-伸び（る）s 税金, which is much lower than the 正規の／正選手 所得税; for extra remuneration in company 在庫／株, which may 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる in value; and for さまざまな 装置s by which remuneration is spread over a long 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of years. (You make a thirty-year 契約, let us say, which 含むs 支払い（額） for your 十分な services for ten years and for "（a）忠告の／（n）警報" services after that, so that you will still be keeping the wolf a long distance from the door long after your active services have ended.)

Hence, too, the disposition of many people whose winnings are stronger than their 良心s to live as far as possible on a cash basis in the hope of eluding the 注目する，もくろむ of the 税金 collector--which, if their 繁栄 is new, they can do for a time. (The known rich, the inheritors of wealth and the (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs of big 会社／団体s, can scarcely do it, for the eagle 注目する，もくろむ of the 税金 collector is upon them.) If I were an 捜査官／調査官 for the Bureau of 内部の 歳入, I should want to follow up people who 支払う／賃金 for fur coats or diamonds by peeling 法案s off a roll, and I do not wonder that these 捜査官／調査官s watch the papers for news of big jewel 強盗s.

Hence, also, the 贈収賄s and implicit 贈収賄s of 税金 collectors which have been such a stench in our nostrils in 最近の years.

Hence, その上に, the growing practice, not only の中で members of the wealthiest class but の中で many others who consider themselves only modestly 井戸／弁護士席 off, of living partly on the company.

You wouldn't need to get any salary at all if everything you might need or want--住宅, transportation, entertainment, for yourself and your family and guests 制限のない--were 供給するd for you without 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金. Some approximation of this enviable 明言する／公表する is 明らかな in the lives of many company (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs. They get about by company car, when needed, or company-bought 鉄道／強行採決する accommodations, or company 計画（する）; and if the 計画（する） takes them and their guests to the Kentucky Derby or a Rose Bowl game, why that's all 権利 too: that's "making 接触するs." They 持つ／拘留する 長引かせるd 商売／仕事 会議／協議会s at delightful 訴える手段／行楽地s, with ゴルフ or bathing for 緩和, and of course the company 支払う／賃金s for everything. They may enjoy holidays at a company （軍の）野営地，陣営, or play ゴルフ at a company country club. If they want to throw a cocktail party at a 流行の／上流の hotel for a couple of hundred people, the company foots the 法案 for that, too: that, too, is making 接触するs. The proprietor of a big New York hotel 述べるd to me during World War II the lavish parties--shocking, for 戦時, in their extravagance--that were thrown in his ample rooms; and I asked him whether they were paid for by individuals or by companies. "Oh, all of them by companies," he said. In the May, 1950, 問題／発行する of Flair, John O'Hara, 述べるing what he aptly called "the new expense-account society," spoke of the difficulty that ordinary 訪問者s to New York had in getting tickets to South 太平洋の except at preposterous prices, and 追加するd, "There are 顧客s at $100 a pair, and the 顧客s are the big 会社／団体s. . . . The big 会社／団体 has first （人命などを）奪う，主張する on everything, from restaurant （米）棚上げする／（英）提議するs to Pullman 保留（地）／予約s home."

Even somewhat smaller fry can do very 井戸／弁護士席 on expense accounts. In the restaurant life of midtown New York, where there is a 激しい 貿易（する） in the prestige that goes with eating or drinking in the 即座の 近隣 of movie actresses, advertising big-発射s, 上院議員s, gossip columnists, successful authors, publishers, ex-支持する／優勝者 競技者s, and television comedians, there is a wide circle of men and women, some of them on modest salaries, who lunch day after day, and dine often, on expense accounts. いつかs they are dazzling out-of-town （弁護士の）依頼人s; いつかs they are just taking one another to lunch. In either 事例／患者 the company 支払う／賃金s. I asked the proprietors of two of the most exalted of these restaurants what 割合 of their guests, from day to day, were eating and drinking on expense accounts. One said nearly half at lunch, and also for dinner in his most 好意d room; より小数の for dinner どこかよそで in the 設立. The other said three-４半期/4分の1s of the guests at lunch, より小数の at dinner, very few in the late evening; but he guessed that at a night 位置／汚点／見つけ出す with entertainment the 割合 would again be high. It is やめる possible that a good many （弁護士の）依頼人s and prospects are really snared by such entertaining; but in any 事例／患者 the theory that this is how （弁護士の）依頼人s and prospects are snared makes for delightfully lavish living on the part of both hosts and guests for at least part of the twenty-four hours, at no cost to themselves.

The wife of the Cleveland machine-道具 (n)役員／(a)執行力のある or Pittsburgh steel (n)役員／(a)執行力のある who lives so grandly away from home may いつかs find there is something a little lopsided in their family 規模 of living. "The company has spoiled Jim terribly," said a 実業家's wife 引用するd by William H. Whyte, Jr., in Life magazine for January 7, 1952.

Even when he was only 収入 $7,500 a year he used to be sent to Washington all the time. He'd go 負かす／撃墜する in a Pullman 製図／抽選 room and, as J. R. Robinson of the General Company, take a two-room 控訴. Then he used to be asked by some of the company officers to a 追跡（する）ing and fishing 宿泊する that the company kept in the north 支持を得ようと努めるd. When he went to New York, he'd entertain at Twenty-One, the Barberry Room, and the Chambord. Me, 一方／合間 I'd be eating a 30-cent hamburger and, when we went away together on vacation, we would have to go in our （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域-up old car or borrow my sister's husband's. This taste of high life gives some of these characters delusions of grandeur.

There are many 高度に placed businessmen, of course, who will not take advantage of such 適切な時期s. An (n)役員／(a)執行力のある with an income of 井戸／弁護士席 over two hundred thousand a year (before 税金s) told me that when he was in Florida he was 絶えず amazed by the number of people who were 明白に 支払う／賃金ing for things on a 規模 that he couldn't afford. As for himself, his 税金s and 義務s were such that it was all he could do to keep out of the red for the year. Some of the men and women he had been seeing in Florida may have enjoyed living on a 最小限 規模 for fifty weeks and on a grand 規模 for two; others may have been 税金-ペテン師; but it is more than likely that a good many of them had discovered, and were 偉業／利用するing, the 現在の 代用品，人 for real wealth: a company that is willing to foot the 法案s.

Much more impressive, however, than the 狭くするing of the gap in income between rich and poor has been the 狭くするing of the gap between them in their ways of living.

For instance, consider the 事柄 of personal 外見, remembering that in 1900 the frock-coated, silk-hatted 銀行業者 and his Paris-gowned wife were recognizable at a distance, if they 投機・賭けるd の中で the ありふれた herd, as 存在s apart. Forty or fifty years ago the 同国人 in a metropolis was visibly a "hayseed"; the purchaser of 安価な men's 着せる／賦与するing was betrayed by his tight-waisted jackets and bulbous-toed shoes. Today the difference in 外見 between a steelworker (or a clerk) and a high (n)役員／(a)執行力のある is hardly noticeable to the casual 注目する，もくろむ. Not long ago, at a tennis tournament, I sat two or three 列／漕ぐ／騒動s behind the chairman of the board of one of the most famous banking houses in the world, and looking at his 退役軍人 パナマ hat and his ordinary-looking 解雇（する） 控訴 I wondered how many of the people about him would have guessed that he was anybody of 広大な／多数の／重要な 財政上の consequence. And there is many a man with an income in six 人物／姿／数字s (before 税金s) and with thousands of 従業員s who, though his 控訴 may be a little better 削減（する） than those of most of the men about him on a New York subway train or a transcontinental 計画（する）, attracts no curious notice at all; he looks just about like everybody else.

As for women, the difference in 外見 between the one who spends $5,000 a year on 着せる／賦与するs and the one who spends only a small fraction of that is by no means as 目だつ as the difference between the woman who has good taste and the woman who 欠如（する）s it. The fact that the 豊富な woman has thirty dresses to the poor woman's three is not 明白な on the street, and the fact that her dresses are made of better 構成要素s and are better 削減（する） is observable only by the 専門家 注目する，もくろむ at の近くに 範囲. Fashion used to be 法令d by Paris, 輸入するd by the most expensive dress shops, then 修正するd by the more expensive American dress 製造業者s, and finally--after an interval of six months to a year--修正するd still その上の, almost beyond 承認, by the 製造業者s of cheap dresses. The 過程 is now quicker and the differences much いっそう少なく sharp. Unless the poor woman is exceptionally poor--or indifferent--she like the rich woman has a 永久の--probably in her 事例／患者 a home one. And women of every income group wear nylon stockings.

Consider for a moment a contrast with regard to those stockings. At the turn of the century silk stockings were a 示す of 高級な. In the year 1900, in a nation of 75 million people, only 155,000 pairs were 製造（する）d. In the year 1949 the American sales of nylon stockings--considered by most people at least as 罰金 as silk, if not finer--were not 155,000, but 543 million pairs: enough to 供給する every 女性（の） in the country, from the age of fourteen up, with between nine and ten pairs apiece. How is that for an example of the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物 producing 高級な for all?

A 世代 ago the 広大な／多数の／重要な mail-order houses produced different 着せる／賦与するs for the Western 農業者's wife and for the city woman in the East; today there is no such distinction, and a friend of 地雷 whose train stopped recently at a small Oklahoma town 発言／述べるd that the girls on the 鉄道／強行採決する 壇・綱領・公約 there were 事実上 indistinguishable in 外見 from girls on Madison Avenue or Michigan Boulevard. It could almost be said nowadays that the only easily 明白な 示す of wealth which a woman can put on is a mink coat.

At this point an explanatory word is in order. The 傾向 that I am 述べるing is not a 傾向 toward uniformity. の中で both men and women there is a 広大な／多数の／重要な 多様制 in attire. The point I am making is that the 多様制 is more a 事柄 of preference, or of custom の中で the members of a 地元の or vocational group, than of 経済的な class.

Does this 傾向 toward the 決裂／故障 of class lines in 着せる／賦与するs seem unimportant? I do not think it is. The consciousness that one is 始める，決める apart by one's 外見 is a 広大な／多数の／重要な divider; the consciousness that one is not 始める，決める apart is a 広大な／多数の／重要な remover of 障壁s.

Let us proceed from 着せる／賦与するs to the 器具／備品 of daily living. As Professor H. Gordon Hayes pointed out in Harper's in 1947, the rich man smokes the same sort of cigarettes as the poor man, shaves with the same sort of かみそり, uses the same sort of telephone, vacuum cleaner, 無線で通信する, and TV 始める，決める, has the same sort of lighting and heating 器具／備品 in his house, and so on 無期限に／不明確に. The differences between his automobile and the poor man's are minor. Essentially they have 類似の engines, 類似の fittings. In the 早期に years of the century there was a 階層制度 of automobiles. At the 最高の，を越す were such 輸入するd cars as the Rolls-Royce, Mercedes-Benz, and Isotta Fraschini; to 所有する one of these was a 示す of lively wealth. There was also an American aristocracy of the Pierce Arrow, Peerless, and Packard. Then （機の）カム group after group, in descending 規模, till you reached the homely Model-T Ford. Today, except for a few 生き残りs such as the obstinately rectangular Rolls-Royces of the old school, and a few oddities such as the new British sports cars, which to the American 注目する，もくろむ would seem to have been 建設するd for exceptionally dashing midgets, there is a comparative absence of class 配合s. And, although the owner of a big, brand-new car probably has a large income, he may 単に be someone who adjusts a slender income to cover the costs of the machines that 入り口 him.

In the 事柄 of running water and plumbing, the 決裂／故障 of distinctions has proceeded much more slowly but にもかかわらず 刻々と. There have been, it is true, some 傷害s to Southern mountaineers who at their first glimpse of a water closet decided that one was supposed to stand in it to wash one's feet; but today only the older and poorer tenements and dwellings in American cities and towns 欠如（する） running water, bathtubs or にわか雨s, and water closets, and these conveniences are 急速な／放蕩な 存在 任命する／導入するd in farmhouses the country over.

一方／合間 the servant class has almost 消えるd, 特に in the North and West, although servants' 給料 have a 購入（する）ing 力／強力にする today from five to ten times or more greater than in 1900 (and, if the servants live in, 申し込む／申し出 an exceptional 適切な時期 for saving). Their 事実上の 見えなくなる, which has 課すd upon all but a tiny fraction of American families the chores of cooking and きれいにする and washing, not only 示すs the absorption of the 移民，移住（する） proletariat of yore into general American society, in which 国内の service has been regarded as humiliating, but also 除去するs another contrast between the ways of living of the 繁栄する and the poor. Today the daughter of comfortably circumstanced parents had better know how to cook 井戸／弁護士席--and their son, too, may find the knowledge pretty nearly 必須の.

What has been 責任がある this 集中 between the ways of living of rich and poor? The 原因（となる）s are 非常に／多数の and コンビナート／複合体, as we have seen in previous 一時期／支部s; some are 経済的な and political, like the 所得税 and 貿易（する）-union 圧力s, or political and social, like the 開発 of public parks and playgrounds. The dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物 is a 主要な 原因（となる）, of course; it accounts for the 事実上の 見えなくなる from the market of one sort or another of 高級な goods, whose 製造者s and vendors have 設立する themselves in hopeless 競争 with the 製造者s and vendors of 集まり-produced goods of 適する 質. For example, the tailor, bootmaker, and shirtmaker 行う an 上りの／困難な fight for 存在. I have a perverse liking for wearing pumps with evening 着せる／賦与するs. Of 最近の years they have been almost unobtainable, and a couple of years ago I had to 支払う／賃金 through the nose for a new pair. When next I want one, which would be in about 1960, I shall not be surprised to find they are no longer made--that there has been no market for them that would 正当化する making them. 集まり 生産／産物 支配するs us; and 集まり 生産／産物 許すs 多様制 only within 限界s.

Another important factor in the change has been the 巨大な spread of education. In 1900 いっそう少なく than one American boy or girl out of ten of high school age was 現実に at high school; now over four out of five are. This means not only 調書をとる／予約する learning for them; it means also a かなりの social education in the ways of living of a variety of families of the community. Also the number of students at American universities, colleges, and teacher-training 会・原則s has 増加するd eightfold.

Still another factor in the change was World War II, which sent several million young men on foreign travels, gave the teachable ones remarkable chances to learn about other 方式s of life, and 供給するd some of them--such as 飛行機で行くing officers--with 適切な時期s to live on a 規模 they had never before known. I remember during the war going to a shabby little photographer's shop to get a パスポート photograph taken, and 審理，公聴会 from the proprietor that his son was a 操縦する 飛行機で行くing 計画（する）s across the South 大西洋. And I wondered whether, two or three years earlier, that boy would have dreamed that he would ever have a chance to see Brazil and Liberia while enjoying the 好意d status of an army officer.

Nor should we overlook the 巨大な 影響（力） of the 集まり-循環／発行部数 magazines, the movies, the 無線で通信する, and television in 課すing upon Americans of all income levels the same patterns of emulation: in other words, making them want to be the same sort of people.

Take, for example, the women's magazines and the magazines of what the publishing 貿易（する） calls the "避難所 field," meaning those 充てるd to houses and gardens. For １０年間s they have been educating millions of women, month after month, in the techniques of better living--telling them how to tend the baby, how to care for children, how to entertain guests pleasantly, how to 準備する 井戸／弁護士席-balanced meals, how to decorate a house prettily, how to make the lawn and garden attractive, and so on. Some of their advice may いつかs have seemed amusing to the experienced; some of the （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） given has been perverted to the flattery of advertisers, or has been superficial or complacent; but the 逮捕する 教育の 影響 upon people whose horizons have been hemmed in by circumstances has been remarkable. And the 集まり-audience magazines, with their 国家の 循環／発行部数s, have also done much to break 負かす／撃墜する parochialism; to givethe housewife in a dingy city apartment, or the boy and girl growing upon a remote farm or in a factory town, glimpses of worlds outside their 決まりきった仕事 一連の会議、交渉／完成するs. It would be 利益／興味ing to know how many people there are in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs today who got from popular magazines their first 知識 with, let us say, ビタミンs.

The 宣伝s in these magazines and どこかよそで, その上に, have 絶えず been 供給するing incentives to work hard ーするために be able to buy more goods. There are some 労働者s, in America as どこかよそで, who, when they get a 行う 増加する, 答える／応じる by taking things easier on the ground that they can now afford to relax. But to the extent that this is not the general 支配する--to the extent that 労働者s keep on 運動ing in the hope of 存在 able to afford even more--we can point to 集まり advertising as one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な incentive 製造者s.

This form of journalistic 集まり education has been a 純粋に twentieth-century 現象. At the turn of the century there was no American magazine with a 循環／発行部数 of anywhere 近づく a million; by 1947 there were no いっそう少なく than 38 with 循環／発行部数s of over a million apiece; and the Reader's Digest alone, with its plethora of cheerful suggestions on how to live better, had reached by 1951 a total 循環／発行部数 in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of over 9 ¹/₂ millions.

Likewise the movies, which date only from about 1905, and the 無線で通信する, which as an 器具 for popular broadcasting dates only from 1920, have been bringing together in their audiences men, women, and children of all income levels to enjoy the same emotional excitements, and have 形態／調整d their films and programs to a ありふれた denominator of American experience.

In the movies, popular 星／主役にするs like Cary 認める, Humphrey Bogart, Gregory つつく／ペック, Montgomery Clift, and Farley Granger may play the parts of men who are supposed to be rich and stylish, or men who are at the end of their 経済的な rope; but whatever 役割 any one of them assumes, his 人気 depends upon his 代表するing a 肉親，親類d of charm that any young American male can 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる and at least approach; in other words, upon his 適合するing to what old-fashioned people would call middle-class 基準s of speech and 行為. I prefer to call them classless, or all-American, for that, essentially, is what they are. The Hollywood actresses are 支配する to the same compulsion; they may be cast in queenly or in humble 役割s, but their publicity 助言者s know that if the public is to adore them they must be 代表するd in the film magazines as ready to make a salad, mop the kitchen 床に打ち倒す, and hang out the wash--after which they may be shown enjoying some lucky leisure in 井戸／弁護士席-designed bathing 控訴s beside sumptuous swimming pools.

On the 無線で通信する Jack Benny, for all his big income, plays the part of a Jack Benny who lives in a modest house, owns a wheezy old car, and has for his 単独の servant a jack-of-all-貿易（する）s helper with whom he is on the breeziest of 条件. And Ozzie and Harriet Nelson find themselves in a 一連の comic 状況／情勢s which one might label as middle class, but which are ありふれた in their essence to the experience of millions of young parents and children of さまざまな income levels.

And what is the result? Both the rich man's fourteen-year-old son, who 狼狽s his 保守的な parents by trying to talk like Humphrey Bogart, and the トラックで運ぶ driver's son, who 心にいだくs the same hope, will grow up to be more like their idols--and thus, more like one another--than they would have さもなければ. And something else happens. Half a century ago a coal 鉱夫 who 設立する himself at a 流行の／上流の restaurant would not have had the faintest notion of how to behave; nowadays he has only to ask himself, "How would Gregory つつく／ペック do it?" In short, the social distance between the extremes of American society is 縮むing.

Whenever I think of this change, I think of something I saw not long ago in New York City. A street was 存在 torn up for 修理s, and while the workmen were standing waiting for the arrival of new 器具／備品, one of them, who had in his 手渡すs an アイロンをかける 棒 推定では used for 調査するing off manhole covers, was enjoying a little 緩和. I looked twice to see what he was doing with that 棒. He was practicing a graceful ゴルフ 一打／打撃.

To say that the 減ずるd 資源s of the rich and the 傾向 toward an all-American 基準 of living have done away with Society would be an exaggeration. Social emulation is a perpetual 軍隊 in human 事件／事情／状勢s; in any community, social lines tend to be drawn and snobberies to 繁栄する; in most towns and smaller cities there is an easily discernible social pattern with a 地元の society on 最高の，を越す, though its composition may be forever 転換ing. But as one proceeds from the smaller communities to the larger ones, the pattern becomes today much more コンビナート／複合体, 多重の, and elusive. It is 複雑にするd by the variety of professional and 商売／仕事 配合s which are to be 設立する in a big community; and by the special 階層制度s within large 商売／仕事s which 課す upon social 関係s a 始める，決める of distinctions which have little to do with the old ones based upon family, 防備を堅める／強化するd by wealth (these 商売／仕事 階層制度s I shall 言及する to again in the next 一時期／支部). It is 影響する／感情d, too, by the prestige which …に出席するs not only successful 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs 関わりなく their social status but also, much more dazzingly, 芸能人s and other newsworthy or photogenic characters.

In the 絶えず growing 郊外s it is 混乱させるd by the 早い 転換 in 職員／兵員, 同様に as by the 分割 of people's attention between the 関心s and entertainments of the 郊外 and those of the city of which it is a 衛星. The Sheridans, who gave such delightful parties last year, move to Detroit; the Stanleys are lovely people but go to town for their real social life; the young Edwardses are mighty attractive, but just moved out to the 郊外 last year when their eldest child was arriving at school age, and may move どこかよそで if their income rises, and will probably go 支援する to town anyhow when the youngest child is grown up. The pattern is kaleidoscopic, to the 混乱 of 組織するd snobbery.

Society--the old Society, with a large 資本／首都 S--used to 中心 in New York. But it is in New York that the 現在の-day pattern reaches its 最大の 複雑さ. Here the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do are in 激しい 集中, and few of them know more than a tiny fraction of the others. They form ばく然と defined, overlapping groups. There are, for example, the 銀行業者s, 仲買人s, and downtown lawyers and their families. There are the publishers, writers, advertising people, 無線で通信する and television people--a 一連の groups which in turn overlap a 一連の Broadway ones. There are 相当な 商売／仕事 groups operating in 卸売 and 小売 貿易（する）. There are the people associated with churches of さまざまな denominations--the 地元の カトリック教徒s forming an exceptionally 際立った 始める，決める, though it overlaps those whose 最初の／主要な 関心 is with politics. There are 関係 of 知識 between men and women connected with the 支援 of different sorts of charitable and public-service organizations. There are その上の 関係 between New Yorkers who have come from one part of the country or another, or whose summer and week-end life brings them together in 地元の communities on Long Island or in Connecticut or New Jersey or どこかよそで. Each of the arts has its 充てるs and 支持者s, linked loosely by 相互の 知識. In some of these areas of 利益／興味 Jews intermingle with 非，不，無-Jews; in others, Jews are やめる separate. At any dinner party or cocktail party one is likely to 会合，会う some people of one's own group along with others, probably 以前 unknown to one, whose 協会 with the host and hostess has been based upon some other 関係 of ありふれた 利益／興味.

To say that in this variegated scene Society is no more would be by no means 訂正する. There are many families of noteworthy lineage and 相当な means to whom such a 声明 would seem preposterous. But that this Society still 存在するs is pretty nearly their secret.

Its 議会s and coming-out parties attract 限られた／立憲的な public attention. It still 申し込む／申し出s, for a select number of debutantes, a 簡潔な／要約する and furious 一連の会議、交渉／完成する of social activity, and tries to 供給する for them the most carefully selected male companionship--the selective 過程 存在 somewhat vitiated by the necessity of 輸入するing for the larger festivities かなりの numbers of students, not so scrupulously chosen, from such nests of the young elect as New 港／避難所 and Princeton. But as the young men and women grow older, their other 利益／興味s make such （人命などを）奪う，主張する upon their time and attention that the status of most of them as members of Society becomes somewhat blurred. And though the remains that many of their progeny would 階級 会員の地位 in the Knickerbocker or the Links or the Brook or the 植民地 Club below 会員の地位 in the group 好意的に known to the attendants at the Stork Club or Twenty-One. And the society Waldorf which few 私的な families could afford. In short, to the extent that Society 存在するs, it is 事実上 unknown to the general public, and unnoticed.

The advertisers in their turn have taken 注意する of the change. "It is a 調印する of our times," Agnes Rogers wrote in 1949, "that glamour is now 一般に advertised as attainable by all American women, and as very 平易な to come by--you buy it in a jar. Few 製造業者s feel today that to sell their 製品s they must make women identify themselves with the 豊富な or socially elect. The snob 控訴，上告 has become いっそう少なく potent than the 控訴，上告 of glamour arrived at through 購入（する） of the 権利 製品s and through careful schooling in their appropriate use. Anybody can have it, whatever her background, for a little money and some 成果／努力. Glamour has been 民主化するd."

As for the 広大な／多数の／重要な houses of an earlier day, those mighty 城s in which the rich and 流行の／上流の lived on a princely 規模, they too have mostly succumbed to the 広い地所 税金 and the supertax. Some are still 占領するd, 特に in Newport, where the old guard of the socially elect stubbornly try to 行為／行う themselves as if nothing much had happened. But in New York the most famous of the mansions that once made Fifth Avenue the avenue of millionaires--such as those of William H., William K., and Cornelius Vanderbilt--have been 破壊するd to make way for 商売／仕事 buildings or apartment houses. In Newport itself, Ochre 法廷，裁判所 is a カトリック教徒 college and The Breakers is 賃貸し（する）d year by year for use as a museum, where one may see if one wishes what it was like to be a Vanderbilt in the grand days. The Frederick W. Vanderbilt house at Hyde Park is likewise a museum. At Lenox, the Henry White house is an inn. Outside Philadelphia, Whitemarsh Hall, the 130-room E. T. Stotesbury house, is a 研究 中心 for Pennsalt--the Pennsylvania Salt 製造業の Company. At Palm Beach, the Flagler mansion is part of the Whitehall Hotel. Others have become nunneries, boys' and girls' 搭乗 schools, hospital 会・原則s. And nothing like them has been built for a good many years, not only because of the colossal expense of upkeep at 現在の labor costs, but also because the taste of the 繁栄する today is for a いっそう少なく princely--or pseudo-princely--肉親，親類d of living.

One 見解（をとる）s the passing of these 私的な palaces with mixed feelings. There always tended to be something 偽の about the grandeur of the most imitatively European of them. One thinks of the rise in labor costs that has made them so ruinously difficult to 持続する today, and 反映するs that it has brought new 慰安 and 適切な時期 to a host of men and women. One 認めるs that there is a subtle affront to human dignity in the accumulation of 広大な／多数の／重要な staffs of personal attendants and flunkies. And yet there was a glitter about some of these 広大な／多数の／重要な houses that one 行方不明になるs in the いっそう少なく stratified community of today.

Last summer I went through one of the lesser of them--lesser ーに関して／ーの点でs of the number of people it once housed, for it had no more than eight or ten master bedrooms, but sumptuous in the way of life that had once 繁栄するd there. It stood 空いている, waiting for a purchaser. The tall columns of its portico stood on stucco bases now 割れ目d and chipping away. The 木造の columns of a 味方する porch were 割れ目d, the old paint peeling from them. The garden outside had grown up to 少しのd; the 見解（をとる） over a smiling valley was partly 削減（する） off by rising undergrowth. Inside the house, vandals had ripped off a telephone box here, left piles of litter there in their 追跡（する） for 価値のある 略奪する. The carved 天井 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な central hall--three stories high, some sixty feet long--had partly come away as the result of a 漏れる in the roof; there were little heaps of fallen plaster on the hardwood 床に打ち倒す. One could scarcely believe that the 製図／抽選 room and dining room had once been lit of an evening only by 得点する／非難する／２０s of candles as men and women in evening 着せる／賦与するs gathered in a ritual strange in its graceful 形式順守 to the folkways of the 現在の. And one wondered whether the passing of such a way of life was the price of 僕主主義, and whether that price was inconsiderable or high.

Today the 教団 of informality is 普及（する）. Its 前進する has been so long-continued that one would momentarily 推定する／予想する a reaction toward elegance; but for every step taken in the direction of 形式順守, two steps are presently taken in the direction of an easier code of manners.

Look at the male American of today. The cutaway coat is obsolescent, except for borrowed or rented wear at weddings. (At a 最近の wedding I 公式文書，認めるd that one of the 義務s of the groom and best man was to …に出席する to the 商売／仕事 of renting cutaways for the 勧めるs, with no more 当惑 than would …に出席する the 雇うing of a caterer to serve the wedding breakfast.) The tail coat is worn only by a very few of the 井戸／弁護士席-heeled young, at a very few parties; the 年上の 国民 of means seldom takes out of mothballs that 十分な dress 控訴 that he acquired in 1926. The dinner coat is worn いっそう少なく and いっそう少なく, and the number of families whose males customarily dress for dinner has dwindled to the 消えるing point. The hard collar has likewise almost 完全に 出発／死d. The waistcoat (or vest, if you prefer) is going; if a man under forty wears one he is 示すd as conservatively inclined in dress. Hats of any sort are in 漸進的な 退却／保養地, 特に in summer. As for the hard straw hat, it is 事実上 a period piece--worn 主として by 年輩の gentlemen with unalterable habits, or by young 血s with a zest for the picturesquely antique. And in a 最近の 調査する by the 国家の Office 管理／経営 協会, three ４半期/4分の1s of the companies 答える／応じるing to questions about office 支配するs said they 許すd men 従業員s to 除去する their coats at any time, an 付加 13 per cent 許すd this in warm 天候 only, and over 58 per cent 許すd sports shirts.

Sports attire is 徐々に on the way in, 範囲ing from the separate tweed jacket and flannel or khaki slacks to the fancy-patterned shirt and slacks 好意d in California and Florida. Work 着せる／賦与するs of さまざまな sorts tend likewise to be popular for 平易な-going wear. Young men shun neckties except as 時折の 譲歩s to 形式順守, and the 基準 衣装 of an undergraduate out for a day with a girl at a girls' college is likely to be a shirt or T-shirt and slacks, with wool socks and unpolished shoes. If he wishes to follow the very strictest code of aristocratic propriety, he may 主張する upon wearing a plain white or plain blue shirt with buttoned-負かす／撃墜する collar (left open, of course) rather than anything of Hawaiian 面, and dingy white shoes rather than dingy brown ones; but he won't get into a 正規の／正選手 two-piece 控訴, with necktie, until dinner. And on many a campus the two-piece 控訴 plays today almost, though not やめる, the part that the dinner coat played in the 早期に years of the century: it is what one wears on a formal occasion. さもなければ one is happy in khaki slacks and a T-shirt, sports shirt, sweater, lumberman's shirt, or windbreaker, the combination chosen depending on the 天候. So 安定した is the （選挙などの）運動をする of attrition against the 以前は 正統派の male 衣装, in fact, that one 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うs that its one-hundred-and-twenty-five-year 統治する may be approaching its end.

の中で women the 傾向 toward informality of attire is not so 明確に defined. Yet it is amusing to 公式文書，認める with what enthusiasm the 恐らく omnipotent moguls of the dress 貿易（する） and the advertising 貿易（する） 法令 from time to time the return of elegance, and how 広範囲にわたって spaced and 簡潔な／要約する are their 勝利s; while the 大多数 of the younger women, and many older ones too, go hatless all year 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, go stockingless in summer, and wear flat-heeled loafers or ballet shoes and 小作農民 kerchiefs.

This informality is 井戸／弁護士席 ふさわしい to the 流布している code of 平易な-going companionship between the sexes. Husbands and wives spend more time in one another's company than they used to; with cooking and dishwashing and baby-tending to 株, and with the high cost of labor 事実上 軍隊ing the husband to make a hobby of amateur 閣僚-making and of 絵 the kitchen and 修理ing the 世帯 器具／備品, they could hardly 避ける this even if they chose, and there is not much occasion to dress up for one another. With the 安定した spread of co-education, boys and girls become accustomed to seeing the opposite sex at work as 井戸／弁護士席 as at play, and 衣装 themselves accordingly. Men's clubs succumb one by one to a 需要・要求する for ladies' dining rooms, or even for the admission of 女性（の）s to club 管区s sacred in earlier days to the male; no one appears to 恐れる that feminine 注目する，もくろむs or ears will be 感情を害する／違反するd by anything brutish, and there is a general feeling that it is good fun to have the other sex around. In this 事柄 there is, of course, a sharp 相違 between the custom of one community or social group and another. In general, the more sophisticated the group, the いっそう少なく do the men and women tend to separate to enjoy themselves. But that the general 傾向 is toward a more relaxed companionship seems beyond a 疑問.

徐々に, as servants become rarities, the dinner party at which guests are seated about a （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する is 取って代わるd by casserole entertaining, buffet style. The hour for dinner becomes more elastic as the hostess waits until the last guest has arrived before putting the finishing touches on the meal--with the result that those who were so injudicious as to come at the hour 任命するd may have had an unduly 長引かせるd 一区切り／（ボクシングなどの）試合 with the cocktails. Little by little the formal introduction, in which the 身元 of Mr. Jones is made known to 行方不明になる Robinson, gives way to an diners at their 緩和する with the 迎える／歓迎するing, "What'll it be, folks?" Rare is the dance given in a 私的な house; and though it is possible to take a group of young people to dance at a hotel or night club, such entertainment is likely to be so （人が）群がるd and expensive that when the young people are on their own they are likely to go to a 道端 tavern, where they can drink beer or soft drinks, dance, play the jukebox, and discuss life at a reasonable cost in a congenially relaxed atmosphere. Square-dancing, once the sport of yokels, enjoys high 人気 の中で さまざまな 経済的な groups, and the more rustic and romping it is, the better they like it. "Come in your blue ジーンズs," said the 招待 to boys to …に出席する a 最近の square dance at a 高度に select girls' school in New York. On a Saturday, in a 郊外, one will occasionally see a カトリック教徒 girl 長，率いるd for 自白 in blue ジーンズs with a fancy hat--the only one she owns. In 面 after 面 of American life, 儀式 appears to be in continuous 退却／保養地.

Why? まず第一に／本来, perhaps, because informality seems to people to be democratic, unpretentious, friendly. の中で the sons and daughters of the rich there is a vague, 生き残るing 犯罪 コンビナート／複合体: an embarrassed consciousness that during the 不景気 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of people were resentful of their way of life and 怪しげな of the origin of the 基金s that made it possible. This 犯罪 コンビナート／複合体 takes many forms, and one of them is a preference for the sort of entertainment which won't seem to 伴う／関わる putting on 空気／公表するs. The same is true in some degree of many people in the upper echelons of a 商売／仕事 organization: so aware are they of the 不信 of them which unionism fosters that they go out of their way, at a company party, to show that they have no princely delusions. の中で large numbers of people in other income brackets there is, perhaps, a sort of mystic satisfaction in what appear to be democratic ways; の中で others there is 簡単に a feeling that 形式順守 is a big bore, and outdated, and they are relieved that they don't have to make the 成果／努力.

Whatever one's 見解（をとる） of the 教団 of informality, it is distinctly a manifestation of the all-American 基準 of living and 行為.

一時期／支部 16

会社／団体s, New Style

Few things are harder than to 観察する 明確に the life and 会・原則s of one's own day. Newspapers do not help much, for they 記録，記録的な／記録する the unusual, not the usual. Magazines help from time to time, but they too are under a compulsion to concentrate on the surprising; and the same, by and large, is true of the 無線で通信する and TV. Photographers tend to 捜し出す out either the exceptional or the picturesque; as a 生産者 of 調書をとる／予約するs of pictures-and-text on 最近の history I have often been struck by the scarcity of pictures which show the ordinary, everyday 面 of things, or the 一般に 受託するd way of doing things, at any given period. And even when we look about us with our own 注目する，もくろむs, we tend to be 条件d by the ideas which we 選ぶd up when young, either from our parents or at school or college, as to the supposed nature of the things we see. It is still worse when, after looking, we begin to generalize about our 観察s, for as often as not we have no vocabulary to 述べる them which is not 負担d with 条件 which have outdated historical connotations.

Such as the word "capitalism," for instance. We customarily say that our 経済的な system is capitalistic; yet the word connoted half a century ago, and connotes today in Europe, a way of doing 商売／仕事 やめる different from the 現在の American way. Or the contrasting 条件 "解放する／自由な 企業" and "社会主義," each of which carries an overload of 伝統的な meaning which is not very helpful in defining what we may ーするつもりである to 伝える about the exact 明言する／公表する of 経済的な and political 事件／事情／状勢s today.

And take the 会社／団体. Most American 商売／仕事 is done by 会社／団体s, 範囲ing in size from 事実上 one-man 事件／事情／状勢s to 大規模な 企業s like General モーターs, which today spends more money 毎年 than the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs 政府 used to spend in the nineteen-twenties (even 含むing the expenses of the Army and 海軍). Nearly half of all gainfully 雇うd Americans are on the payroll of a 会社／団体; if we 除外する 農業者s and other self-雇うd people from our reckoning, the 割合 is much larger. Yet the very nature of American 会社／団体s, 特に the big ones, has so changed since the days when most of us first heard the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語--or since the textbooks were written that first introduced us to the 法人組織の／企業の 概念--that we have difficulty in しっかり掴むing the reality of what we 現実に see when we look at them.

The change has been very important to all of us. Let us therefore try to see the 法人組織の／企業の 会・原則 of today with fresh 注目する，もくろむs.

To begin with some 一般に familiar facts: A 会社／団体 is 伝統的に supposed to be controlled by the people who put up the money to 開始する，打ち上げる and develop it; they take 株 of 在庫／株 in it, and as 株主s they elect directors to look after the running of it for them, and the directors select and 監督する the 経営者／支配人s who do the actual running. Thus, in theory, and in the letter of the 法律, the 株主s are the ultimate 当局. This is still true in most young companies, which need 資本／首都 to get going, and in many small ones anyhow. But in most successful American 関心s which have grown to 成熟, and 特に in the very big ones which between them do a very large 割合 of American 商売／仕事, the 株主s are no longer in 支配（する）／統制する in any real sense: they are subordinate in 当局 and importance to the 管理／経営.

It is the 管理／経営 which 決定するs 政策s and makes 決定／判定勝ち（する）s. Important 決定／判定勝ち（する）s must be 批准するd by the directors, to be sure; many if not most directors feel a 激しい sense of 責任／義務, and there is some 証拠 that this sense of 責任／義務 has been growing in 最近の years; yet their 出資／貢献 to the actual running of the 会社／団体 tends to be somewhat 消極的な, if only because few of them are living from day to day with the problems laid before them. As for the 株主s, the 法律 still says that they must 批准する some sorts of major 決定／判定勝ち（する）s, so a 合法的な rigmarole has to be gone through by which the 株主s will say 承認する at their 年次の 会合. But this 年次の 会合 is ordinarily a farce.

The officers of the company, exuding a synthetic 愛そうのよさ, may be 直面するd with a few embarrassing questions and a few 逆の speeches, but the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of 株主s have sent in proxies 都合のよい to the 管理／経営, and the 抗議する人s are therefore 絶滅するd by a gentleman who rises to cast several million 投票（する）s against them. I myself have …に出席するd an 年次の 会合 in which, in the absence of any 対立, the 訴訟／進行s were even more 削減（する）-and-乾燥した，日照りのd: the minutes of the 会合 had been 用意が出来ている in 前進する, they were read aloud slowly, and at the appropriate moments さまざまな directors 答える／応じるd to their さまざまな cues and 申し込む／申し出d the appropriate 決意／決議s and passed them, 防備を堅める／強化するd by the knowledge that the bundles of proxies which lay on the （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する between them gave them 十分な 合法的な 当局 to 行為／法令／行動する on the 株主s' に代わって.

Suppose a 株主 doesn't like the way the 会社／団体 is 存在 run? Only if he is eccentric, or a special sort of 改革運動家, or a 政治家，政治屋 (union or さもなければ) trying to make a 動かす, does he try to …に反対する the 管理／経営 of a really big company. What he does, instead, is to sell his 在庫／株 and get out.

His General モーターs 在庫／株, or Goodyear 在庫／株, or 部隊d 航空機によるs 在庫／株 does not in the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of 事例／患者s 代表する to him a part 所有権 and 支配（する）／統制する of the mighty 企業; it 代表するs a way of getting some income (or 利益（をあげる）), his 権利 to which is attested by a prettily decorated sheet of paper which he keeps in his 安全な-deposit box; and his 利益／興味 in the 会社／団体's 運命／宿命 is likely to take principally the form of looking at the 在庫／株-market page from time to time to see how the price is doing. If he doesn't like what he sees, he sells.

The 管理／経営 regards him with far more 尊敬（する）・点 than it regarded its 少数，小数派 株主s at the turn of the century, when it might tell them nothing at all about the company's 進歩, or at the most produce for them a （製品，工事材料の）一回分 of 無血の 統計（学）. Now he is given 十分な and lively 報告（する）／憶測s, 十分な of photographs of the company's more picturesque 操作／手術s, and graphs in which the 量 of money spent in this and that way is 代表するd by pretty piles of coins. I 港／避難所't yet seen an 年次の 報告（する）／憶測 with a picture of a smiling bathing-控訴 girl in it, but I am sure there must have been such: it is hardly possible that any concentrated 成果／努力 of salesmanship at the 中央の-century could long do without this 基準 symbol of delight. But just there is the nub of the 状況／情勢. The 株主 is 見解（をとる）d very much as the 顧客 is 見解（をとる）d: not as an owner but as someone who had better be 支持を得ようと努めるd lest he take his patronage どこかよそで.

With 可能性のある 対立 melting away through the sales 出口, the 管理／経営 is very much in the saddle--and in most of these larger companies it is 事実上 self-perpetuating. How else could things be run in, let us say, the American Telephone Company, which has over a million 株主s, no one of whom owns more than one-tenth of one per cent of the 在庫／株?

Looking at this segment of American 商売／仕事, we would almost find it appropriate to call our 現在の 経済的な system "managementism" rather than "capitalism."

All this has been familiar to a 広大な／多数の／重要な many 観察者／傍聴者s for a 広大な／多数の／重要な many years. But there is another change which is not やめる so 広範囲にわたって 認めるd, though it too has been known to the knowledgeable for a かなりの time.

This is that the 会社／団体 of today, and 特に the big one, is not only not run by the 株主s but is in most 事例／患者s not nearly so 扶養家族 upon the purveyors of money--in short, the 銀行業者s--as it used to be. In the old days the 経営者／支配人s of companies went hat in 手渡す to 塀で囲む Street--or 明言する／公表する Street, or Chestnut Street, or LaSalle Street--when they needed 基金s for the 救済 or 再組織 or 拡大 of their 商売／仕事s, and the 銀行業者s proffered money on 条件 which usually 伴う／関わるd their having a say in the 未来 管理／経営 of those companies. As a result, a 広大な／多数の／重要な 銀行業者 to whom other 銀行業者s kowtowed and of whom big 投資家s stood in awe could become, as did Morgan the 年上の, something very の近くに to a 最高の boss of much of American 商売／仕事. Today 銀行業者s are indeed needed for help in the 救助（する） or 再組織 or new 財政／金融ing of many 商売／仕事s, and their 援助（する） may be very 価値のある indeed, and their 影響（力） strong; but their chance to throw their 負わせる around is 限られた／立憲的な. In the first place, the 条件 on which they may を取り引きする their （弁護士の）依頼人s are now closely 制限するd by 法律. In the second place, 競争相手 候補者s for the 役割 of 救助者 have appeared on the scene, such as the 政府's 再建 財政／金融 会社／団体 (some of whose 公式の／役人s in 最近の years have been discovered to have taken a 高度に personalized 見解（をとる） of their 機能（する）／行事). When a 会社／団体 needs money for 拡大, it may go to Madison Square rather than to 塀で囲む Street--in other words, to a big 保険 company--or may be able to enlist the 利益／興味 of one of those rising aggregations of 資本／首都, the 投資 信用s. Or it may use its own money.

For to a very large extent successful 会社／団体s today are self-財政／金融ing. They roll their own 資本／首都, by 支払う／賃金ing out only part of their 収入s in （株主への）配当s and using the 残り／休憩（する） to buy new 機械／機構, build new 工場／植物s, acquire new 子会社s. This method of superseding the 銀行業者 was rare の中で big 会社／団体s at the turn of the century, but it became very popular in the nineteen-twenties, and it is 基準 の中で them today. The 長，率いる of a large and successful 会社／団体 with ample 基金s is therefore likely to regard 塀で囲む Street somewhat as he does his doctor: better be polite to him because the awful day might come when he could give one orders, and anyhow his 時折の services and check-ups are useful; but in the 合間 the doctor is not one's master. 類似して, nobody in 塀で囲む Street is the successful 会社／団体 長，率いる's master, Mr. Vishinsky and his like to the contrary notwithstanding.

In this as in many other 事柄s, the Soviet propagandists--and many foreign 観察者／傍聴者s of America who are far いっそう少なく 冷淡な--not only distort the truth about America but distort a truth more than twenty years out of date.

Is the big and successful 会社／団体 its own master, then? Not やめる.

To begin with, it is 厳しく circumscribed by the 政府. As Professor Sumner H. Slichter has said, one of the basic changes which have taken place in America during the past fifty years is "the 変形 of the economy from one of 解放する／自由な 企業 to one of 政府 guided 企業. . . . The new economy," says Dr. Slichter, "operates on the 原則 that 根底となる 決定／判定勝ち（する）s on who has what incomes, what is produced, and at what prices it is sold are 決定するd by public 政策s." The 政府 干渉するs with the course of prices by putting a 床に打ち倒す under some, a 天井 over others; it 規制するs in 非常に／多数の ways how goods may be advertised and sold, what 商売／仕事s a 会社／団体 may be 許すd to buy into, and how 従業員s may be paid; in some 明言する／公表するs with Fair 雇用 法律s it even has a say about who may be 雇うd. "When a piece of 商売／仕事 comes up," 令状s Ed Tyng, "the first question is not likely to be 'Should we do it?' but 'Can we do it, under 存在するing 支配するs and 規則s?'" He is 令状ing about banking, but what he says 持つ／拘留するs good for many another 商売／仕事. その上に, in the collection of 法人組織の／企業の 所得税s, 保留するing 税金s, social 安全 税金s, and other 徴収するs the 政府 課すs upon the 会社／団体 an intricate 一連の bookkeeping 仕事s which in some 事例／患者s may be as onerous as those it must 請け負う on its own に代わって. Thus the choices of 企業 are both hedged in and 複雑にするd by 政府.

管理／経営 is 厳しく 限られた／立憲的な, too, by the 力／強力にする of labor unions. This is almost wholly a 消極的な 力／強力にする: the union can tie the 会社／団体 up, but cannot run it, or even 治める the 準備／条項s of a 契約 arrived at between it and the company: this it has to leave to the 管理／経営. But the obstructive 力／強力にする of union leaders may be very 広大な／多数の／重要な; the people who say that the man who in 最近の years has come closest to Pierpont Morgan in the 演習 of personal 力／強力にする in the 国家の economy is John L. 吊りくさび are not very far off the beam. In unionized 工場／植物s a 一連の 契約s have served, in 影響, to 制定する what has been 井戸／弁護士席 述べるd by Peter F. Drucker as "the new ありふれた 法律 of the 産業の 工場／植物 and office" as to 雇うing and 解雇する／砲火／射撃ing, seniority 権利s, the 扱うing of grievances, overtime work, vacations, and a lot of other things. In many 事例／患者s this 団体／死体 of ありふれた 法律 may be 有益な in the long run to the 会社／団体 同様に as to its 従業員s, but it certainly 減ずるs the independence of the 管理／経営.

Finally, the 管理／経営 must always steer its course with an 注目する，もくろむ to how its 活動／戦闘s will look, not only to its 従業員s, its 株主s, its 顧客s, and the 政府, but also to the general public. The 長，率いるs of little 商売／仕事s may engage in 取引，協定s which will not stand public scrutiny, and いつかs get away with grand 窃盗罪; the 長，率いるs of big 商売／仕事s are aware that this is exceedingly risky. For they know they are under の近くに 批判的な 観察. 詳細（に述べる）d 報告（する）／憶測s to the 安全s and 交流 （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限, 詳細（に述べる）d 報告（する）／憶測s to the 税金 gatherers, and the 可能性 at any moment of 存在 調査／捜査するd by the 連邦の 貿易（する） （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 or by a congressional 委員会, leave them with about as much sense of privacy as a goldfish. A goldfish has got to be good. These men have acquired, too, for the most part, a healthy 尊敬（する）・点 for the 商業の value of general 人気, and feel that it is 現職の upon them to 勝利，勝つ friends and 影響（力） people. And this 義務, too, 減らすs their 適切な時期s to do as they 本人自身で please.

So while the 経営者／支配人s of our 会社／団体s continue, within 限界s, to 雇う, 解雇する／砲火／射撃, 支払う／賃金, buy, 製造（する）, and sell as they choose to do, and after they reach a successful 成熟 are in large degree 解放する／自由な from 干渉，妨害 by 株主s and financiers, and are thus very 異なって placed from the 経営者／支配人s of nationalized 産業s or 商売／仕事s, にもかかわらず the 制限s are so 非常に／多数の and 厳しい that to speak of these men as engaged in "解放する／自由な 企業" is more picturesque than 正確な. They are managing 私的な 会・原則s operating under a 一連の 厳しい disciplines, and committed to doing so with an 注目する，もくろむ to the general 福利事業.

But that isn't the ４半期/4分の1 of it.

For the very nature of 法人組織の／企業の 商売／仕事 has been を受けるing a change.

To 選ぶ out one word that comes as 近づく as any other to 述べるing the change, one might say that 商売／仕事 is becoming professionalized, in the sense that more and more men in 商売／仕事 are engaged in doing the sort of thing that we associate with the professional man (lawyer, doctor, engineer, professor) and doing it more and more in a spirit 似ているing that of the professional man.

When at the end of the first １０年間 of this century the 大統領，／社長 of Harvard University, composing the citation for the degree given by the new Harvard 卒業生（する） School of 商売／仕事 行政, called 商売／仕事 "the oldest of the arts and youngest of the professions," there was かなりの levity の中で the hard-爆撃するd--and not 簡単に because the language he used reminded people of the 身元 of the oldest of the professions. They thought the whole idea preposterous. 商売／仕事, a profession! What an innocent notion! 商売／仕事 was a rough-and-宙返り／暴落する 戦う／戦い between men whose first 関心 was to look out for number one, and the very idea of professors 存在 able to 準備する men for it was nonsense. As a 事柄 of fact, many a 堅い-繊維d 大君 of those days was 疑わしい even about 雇うing college 卒業生（する）s, whom he regarded as toplofty, impractical fellows who had to unlearn a lot before they were fit for the 商売／仕事 円形競技場. One rough 手段 of the change that has taken place since then is to be 設立する in the fact that this very professional school of 商売／仕事 at Harvard has won 普及した 尊敬（する）・点, and 財政上の 支援 同様に, from の中で big 会社／団体s; and that many of these 会社／団体s, at their own expense, send some of their most 約束ing 公式の／役人s, at the age of forty or thereabouts, to fit themselves for 大きくするd 責任／義務s by taking the school's thirteen-week course in 前進するd 管理／経営. This does not mean that a 広大な／多数の／重要な university has 出発／死d from its scholarly traditions to 避難所 a 貿易（する） school; it means rather that an important part of American 商売／仕事, as now operated, 要求するs of its 主要な men what are essentially professional 技術s and abilities.

Heaven knows there are large areas of 貿易（する） where a shrewd 注目する，もくろむ for a quick buck is 支配的な. There are businessmen aplenty to whom money-making is the 単独の criterion of 業績／成果--money-making at anybody's expense. Yet today the officers of most 会社／団体s of consequence have to 対処する with so many intricate technical problems of さまざまな sorts, have to 耐える in mind so 絶えず their interlocking relations with their 従業員s, the 政府, their 消費者s, and the general public, and have to concentrate so hard upon keeping a コンビナート／複合体 of 操作／手術s in 効果的な balance, that there is a growing 需要・要求する for men with 高度に trained and 柔軟な minds.

商売／仕事 is 吸収するing into itself a host of 機能（する）／行事s of a professional or 半分-professional nature. It 雇うs engineers in profusion; as the authors of a 容積／容量 on (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 活動／戦闘 have put it, "There is no longer such a person as 'the engineer,' but there are a multitude of 専攻するd engineers, many of whose 技術s are not interchangeable." It 雇うs statisticians, cost accountants, auditors, 経済学者s, 質-支配（する）／統制する 専門家s, 動議-熟考する／考慮する 専門家s, safety engineers, 医療の directors, 職員／兵員 men, labor-relations specialists, training (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs, public-relations men, advertising men, market 分析家s, 研究 顧問s, foreign-貿易（する） 顧問s, lawyers, 税金 専門家s--the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） could be continued at length.

Take a 選び出す／独身 element in the modern 法人組織の／企業の picture: that of 研究. In the 早期に years of the century it was a rare company which had its own 研究 研究室／実験室; and even after such 研究室／実験室s began to multiply 急速な／放蕩な during the nineteen-twenties, one old-line (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, asked if his company had a 研究 department, said, "Yes, but we just sort of 補助金を支給する it as a publicity 前線." Even during the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気, however, the multiplication continued; and by 1947 the "Steelman 報告（する）／憶測" 問題／発行するd by the 大統領's 科学の 資源s Board 概算の that of the 137,000 scientists and 研究 engineers in the country, 30,000 were working for the 政府, 50,000 were working in colleges and universities, and 57,000--a group larger than either of the other two--were working in 産業の 研究 研究室／実験室s.

Take another element in the picture: the wide variety of 責任／義務s, やめる apart from 伝統的な 商売／仕事 ones, that a 会社／団体 may find itself saddled with. Tharon Perkins, 令状ing about the American oil companies operating in Venezuela, has 公式文書，認めるd that each one has had to build a whole new town 近づく each oil field before it could begin to do 商売／仕事--and that this has meant "having to 供給する a house for each 従業員, an education for the children, hospitals and 医療の care for the entire family, 覆うd streets, garbage collection and a sewerage system, 蓄える／店s where food can be bought (much of it below cost), 力／強力にする 工場／植物s to 供給（する） electricity, water systems with pure water, laundries and ice 工場／植物s--and even amusement 中心s with baseball diamonds, movies, and club houses for dancing and billiards"; and that "an oil company 地区 経営者／支配人 or area superintendent has to run this civilization after he has built it." That sort of town building and town managing 要求するs a bevy of 専門家s with 高度に diversified professional talents.

The さまざまな specialists who are drawn into the 雇う of a big 会社／団体 are not, in most 事例／患者s, by any means shut away from others of their 肉親，親類d who work for other 雇用者s. No, they go to 会合s of the 国家の Society of Sales Training (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs, or the 国家の 協会 of Cost Accountants, or the American Society of 法人組織の／企業の 長官s, or what not, there to 交換（する） 公式文書，認めるs on 進歩 in their particular fields and to 選ぶ up ideas. And when some of these groups 組み立てる／集結する--when, for instance, the 産業の 化学者／薬剤師s 会合，会う with 政府 化学者／薬剤師s and university 化学者／薬剤師s at 開会／開廷／会期s of the American 化学製品 Society--they find ありふれた ground in devotion to the broadening of their particular area of learning. I have before me a 報告（する）／憶測 of a 最近の 会議／協議会 on 航空 health problems. It was 行為／行うd by the Harvard School of Public Health (a 私的な 会・原則 of learning and teaching), and it brought together professors from Harvard and other 会・原則s, 代表者／国会議員s of the 海軍, 空気／公表する 軍隊, and U. S. Public Health Service, and 代表者／国会議員s of 航空機によるs, 航空機 製造業の companies, and 保険 companies. That sort of 共同 goes on every day the country over. Said Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer before a congressional 委員会 in 1945. "The gossip of scientists who get together is the lifeblood of physics, and I think it must be in all other 支店s of science. . . ." And so it is with 職員／兵員 men, market 分析家s, and cost accountants too, he might have 追加するd, and with all those other 会社／団体 従業員s who take a truly professional 利益／興味 in their specialties.

This swapping of ideas brings us to one of the most 重要な facts about American 商売／仕事 today--a fact which never 中止するs to amaze European and even British businessmen when they 直面する it: that there are few secrets in American 商売／仕事. Rather there is a continual cross-fertilization through the pooling of facts and ideas.

This takes place in a number of ways. Take one upper-level way. When the directors of the 製造業の 化学者／薬剤師s' 協会, 代表するing 得点する／非難する／２０s of 化学製品 関心s, 会合，会う 月毎の, there is laid before them a 一覧表にすること of the safety 記録，記録的な／記録する of the whole 産業--not only as a whole, but 会社／堅い by 会社／堅い, so that the man from du Pont or Monsanto learns the exact safety 人物／姿／数字s of Merck or American Cyanamid. Why do they do this? 明白に because safety is a 事柄 of such ありふれた 関心 to them that the necessity for 株ing whatever knowledge can be 蓄積するd takes 優先 over the 競争の激しい impulse.

類似して the magazine publishers 始める，決める up many years ago the Audit Bureau of 循環／発行部数s, to make periodically a 徹底的な and unbiased 査察 of the 循環／発行部数 記録，記録的な／記録するs of each magazine, and to publish the 人物／姿／数字s in 詳細（に述べる）. In some other countries these 人物／姿／数字s would be jealously guarded secrets; here the 仮定／引き受けること is that it is to the advantage of all that the advertiser who buys space shall know 正確に／まさに what he is buying, even if this means that the competing 関心s in the 産業 shall each know just how the others are faring.

The pooling of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） takes place through 貿易（する） 定期刊行物s too. Their number is legion, and each one is 十分な of ideas on how to do more 効果的な 商売／仕事. I have been told, not unreasonably, that one 推論する／理由 why Italian 軍の 航空 was so backward during World War II was that Mussolini's 国粋主義者／ファシスト党員 政府 had banned the 輸入 into Italy of aeronautical 貿易（する） 定期刊行物s from the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs and Britain, thus 奪うing the Italian engineers of a 広大な 取引，協定 of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） which we here make 利用できる to all.

But the most characteristic of all American 会・原則s for the pooling of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） are 貿易（する） 条約s. In 1930, によれば the 塀で囲む Street 定期刊行物, there were 4,000 貿易（する） 協会s in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs; now, believe it or not, there are no いっそう少なく than 12,000--1,500 国家の ones and 10,500 明言する／公表する or 地元の ones. And so many of these organizations have 給料を受けている 経営者／支配人s that the 論理（学）の, climactic 開発 has taken place: two hundred of the 経営者／支配人s gathered in Chicago in 1951 to 協議する together as a 貿易（する） 協会 of 経営者／支配人s of 貿易（する） 協会s!

When one of these organizations 持つ／拘留するs its 年次の or 半分-年次の 条約--whether at the Waldorf or Commodore in New York, or the Stevens or Edgewater Beach in Chicago, or the Chase in St. Louis, or in 大西洋 City or French Lick or White Sulphur--the ritual is 井戸／弁護士席-nigh 基準: the green-baize-covered 登録 desk for new arrivals, where they are 手渡すd a lapel badge and a schedule of 会合s and festivities; the formal 会合s in the Palm Room or Ballroom (いつかs ill-…に出席するd in the mornings); the formal dinner at which some grand panjandrum of the 産業 makes a speech concocted by his ghost-writer on the glories of 解放する／自由な 企業 and the insidious menace of 社会主義; the 支援する-slapping, highball drinking, poker playing, and general skylarking that makes the members feel like boys again; the 橋（渡しをする） or canasta tournaments for wives--if these are 招待するd; and, if they are not, the 傾向 of (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs to return home in such a 使い果たすd 条件 as to 確認する the 地元の legend that New York, or Chicago, or 大西洋 City, or whatever the 条約 place happens to be, is a 沈む of iniquity. Yet though the serious 目的 of these 集会s いつかs seems 潜水するd in a tide of alcohol, it にもかかわらず is 決定的な. （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） is pooled--about buying 条件s, selling 条件s, the nature of the market, the 最新の technical 前進するs. The conferees may not tell each other やめる everything; にもかかわらず the characteristic answer to the question, "How's your paper 供給（する） 持つ／拘留するing up in 質?" is emphatically not, "非，不，無 of your 商売／仕事." These men have learned that it is to the long-範囲 利益／興味 of all to pass （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） around, very much as the members of the American Historical 協会 have learned that it is to the long-範囲 利益／興味 of the science and art of history to pass （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） around.

調査するing the 現在の 商売／仕事 scene and the コンビナート／複合体 of problems 圧力（をかける）ing upon the modern large-規模 (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, the editors of the magazine Fortune recently 宣言するd in their 調書をとる／予約する, U.S.A., the 永久の 革命, that "管理／経営 is becoming a profession"; and in an 宣伝 they put it even more きっぱりと: "the 大君 is dead. . . . The 中央の-century 商売／仕事 man has had to go to school--in labor, in politics, in social 福利事業. The engineer's a 商売／仕事 man, the salesman's an 経済学者, the 研究 man knows advertising, the 財政／金融 man knows 法律."

The 大君 dead? The 報告（する）／憶測 may be 誇張するd. にもかかわらず there is a striking difference between the type of men now rising to the 最高の，を越す in big 商売／仕事 and those of an earlier day.

Take, for example, the eight men whom I について言及するd in 一時期／支部 4 as の中で the most 影響力のある in American 経済的な 事件／事情／状勢s at the turn of the century: J. Pierpont Morgan, John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, Edward H. Harriman, James Stillman, George F. パン職人, William Rockefeller, and H. H. Rogers. I 公式文書，認めるd that of all these men, 非，不，無 had been to college except Morgan, who had spent two years at the University of G?tingen in Germany. Nowadays it seems やめる natural to us that the 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数 of big 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs should be college 卒業生（する）s and that many should have been trained in 工学 or 法律.

For example, in the automobile 産業--regarded by many as a pretty 堅い one--the 長，指導者 (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officer of General モーターs, Charles Erwin Wilson, a 卒業生（する） of the Carnegie 学校／設ける of 科学（工学）技術, began his career as an 電気の engineer. The 大統領，／社長 of Chrysler, Lester Lum Colbert, went to the University of Texas and the Harvard 法律 School, after which he became a specialist in labor 法律. And though Henry Ford II, 長，率いる of the Ford company, 構成するs a somewhat special 事例／患者, 存在 one of the few 主要な (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs who may be said to have 相続するd his 職業 (an ますます unusual thing today, when there is a 示すd 傾向 away from the family-run 会社／堅い), he at least spent some years at Yale.

Frank Whittemore Abrams, chairman of the board of 基準 Oil (New Jersey), the biggest of all American 関心s in 条件 of total 資産s, is a Syracuse man, class of 1912, and was trained as an engineer; the 大統領，／社長 of the same company, Eugene Holman, 持つ／拘留するs a master's degree from the University of Texas and began his career as a geologist.

の中で the 最近の 最高の，を越す (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs of General Electric, the other Charles E. Wilson (Charles Edward), who was 大統領，／社長 until he took over the 国家の 動員 assignment in 1950, is an exception in not having gone to college, but the chairman of the board, Philip Dunham Reed, got an 工学 degree at Wisconsin and a 法律 degree at Fordham; Wilson was 後継するd in the 大統領／総裁などの地位 by Ralph J. Cordiner, Whitman College '22. At U. S. Steel the 最近の chairman of the board, Irving S. Olds, Yale '07, Harvard 法律 School '10, is a lawyer. And at American Telephone & Telegraph, upon the 退職 of Walter S. Gifford, Harvard '05, a statistician (who later became the American 外交官／大使 to 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain), he was 後継するd in the 最高の，を越す position by Leroy Wilson, Rose Polytechnic 学校／設ける '22, an engineer, and on the latter's death the place went to Cleo F. Craig, University of Missouri '13, an 電気の engineer.

The について言及する of Gifford's 大使の service 示唆するs another 利益／興味ing thing about such men as these: that many of them have at one time or another held 政府 職業s. の中で those I have just 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）d, for instance, Charles Edward Wilson was not only the 長，指導者 officer of the 国家の 動員 成果／努力 in 1950-1952, but in World War II was (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 副／悪徳行為-chairman of the War 生産／産物 Board, where Cordiner also was for a time 副／悪徳行為-chairman. Reed worked for the 政府 from 1941 to 1945 in a variety of assignments, one of which carried the 階級 of 大臣. Holman put in a number of years with the U. S. 地質学の 調査する before he went into the oil 商売／仕事. One might 追加する parenthetically that when Gifford went to the 法廷，裁判所 of St. James's, he 後継するd 外交官／大使 吊りくさび W. Douglas, who had been at さまざまな times a 下院議員, the U. S. Director of the 予算, （ドイツなどの）首相／（大学の）学長 of McGill University, and 大統領，／社長 (later chairman) of the 相互の Life 保険 Company.

If in our 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of automobile companies we had 含むd Studebaker, we might have 公式文書，認めるd that it was the 長，率いる of Studebaker, Paul Hoffman, who took over one of the biggest political 仕事s of our time, the 行政 of the Marshall 計画（する）--and then became 長，率いる of the Ford 創立／基礎. And speaking of 創立／基礎s, it should be 公式文書，認めるd that in 1948 Devereux C. Josephs, who was 長，率いる of the Carnegie 会社／団体, a 創立／基礎 which 取引，協定s extensively with professors, moved over to become 大統領，／社長 of the New York Life 保険 Company, where the chairman of the board, George Leslie Harrison, had been trained as a lawyer and had been 知事 of the 連邦の Reserve Bank of New York, a semigovernmental organization.

These men are characteristic of a 転換 even more pronounced の中で many of their juniors: a 転換 toward the rise, in big 商売／仕事, of men to whom 政府 service and public service of other sorts come 自然に, complementing their professional and 商売／仕事 training to 準備する them for the wide 範囲 of techniques and public 責任／義務s which 現在の-day 商売／仕事 直面するs. New style 会社／団体s are getting new-style leaders.

We need not pause here more than a moment to 公式文書，認める another 面 of American life that most of us so take for 認めるd that we are astonished when Europeans 表明する surprise at it; the fact that America is crammed from end to end with 私的な organizations and 協会s--国家の, 明言する／公表する, and 地元の--designed to look out for one 面 or another of the ありふれた good; and that in most of these, businessmen play active and often 主要な 役割s.

In their 調書をとる／予約する, U.S.A., the 永久の 革命, the editors of Fortune have 大打撃を与えるd hard at the significance of this fact, 運動ing home their argument by showing how these organizations are run in a 明確な／細部 city--Cedar 早いs, Iowa: how Keith Dunn, (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 副／悪徳行為-大統領，／社長 of the Century 工学 Company, 統括するs at a 昼食 会合 of the Cedar 早いs 議会 of 商業, of which he is 大統領，／社長, and then moves on すぐに afterward to a 会合 of the Community Chest; and how 先頭 Vechten Shaffer, 大統領，／社長 of the Guaranty Bank & 信用 Company, is not only 長，率いる of the 議会's Co-ordinating 委員会, but is a trustee and 長官 of Coe College, 大統領，／社長 of the Cedar 早いs Community 創立／基礎, chairman of the 地元の Health 会議, a member of the Iowa Health 会議, and a money raiser for St. Luke's Hospital, the 地元の symphony, and the amateur theater--and in all gives a third of his time, and often more, to the 地元の community. There is nothing new about businessmen 存在 on hospital boards, school and college boards, or charitable boards, or about their wives 存在 active in the women's clubs and 連合s thereof and the Parent-Teacher 協会s. But some of the organizations that have developed in 最近の years with active 商売／仕事 support do strike a somewhat new 公式文書，認める in this picture of what Erwin D. Canham of the Christian Science 監視する has called "voluntary 集団の／共同の 活動／戦闘 . . . a 肉親，親類d of collectivism which has a potency incomparably more dynamic than Marxist collectivism could ever be."

Let me について言及する only two out of a 広大な／多数の／重要な many. There is the 委員会 for 経済的な 開発, an organization for 経済的な 熟考する／考慮する and political 推薦s based upon this 熟考する／考慮する, which does not 簡単に try to 促進する the 利益／興味 of 商売／仕事 管理／経営 but takes a much broader 見解（をとる） of 経済的な 事件／事情／状勢s, and brings together on its 委員会s and 研究 groups a mixture of company 長，率いるs and academic 経済学者s which would astonish an old-time 大君. And there is also the Advertising 会議, 述べるd by 吊りくさび Galanti鑽e as "a voluntary organization of professional men who 寄付する to the nation the copy, the designs, and the technical 技術 that go into our public （選挙などの）運動をするs for better schools, road safety, 解雇する／砲火／射撃 予防, 政府 社債 sales, the war against tuberculosis and other 病気s." Listening to a 無線で通信する 商業の on the importance of 適する support of our schools, and realizing that it was written and 分配するd for 解放する／自由な by the Advertising 会議, and is 会社にする／組み込むd in an expensive 無線で通信する show because the sponsors of （頭が）ひょいと動く Hope, let us say, feel that its 傾向 追加するs to the public 控訴，上告 of their show, one feels as one does when listening to a 主要都市の Life 保険 Company 商業の on the 治療 of arthritis: "Yes, I suppose this is just good 商売／仕事 in a way--but where does one draw the line between good 商売／仕事 and the 昇進／宣伝 of the ありふれた weal?" These days they seem to overlap かなり.

And not only do they overlap, but there is a constant 成果／努力 to build 橋（渡しをする）s over whatever gaps remain between them. At the 中央の-century the 願望（する） for 合成 and 仲直り--between さまざまな sciences, between science and 産業, between sociology and 商売／仕事, between this element in our society and that--is 普及した and contagious. It has become the fashion to 持つ／拘留する 会議／協議会s at which 代表者／国会議員s of 恐らく contrasting 利益／興味s in American society put their 長，率いるs together and try to arrive at ありふれた counsel. One of these 会議／協議会s, recently, was 組織するd by the Advertising 会議, with the idea of throwing light on what 面s of American life were least understood abroad. It was held at the Hotel Waldorf-Astoria in New York on April 16,1951; the パネル盤 of talkers 含むd an author, a magazine editor and author, a foreign 無線で通信する 顧問 and author, a newspaper editor, a professor, a college 大統領，／社長, a 創立／基礎 長，率いる, a 製造業者, and a 製造業者 turned 政治家 and 創立／基礎 長，率いる. What these men said was 利益／興味ing, but not half so 利益／興味ing as that at the 中央の-century it seemed to be important to get them together to discuss the meaning of America. That is a 見本 of the way in which men engaged in 商売／仕事 and in other 肉親，親類d of 成果／努力 are 絶えず drawn together to arrive at mutuality of ideas in the ありふれた 利益／興味.

Another 傾向 in American 商売／仕事 is toward the 取って代わるing of one-man 管理／経営 by team 管理／経営. The 大君 may not be dead, but such autocrats as the late （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する-続けざまに猛撃するing George Washington Hill of American タバコ and the rambunctious Sewell Avery of Montgomery 区 are in ますます short 供給（する）. One 会社／団体 長，率いる summed it up to me this way:

A lot of the companies in my 産業 were started in the 早期に years of the century as one-man shows: there was a fellow with an idea and some 資本／首都, and the 商売／仕事 was his personal 商売／仕事. Then the thing grew, and in the twenties the sales problem was uppermost, and this man was 後継するd by a big salesman. Later we began to see the importance of 研究, and a 研究 man, or at any 率 a 研究-minded man, would get the nod. But now 研究 has become so 複雑にするd that it's a specialty, and what you need is a team of people each one of which knows one or more of these さまざまな specialties, and the 長，指導者 thing 要求するd of the 長，率いる fellow is that he be able to keep this team working as a 井戸／弁護士席-balanced 部隊. He's got to be a good captain of the team. As chairman, I don't pretend really to know what the 研究 people are doing; it's my 職業 to keep them going in harmonious balance with the 残り／休憩（する） of the outfit.

The organization of 基準 Oil (New Jersey) is exceptional in that the directors are 十分な-time 給料を受けている members of the company staff, 会合 as a board once a week, while an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 委員会 of five of them 会合，会うs every day; but it 申し込む／申し出s an 利益／興味ing--if extreme--事例／患者 of the 現在の 強調 upon teamwork. C. Hartley Grattan has 述べるd in Harper's how the men at the 最高の，を越す work:

The Board is indisputably the 核心 of the 管理／経営 of the company. Its 決定／判定勝ち（する）s are group 決定／判定勝ち（する）s. 全員一致の 同意 is always sought and when there is sharp 分割 of opinion which cannot be 打ち勝つ by the usual methods of 説得／派閥, the 事柄 is laid over with a request for more facts. As a Board member the 大統領 参加するs in discussions as an equal, just as the Chairman of the Board does also. It seems likely, the members 存在 only human, that the 見解（をとる）s of the Chairman and the 大統領 carry more 負わせる than those of ordinary members; but this, it is 主張するd, does not give either 支配 of the Board. Their position is 簡単に primus の間の pares.

What of the 態度 of such new-style 経営者／支配人s as these toward the general public 利益／興味? Here one should walk very warily indeed, 認めるing that speeches by a 会社／団体 長，率いる may be window-dressing arranged by a public-relations department and that, in general, protestations of virtuous 意図 cannot always be taken at 額面価格. にもかかわらず something seems to have happened.

The 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 had much to do with it. The 最高の，を越す men of America's big 会社／団体s remember the doghouse which they 住むd in those days; and though some of the 年上の ones are still unreconstructed Washington-haters, and there is hardly a man in 当局 today who does not on occasion splutter at some of the 制限s--and monumental paper work--課すd upon him by the 政府, a 広大な／多数の／重要な many of the younger and more nimble-minded of them have acquired a 本物の distaste for the shenanigans of the nineteen-twenties, a 会社／堅い 意向 not to butt their 長，率いるs against the political and social facts of life as their 前任者s did, and a hard-learned but unfeigned 認識／意識性 of the 原則 that, in the long run, as Peter F. Drucker has put it, "No 政策 is likely to 利益 the 商売／仕事 itself unless it also 利益s the society." The war had something to do with the change, too, bringing together as it did businessmen, 政府 men, labor leaders, physical scientists, social scientists, and assorted professional men in 政府 undertakings in which they learned to 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる one another's competence and point of 見解（をとる）. I do not mean that our 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs have put on haloes; I prefer the way in which the 態度 of these men was 述べるd by Ralph Coghlan of the St. Louis 地位，任命する 派遣（する） at the Corning 会議／協議会 of 1951--a 会議／協議会, by the way, which dealt with "Living in 産業の Civilization," and brought together in a two-day powwow businessmen, sociologists and other scholars, 新聞記者／雑誌記者s, and 政府 公式の／役人s, and was 行う／開催する／段階d by a 商売／仕事 関心, the Corning Glass Company. Said Mr. Coghlan:

"When I was growing up, the word 'soulless' 会社／団体 was a very ありふれた 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語. . . . 井戸／弁護士席, in my lifetime I have seen a remarkable change in this. I don't know whether it could be said that 会社／団体s have 得るd souls, but at least they have 得るd 知能."

The American 会社／団体 of today, large or small, is not only an 経済的な 部隊. It is a political 部隊 too, in the sense that most of those who work for it are much more conscious, during most of their working hours, of 存在 under its governance than of 存在 under the governance of the 正規の／正選手 political 公式の／役人s. The boss--whether 大統領，／社長, or department 長，率いる, or 監督者, or foreman--is an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 当局 closer to them than any 知事 or 市長; and the code of practices of the 会社／堅い--that 団体／死体 of ありふれた 法律 of which we have spoken--seems to them to 条件 their lives and fortunes more 緊急に than the 法令／条例s of the city or the 法律s of the 明言する／公表する and nation. For it defines the extent of their 所有物／資産／財産 権利s in their 職業s, which may mean more to them than any of their 有形の 所有／入手s, and it also 決定するs in large degree the 量 of satisfaction that these 職業s give them from day to day. Whether this code of practices has been built up by 管理／経営 alone, or by 契約 between 管理／経営 and union, it 規制するs not only them but, 間接に, their families too, so that when Mr. Jones or 行方不明になる Miller 転換s from a 職業 in one company to a 職業 in another, the wrench to their daily 方式 of life and their 見解（をとる） of the world about them may be as sharp as if they had moved from town to town.

And the 会社／団体 is a social 部隊 too, a community. The girl who comes from an Ohio town to Philadelphia to take a 職業 is acutely aware that の中で her new fellow 従業員s and their friends she may find the man she will marry; as she begins to go out to lunch with other girls in her department she is 存在 introduced by degrees into a new society. The young man who is transferred from the Cleveland 工場／植物 to the Kansas City 工場／植物 knows that his social life in Kansas City will be built in large part about the friendships he makes within the 工場／植物 there.

The extent to which the 会社／団体 構成するs a community depends of course upon many factors--the social homogeneity of the 従業員s as a group; whether the company 支配するs the town in which it is 位置を示すd or is a small 部隊 の中で many; whether or not most of the 従業員s separate at night to go to different 寄宿舎 郊外s; and whether there is felt to be 公式の／役人 圧力 for or against a concentrated 協会 with other members of the 会社／団体's staff. (One 解任するs the 発言／述べる せいにするd to Ben Sonnenberg, the New York public relations man, a 信奉者 in the importance of outside 接触するs, that lunching with 同僚s is "career 自殺.") But on the whole the social life within the 会社／団体 is a more important element in the American scene, I believe, than one would gather from most of our fiction--which is likely to be produced either by self-雇うd people who do not know this life at first 手渡す or by people who have experienced it but are such natural-born individualists that they look upon it with a bilious 注目する，もくろむ. General 認識／意識性 of its importance may account, at least in part, for the 安定した movement toward the cities, where people obscurely feel that they will be 保証（人）d some social 適切な時期s through office 接触するs--many more than a small community would 申し込む／申し出--but will not be as wholly 扶養家族 upon these, as 拘留するd within the 法人組織の／企業の community, as they might be in a one-company town.

In some 会社／団体s the social pattern takes curious forms. Fortune published late in 1951 two articles 取引，協定ing with the 圧力s upon wives of (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs in some 関心s to 適合する to a rigid code of (n)役員／(a)執行力のある-wifely 行為／行う. These articles--later 要約するd in a 選び出す／独身 article in Life--明らかにする／漏らすd that in some 会社／団体s (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs are not chosen, or 促進するd, until their wives have been 認可するd as suitable members of the company community; these wives are 推定する／予想するd to have social 緩和する, to 差し控える from injudicious talk or アル中患者 indiscretion, to guide other wives toward seemly 行為, and to help their husbands put the company's 利益／興味 before any other. 間接に the articles also 明らかにする／漏らすd how delicate a pattern of 順応／服従, echelon-mindedness, and snobbery such a custom may 課す upon the community, turning the 概念 of teamwork の中で (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs and the 概念 of the 会社／団体 as a community into caricatures.

From the comment which these articles occasioned it was （疑いを）晴らす that there are 会社／団体s in which no such gentle 共謀 to erase individuality takes 形態／調整. Yet in one way or another both the 管理／経営 and the union, if any, are likely to tend, for their own 推論する／理由s, at least to encourage the 従業員s' sense of belonging.

Thus in the urbanized society of the 中央の-century the company or union paper serves as the 同等（の） of the old-time country 週刊誌. "Angela Filson in Accounts Payable is 冒険的な a new （犯罪の）一味 these days. The lucky man is Jerry Cassidy of the Des Moines office. Congratulations, Angela and Jerry!" . . . "スパイ／執行官 勝利，勝つ Winget won enough in two football pools to keep his twins in new shoes for the next three years." . . . "Our 深い sympathy goes to Lillian Gerchar, Helen Debreceni, and Pearl Anthony in the 最近の loss of loved ones." . . . "Eleanor Rich, twelve-year-old daughter of Howard Rich, 雇うd in the 麻薬を吸う mill at Gadsden, recently won the Alabama 明言する／公表する （一定の）期間ing 選手権. In cinching the 栄冠を与える she 正確に （一定の）期間d 'baccalaureate' and 'eleemosynary.' In the photo Eleanor is shown with her proud dad." What are these but the sort of personals that have been the 伝統的な seasoning of small-town community life? And does not the office party serve the 法人組織の／企業の society as the sort of saturnalia that other communities have needed and have not always been able to 工夫する--as occasions where the salesmen kiss the 長官s, and the office boy tells the department 長，率いる that his 大勝するing system is all wrong, and the community code tells them that 非，不，無 of this is to count on the 公式の／役人 記録，記録的な／記録する?

In this 法人組織の／企業の community the labor union plays today an anomalous part. By its very nature it is 意見の不一致を生じる, 要求するd to be anti-管理／経営, anti-company, anti-産業, a sort of His Majesty's 対立 that will never, like an 対立 政党, be 要求するd--or be able--to take office and show that it can do better. The union leader is in a curious 位置／汚点／見つけ出す. Unable, himself, to put into practice any of the changes for which he （選挙などの）運動をするs, he is compelled by his very position to make the most of grievances, to whip up 不信, and in some 事例／患者s to keep alive the 脅し of a strike which may 麻ひさせる not only the company or 産業 against which he is （選挙などの）運動をするing but many another which has had no part in the 論争. When インフレーション 脅すs, the position he 占領するs almost 軍隊s him to keep on 押し進めるing for 増加するs which will 追加する to the inflationary 圧力; if he doesn't, he may lose his 職業 to someone who shouts more loudly and consecutively than he. For he is cast in the 役割 of a 改革運動家, and if the time comes when the need is not for 反乱 but for 仲直り and 再建, he is in danger of losing status. その上に, his search for able subordinates is 複雑にするd by the 傾向 of 管理／経営 to 促進する some of the ablest 可能性のある 候補者s into ineligibility. He is 要求するd almost 必然的に to be an underminer of that 忠義 to the company which 申し込む／申し出s one of the deepest satisfactions of 法人組織の／企業の work. And the one really strong 武器 in his 兵器庫, the strike, is an exceedingly blunt one, which 攻撃する，衝突するs a 広大な／多数の／重要な many people at whom it is not 目的（とする）d.

That the 権利 to strike remains one of the 根底となる liberties in an 産業の society one may agree. One may agree, too, that unions and their leaders have played and are playing a 決定的な part in the raising of the general 基準 of living; and that, by and large, the codes of practice which they have written into the 法令 調書をとる／予約するs of 産業 (always excepting the featherbedding codes 課すd on 確かな 産業s) have done and are doing much to make for decent 条件s of life which would not さもなければ be 達成するd. It seems 否定できない, その上に, that some method of 供給するing an uncringing 代表 of the 階級 and とじ込み／提出する of 法人組織の／企業の 従業員s in the contest over the disposition of 法人組織の／企業の 基金s is 必須の to our general 井戸／弁護士席-存在. Yet it remains an anomaly of our 産業の life that this 深い 分割 of 忠義s is built into it in a day when the 傾向 toward a general American 基準 of living is さもなければ such a 統一するing 軍隊.

Under these circumstances it is noteworthy that we have so many ably managed and responsible unions as we have today, and that patience and good will are so often to be 設立する on both 味方するs of the （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する in 管理／経営-labor relations. Strikes, like 航空機による 事故s, make news; reasonable 協定s, like the hundreds of thousands of 航空機による flights that arrive 安全に, do not. In the 報告（する）／憶測s of the British 生産性 teams there has been たびたび（訪れる） について言及する of the extent to which 管理／経営s and unions have been 設立する to be working together toward the 改良 of 製造業の and 行政の methods. One 推論する／理由 would seem to be that ありふれた-sense people 認める that they work better, and are happier, when their 忠義s are not in 長，率いる-on 衝突, but overlap.

That already the strike itself is tending to change its character in 返答 to this 承認 has been manifest in 最近の years. Though some strikes have been bitter and violent, these have been the exception; and the contrast of the 残り／休憩（する） with the strikes of earlier years has been very sharp. Mary Heaton Vorse, who as a reporter 深く，強烈に 同情的な with labor 観察するd the steel strikes of 1919 and 1937 and then that of 1949 at の近くに 範囲, visiting some of the same mill towns and …に出席するing strikers' 会合s, was astonished at what she saw in 1949: the absence of violent ばか者，雇い暴力団 squads; the sympathy of the townspeople 一般に with the strikers, who seemed to them not a 暴徒 of red 革命のs, as they had seemed in 1919, and even in 1937, but a collection of respectable fellow 国民s to whom it was reasonable to 延長する 財政上の credit in the 緊急; the 活動／戦闘 of some company 公式の／役人s in serving coffee to the pickets; the manifest 利益／興味 of almost everybody in 持続するing order. The contrast with the old days has been even cleaner-削減（する） in some other 最近の strikes, during which there has been 公式文書，認めるd in the 地元の community an 空気／公表する of friendly excitement something like that at the の近くに of a lively political （選挙などの）運動をする, or at the time of a big football match; in such communities the strike has been regarded not as class 戦争 but as a sort of game played between two teams, one of which has numbers on its 味方する while the other has 当局 and money.

一方／合間 there are その上の 調印するs, here and there, of a その上の 進化 toward a 少なくなるing of the anomaly, toward a 考えられる new order of things. 最近の 契約s tying 給料 to 生産性 are one 調印する. Such 革新s as the Scanlon system of rewards, which again 強調するs 生産性, are another. The 広げるing group of companies which have introduced 利益（をあげる）-株ing--some of them, like Lincoln Electric, with astonishing results--構成する still another. The 激しい 最大の関心事 of many company 公式の／役人s with the art of communicating with 従業員s and the public, and the 熟考する／考慮するs which are 絶えず 存在 made of the satisfactions and 不満s of the 労働者s' lot, are likewise encouraging. It may be that one of the changes we shall see during the next 世代 will be a 変形 of the very nature of the union from an 器具 of 反対する-忠義 and coercion into a いっそう少なく emotionally 意見の不一致を生じる though 平等に 効果的な part of the 組織の 機械／機構 of American 商売／仕事. For as it 存在するs today it is becoming something of an anachronism in the more enlightened 産業s.

The 会社／団体 has come a long way, but there is still much unfinished 商売／仕事 ahead of it.

一時期／支部 17

The Spirit of the Times

The late 大統領 A. Lawrence Lowell of Harvard was an extempore （衆議院の）議長 so brilliant that he could go to a public dinner やめる without 公式文書，認めるs, listen to three 予選 （衆議院の）議長s, and then, rising to speak himself, comment aptly on the 発言／述べるs of those who had に先行するd him and lead easily into an eloquent peroration of his own. One of the 推論する／理由s why he could do this was that he had almost by heart a number of suitable perorations on which he could 建設する variations suitable to the particular occasion. His favorite one dealt with the difference between two 古代の civilizations, each of them rich and 繁栄するing--Greece and Carthage. One of these, he would say, lives on in men's memories, 影響（力）s all of us today; the other left no imprint on the ages to follow it. For Carthage, by contrast with Greece, had a 純粋に 商業の civilization in which there was little 尊敬（する）・点 for learning, philosophy, or the arts. "Is America in danger of becoming a Carthage?" Lowell would ask--and then he would 開始する，打ち上げる into an 解説，博覧会 of the 決定的な and 耐えるing importance of universities.

There are a 広大な／多数の／重要な many people today, there have been a 広大な／多数の／重要な many people throughout American history, who have in 影響 called the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs a Carthage. There are those who argue that during the past half century, にもかかわらず the spread of good living の中で its people, it has been 長，率いるd in the Carthaginian direction; that it has been producing a 集まり culture in which 宗教 and philosophy languish, the arts are smothered by the barbarian 需要・要求するs of 集まり entertainment, freedom is constricted by the dead 負わせる of 集まり opinion, and the life of the spirit 病弱なs. There are millions in Europe, for instance, to whom 同時代の American culture, as they understand it, is no culture at all; to whom the typical American is a man of money, a 天然のまま, loud fellow who knows no values but mechanical and 商業の ones. And there are Americans aplenty, old and young, who say that 業績／成就 in the realm of the mind and spirit has become ominously more difficult in 最近の years, and that our 科学技術の and 経済的な 勝利s are barren because they have brought us no inner peace.

Some of the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s against 同時代の American culture one may perhaps be permitted to 割引 in 前進する. Thus one may 割引 the laments, by people with twenty thousand a year, that other people whose incomes have risen from two thousand to four are becoming demoralized by 構成要素 success; or the nostalgia of those who, when they compare past with 現在の, are 明白に matching their own 青年 in pleasantly 避難所d circumstances with the 条件s and 行為 of a much more inclusive group today. One may also point out a 断固としてやる recurring error in European 評価s of the American people: many Europeans, 存在 accustomed to thinking of men and women who travel 自由に and spend amply as members of an エリート, have a 傾向 to compare 確かな undeniably 天然のまま, 厳しい, and unimaginative 訪問者s from the 明言する／公表するs with fellow countrymen of theirs whose social discipline has been やめる different--who belong, in European 条件, to another class 完全に. It is extraordinarily hard for many people, both here and abroad, to adjust themselves to the fact that the prime characteristic of the American scene is a broadening of 適切な時期, and that the first fruits of a broadening of 適切な時期 may not be a lowered 発言する／表明する and a suitable deference toward unfamiliar customs.

So let us begin by giving the 床に打ち倒す to a man who may be relied upon not to slip into these 落し穴s, yet who にもかかわらず takes a hard 見解（をとる） of what the past half century has done to his country.

"At the beginning of 1950," 令状s Bruce Bliven in his introduction to the 調書をとる／予約する Twentieth Century 制限のない, "many newspapers and magazines . . . published (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する reviews of the years since 1900, liberally illustrated with the quaint 衣装s of the McKinley 時代, with bicycle parades, barber-shop quartets with handlebar mustaches, and the earliest automobiles struggling along 主要道路s 深い in mud. 非，不，無 of them, so far as I am aware, discussed what seems to me the most 重要な fact about the changes in the past half century--the alteration in the moral 気候 from one of 圧倒的な 楽観主義 to one which comes pretty の近くに to despair.

"Half a century ago, mankind, and 特に the American section of mankind, was 堅固に 堅固に守るd in the theory that this is the best of all possible worlds and getting better by the minute. . . . There was a kindly God in the heavens, whose 長，指導者 関心 was the 福利事業, happiness, and continuous 改良 of mankind, though his ways were often inscrutable."

Today, continues Mr. Bliven, we have lost this 約束 and are "脅すd to death"--of war, 原子 爆弾s, and the ぼんやり現れるing prospect of a general brutalization and 悪化／低下 of the human 種類.

Have we, then, become an irreligious and rudderless people?

Church 統計（学） do not help us far toward an answer to this question. They show 安定した 伸び（る）s in 会員の地位 for most church groups, 概略で 類似の to the 伸び（る） in 全住民; but they are 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う because of a very human 傾向 to keep on the rolls people who never go to church any more except for weddings and funerals, and there is no way of knowing whether the compilers of church 統計（学） have become more or いっそう少なく scrupulous in the past few １０年間s. My own 限定された impression is that during the first thirty or forty years of the half century there was a pretty 安定した drift away from church 出席 and from a feeling of 身元確認，身分証明 with the church and its creed and 会・原則s, at least on the part of 井戸／弁護士席-to-do Americans (except perhaps の中で the Roman カトリック教徒s, who were under an exceptionally rigid discipline). It became customary の中で larger and larger numbers of the solid citizenry of the land to sleep late on Sunday morning and then grapple with the 増加するing poundage of the Sunday paper, or have a 10:30 任命 at the first tee, or 運動 over to the Joneses' for midday cocktails, or pack the family into the car for a jaunt to the shore or the hills. I myself, making many week-end visits every year over several １０年間s, 公式文書，認めるd that as time went on it was いっそう少なく and いっそう少なく likely that my host would ask on Saturday evening what guests were planning to go to church the next morning; that by the nineteen-twenties or thirties it was 一般に assumed that 非，不，無 would be. And although the 世帯s in which I visited may not have been 代表者／国会議員, they at least were of more or いっそう少なく the same types throughout this whole period. Today I should imagine that in the 激しい out-of-town traffic on a Friday afternoon there are not many people who will be inside a church on Sunday morning.

It has been my その上の 観察 that during at least the first thirty and perhaps the first forty years of the century there was an 平等に 安定した drift away from a sense of 身元確認，身分証明 with the 約束s for which the churches stood. の中で some people there was a feeling that science, and in particular the doctrine of 進化, left no room for the old-time God, and that it was exceedingly hard to imagine any sort of God who was reconcilable with what science was 論証するing and would at the same time be at home in the 地元の church. の中で others there was a rising moral impatience with an 会・原則 which seemed to 支払う／賃金 too much attention to the necessity of 存在 unspotted by such 申し立てられた／疑わしい 副／悪徳行為s as drinking, smoking, card playing, and Sunday ゴルフing, and too little to human brotherhood; the churches, or many of them, made a resolute 成果／努力 to 会合，会う this 批評 by becoming コンビナート／複合体 会・原則s 献身的な to social service and the social gospel, with schools, classes, women's auxiliaries, young people's groups, sports, and theatricals, but not many of them held their whole congregations--at least on Sunday morning. Still others felt that the clergy were too deferential to 豊富な parishioners of 疑わしい 市民の virtue, or too 孤立するd from the main 現在のs of life. And の中で many there was a vague sense that the churches 代表するd an old-fashioned way of living and thinking and that modern-minded people were outgrowing their 影響（力）. And as the feeling of compulsion to be の中で the churchgoers and church 労働者s 弱めるd, there were 自然に many to whom the automobile or the country club or the beach or an eleven o'clock breakfast was 簡単に too agreeable to pass up.

Whether or not this drift away from formal 宗教 is still the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing tide, there was manifest during the nineteen-forties a 反対する-movement. In many men and women it took no more 限定された form than an uneasy 有罪の判決 that in times of 強調する／ストレス and 苦悩 there was something 行方不明の from their lives: they wished they had something to tie to, some 約束 that would give them a 手段 of inner peace and 安全. The 外見 on the best-販売人 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）s of such 調書をとる／予約するs as The 式服, The 枢機けい／主要な, Peace of Mind, and The Seven Storey Mountain 示すd a 普及した hunger and curiosity. Some returned to the churches--or entered them for the first time. In families here and there one 公式文書，認めるd a curious 逆転: parents who had abandoned the church in a mood of 反乱 against outworn ecclesiastical customs 設立する their children in turn rebelling against what seemed to them the parents' outworn pagan customs. The カトリック教徒 Church in particular made many 変えるs, many of them 反対する-反逆者／反逆するs of this sort, and spectacularly served as a 港／避難所 for ex-共産主義者s who swung all the way from one 始める，決める of disciplinary 社債s to another. Whether the 後継の tide was yet stronger than the 去っていく／社交的な one, or what the later drift would be, was still anybody's guess at the 中央の-century; but at least there was, and is, a 混乱 in the flow of 宗教的な feeling and habit.

一方／合間, in 量s of families, the abandonment of church 忠誠 had 奪うd the children of an occasionally 効果的な teacher of decent 行為. Some parents were able to fill the vacuum themselves; others were not, and became 狼狽d that their young not only did not 認める Bible quotations but had somehow 行方不明になるd out on acquiring a （疑いを）晴らす-削減（する） moral code. Looking 一連の会議、交渉／完成する for someone to 非難する for what had happened, such parents were likely to fasten upon the public schools, arguing that to all their other 義務s the schools must 追加する the 仕事 of moral 指示／教授／教育. There were other parents whose conscientious 熟考する／考慮する of psychological 原則s, 含むing the Freudian, and whose somewhat imperfect digestion of the ideas of 進歩／革新的な educators so filled them with 不確定 as to what moral teachings to 配達する, and whether any sort of discipline might not 損失 young spirits, that these young spirits became--at least for the time 存在--brats of a singular offensiveness. And even if there had always been brats in the world, it was 平易な for 観察者／傍聴者s of such families to 結論する that moral 行為 was indeed 悪化するing, and that basketball スキャンダルs and football スキャンダルs and teenage ピストル強盗 ギャング（団）s and 公式の／役人 汚職 in Washington were all 調印するs of a 普及した 倫理的な decay.

This 結論 was and is of doubtful 有効性，効力, I am 納得させるd. There has probably never been a 世代 some members of which did not wonder whether the next 世代 was not bound for hell in a handcar. It may be argued that at the 中央の-century the manners of many 十代の少年少女s have 苦しむd from their mothers' and fathers' 不信 in 厳しい 対策; but that their 倫理的な 基準s are inferior, by and large, to those of their 前任者s seems to me doubtful indeed. As for today's adults, there are undoubtedly many whose 欠如（する） of 関係 with 組織するd 宗教, has left them without any 安全な・保証する 基準s; but as I think of the people I have 現実に known over a long period of time, I （悪事，秘密などを）発見する no general 悪化／低下 of the 良心: those I see today do a good many things that their grandparents would have considered 妥当でない, but few things they would have regarded as paltry or mean. And there has been taking place の中で these people, and in the country 捕まらないで, a change of 態度 that I am 納得させるd is of 広大な／多数の／重要な importance. During the half century the answer to the 古代の question, "Who is my neighbor?" has been receiving a broader and broader answer.

There are still ladies and gentlemen who feel that they are of the elect, and that the 集まりs of their fellow countrymen are of ごくわずかの importance; but their snobbery is today いっそう少なく complacently 保証するd, more 反抗的な, than in the days when Society was a word to conjure with. The insect on the leaf is いっそう少なく often 設立する "布告するing on the too much life の中で his hungry brothers in the dust." There are still 商売／仕事 (n)役員／(a)執行力のあるs with an inflated sense of their own value in the 計画／陰謀 of things, but the "熟考する／考慮するd insolence" which 示す Sullivan 公式文書，認めるd の中で the coal 操作者s of 1902 when 直面するd by the union 代表者／国会議員s and the 大統領 of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, and which 有力者／大事業家s often 陳列する，発揮するd on the 証人席 in those days, is no longer to be seen (except perhaps の中で such 暗黒街 gentry as Mr. Frank Costello).

I 解任する a college classmate of 地雷 who in 1912 said that he knew about a hundred of the five hundred members of his class, and although he knew it sounded snobbish, weren't those after all about all that 事柄d? His 同等（の） today might say such a thing, but pretty surely he would 認める as he did so that he was 飛行機で行くing in the teeth of 受託するd opinion. People who today look at what were 初めは the servants' ４半期/4分の1s in an old mansion, or even in a swank apartment of the 1920 vintage, are shocked at their meagerness: is it possible, they ask themselves, that decent men and women could have had such 無視（する） for the human needs of men and women living cheek by jowl with them?

The 概念 of the 国民所得, the idea of 手段ing the 配当 of this income, the idea of the 国家の economy as an （独立の）存在 影響する／感情d by the 経済的な 行為 of every one of us, the very 普及した 利益／興味 in 調査するing sociologically the status of this and that group of Americans the country over, in the 有罪の判決 that their fortunes are interdependent with ours: all these have developed during this half century. The ideal of equality of 教育の 適切な時期 never before 命令（する）d such general 受託. In previous 一時期／支部s of this 調書をとる／予約する I have tried to show that in 最近の years there has been a 示すd 転換 of 態度s toward our most disadvantaged group, the Negroes, and no いっそう少なく noticeably in the South than どこかよそで; and that the 概念 of 責任／義務 to the general public has become more and more 普及した の中で the 経営者／支配人s of pivotal 商売／仕事s. The 量 of time which individual men and women give to good 作品 in the broadest sense--含むing church work, volunteer hospital work, parent-teacher 協会s, the Boy Scouts, the Red Cross, the League of Women 投票者s, 地元の symphony orchestras, the World 連邦主義者s, the American Legion, the service activities of Rotary, and so on endlessly--is in its total incalculable. (There are communities, I am told, where the number of people who engage in money raising for the churches is larger than the number of churchgoers.) In sum, our sense of public 義務 has 拡大するd.

The change has had its amusing 面s. There comes to one's mind Anne Cleveland's 風刺漫画 of a Vassar girl dining with her parents and exclaiming, "How can I explain the position of 組織するd labor to Father when you keep passing me chocolate sauce?" One thinks of a 銀行業者's daughter of one's 知識, who in her first 職業 was much more 深く，強烈に 利益／興味d in the 苦境 of the とじ込み／提出する clerks, whom she regarded as underpaid, than in helping the company make money. And of the 領収書 by Dr. Ralph Bunche, in the spring of 1951, of no いっそう少なく than thirteen 名誉として与えられる degrees in 早い succession, the singular unanimity of his choice by so many 会・原則s undoubtedly 反映するing in part a delight at finding an unexceptionable 適切な時期 to 支払う／賃金 尊敬の印 to a Negro.

That the change should 会合，会う, here and there, with heated 抵抗, is likewise natural. The democratic ideal 課すs a 広大な／多数の／重要な 緊張する upon the 寛容 and understanding of humankind. So we find a conscious and active anti-Semitism 侵略するing many a 郊外の community which once took satisfaction in its homogeneity and now finds it can no longer live to itself; or a savage anti-Negro feeling rising in an 産業の town in which Negroes were 以前は few and far between. And here one should 追加する a footnote about the 行為 of our 武装した 軍隊s abroad. For a variety of not easily defined 推論する／理由s--含むing undoubtedly the 伝統的に proletarian position of the foreign-language-speaking 移民，移住（する） in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs--there is an obscure feeling の中で a 広大な／多数の／重要な many Americans that the 受託 of the 原則 of human dignity stops at the water's 辛勝する／優位: that a man who would be ひどく 関心d over an 明らかな 不正 to a fellow 私的な in the American Army may be rude to Arabs, manhandle Koreans, and cheat Germans, and not lose status その為に--and this, perhaps, at the very moment when his 代表者／国会議員s in 議会 are appropriating billions for the 援助（する） of the very sorts of people of whom he is so scornful.

Yet in spite of these 逆の facts there has been, I am 納得させるd, an 増加するing 全体にわたる 受託 in America of what Dr. Frank Tannenbaum has called "the かかわり合い to equality . . . spiritual equality." Whether this rising sense of 身元 of 利益／興味 with our fellow 国民s should be labeled as 宗教的な, as Dr. Tannenbaum and other （衆議院の）議長s seemed to feel at the Waldorf 一連の会議、交渉／完成する （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する of April, 1951, seems to me a 事柄 of playing with words. Whether, as Walter H. Wheeler, Jr., 示唆するd at that 会合, we may be "使い果たすing and living off 相続するd spiritual 資本／首都, to put it in 商売／仕事 language," is far from 確かな . Yet at any 率 this may be said: If we as a people do not obey the first and 広大な／多数の／重要な commandment as numerously and fervently as we used to, at least we have been doing 公正に／かなり 井戸／弁護士席 with the second.

We come now to another question to which the answer must be even more two-味方するd and uncertain. Does the all-American 基準, the all-American culture to which I 充てるd 一時期／支部 15, 脅す 質? Are we 達成するing a 集まり of second-率 education, second-率 culture, second-率 thinking, and squeezing out the first-率?

The 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 that we are indeed doing this comes in deafening 容積／容量. To 引用する no いっそう少なく a 下落する than T. S. Eliot: "We can 主張する with some 信用／信任 that our own period is one of 拒絶する／低下する; that the 基準s of culture are lower than they were fifty years ago; and that the 証拠s of this 拒絶する／低下する are 明白な in every department of human activity." And if this seems a rather general 起訴，告発, without special 言及／関連 to the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs, it may be 追加するd that Mr. Eliot has given abundant 証拠 that he is out of sympathy with the American 傾向, preferring as he does a "graded society" in which "the lower class still 存在するs."

One could pile up a mountain of quotations by critics of the American drift, playing the changes upon the two notions that, によれば C. Hartley Grattan, account for the Katzenjammer of American writers today:

(1) a feeling . . . that the values by which men have lived these many years are today in an 前進するd 明言する／公表する of decomposition, with no 交替／補充s in sight; and (2) that whatever a man's 私的な values may be, he cannot 推定する／予想する in any 事例／患者 終始一貫して to 行為／法令／行動する on them 首尾よく because the individual is, in the 現在の-day world, at the mercy of ever more oppressive and 独断的な 会・原則s.

In other words, that the man of 初めの bent--the writer, painter, musician, architect, philosopher, or 知識人 or spiritual 開拓する or 無所属の政治家 of any sort--not only 直面するs what Eugene O'Neill called the "sickness of today," which in Lloyd Morris's phrasing has "resulted from the death of the old God and the 失敗 of science and materialism to give any 満足な new one," but must also 直面する a world in which the biggest rewards for literary 創造 go to 製造業者s of sexy 衣装 romances; in which the Broadway theater, after a glorious period of fresh 創造 in the nineteen-twenties, is almost in the discard, having succumbed to the high cost of featherbedding labor and the 競争 of the movies; in which the movies in their turn, after a 世代 of richly recompensing those who could attract audiences by the millions and stifling those whose 生産／産物s had doubtful box-office value, are losing ground to television; in which the highest television acclaim goes to Milton Berle rather than to Burr Tillstrom; and in which the poet finds his market 井戸／弁護士席-nigh gone. One might sum up the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 in another way by 説 that the dynamic logic of 集まり 生産／産物, while serving admirably to bring us good automobiles and good nylons, 施行するs mediocrity on the market for 知識人 wares.

This is a very 厳しい 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金. But there are a number of 事柄s to be considered and 重さを計るd before one is ready for judgment upon it.

One is the fact that those who have most eloquently lamented the hard 苦境 of the man or woman of creative talent have 主として been writers, and more 特に avant-garde writers and their more appreciative critics, and that the position 占領するd by these people has been a somewhat special one.

During the years すぐに 先行する World War I the inventers and innovators in American literature were in no such 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing mood of 狼狽. On the contrary, they were having a high old time. In Chicago, such men as Vachel Lindsay, Edgar 物陰／風下 Masters, Sherwood Anderson, （犯罪の）一味 Lardner, and Carl Sandburg were 実験ing with gusto and 信用／信任. In New York, the young Bohemians of Greenwich Village were hotly and rambunctiously enamored of a 広大な／多数の／重要な variety of unorthodoxies, 範囲ing from 解放する／自由な 詩（を作る）, imagism, 地位，任命する-impressionism, cubism, and the realism of the "ashcan school" of art to woman 選挙権／賛成, 社会主義, and 共産主義 (of an innocently idealistic variety compared with what later developed in Moscow). When Alfred Stieglitz preached modern art at "291," when the Armory Show was 行う／開催する／段階d in 1913, when Max Eastman and John Reed crusaded for labor, when Floyd Dell talked about the 解放 of literature, they saw before them a 有望な new world in which 進歩 would in 予定 course bring 勝利 to the wild notions of such 先触れ（する）s of the new enlightenment as themselves.

But World War I brought an 巨大な disillusionment. No longer did the millennium seem just around the corner. And the 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing mood 転換d.

The 小説家s of the Lost 世代 concentrated their attention upon the meannesses and cruelties of 同時代の life, and often their 基本方針 was one of despair. Mencken led a chorus of scoffers at American vulgarity and sentimentality, not indignantly but cynically; when asked why he continued to live in a land in which he 設立する so little to 深い尊敬の念を抱く, he asked, "Why do men go to zoos?" Sinclair 吊りくさび lampooned Main Street and George F. Babbitt; Scott Fitzgerald 強調するd the baseness of respectable folk who went to Jay Gatsby's lavish parties and then 砂漠d him in his hour of need. And many of the avant-garde and their admirers and imitators went to Paris, where Gertrude Stein said that "the 未来 is not important any more," and Hemingway's characters in The Sun Also Rises 行為／法令／行動するd as if it were not. But in a world without hope one could still 心にいだく art, the one thing left that was 価値（がある） while, keeping it aloof from politics and 商売／仕事; and one could 特に 心にいだく that art which it was most difficult for the vulgarians of politics and 商売／仕事 to comprehend. To these 難民s from twentieth-century America "difficulty itself became a 最初の／主要な virtue," as 先頭 Wyck Brooks has 発言／述べるd: they paid special homage to the aristocratic elaborations of Henry James, the subtleties of the recluse Marcel Proust, the scholarly allusiveness of Eliot, and the linguistic puzzles of Joyce. And a pattern was 始める，決める, やめる different from the pattern of 1910. To have a literary 良心 was to take a 荒涼とした 見解（をとる） of American life, human life in general, and the way the world was going; and also of the ability of any readers but a few to understand and 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がる true literary excellence.

This credo was to 証明する astonishingly 持続する. During the nineteen-thirties it had to 競う with another emotional 軍隊. The economy had broken 負かす／撃墜する, 革命 was in the 勝利，勝つd (or so it seemed to many at the time), and many writers felt a generous 勧める to 非難する the cruelty of capitalism to "one-third of a nation," and to espouse the 原因（となる） of 戦闘の準備を整えた labor. Thus they abandoned hopelessness for militance. There was an outpouring of proletarian novels by writers whose first-手渡す-knowledge of factory 労働者s was 高度に 限られた／立憲的な. Yet even の中で many of the writers and critics who were most valiant in support of the ありふれた man there remained a 有罪の判決 that the man of sensibility and 正直さ must 必然的に 令状 ーに関して／ーの点でs intelligible only to the very uncommon man; and we beheld the コースを変えるing spectacle of authors and students of 前進するd composition returning from 集まり 会合s held on に代わって of sharecroppers and Okies to pore over the sacred texts of Henry James, who would have ignored sharecroppers, and Eliot, who was certainly out of tune with the Okies.

During World War II the impulse to defend labor turned into an impulse to defend the G.I. against the 軍の 厚かましさ／高級将校連. The older impulse to 描写する the world as a dismal place turned into an impulse to show how 残虐な men at war could be (含むing, often, the very G.I. who was supposed to engage the reader's sympathy); and the belief that 質 was bound to go unappreciated by all but a very few turned into a general 悲観論主義 over the 未来 of culture, a 悲観論主義 that seemed almost to welcome 敗北・負かす for any sort of excellence.

"'It must be 高度に embarrassing (at least I hope it is)," wrote W. H. Auden in 1948, "for living American 小説家s to be told . . . that they have produced the only 重要な literature between the two wars. . . . Coming from Europe, my first, my strongest, my most がまんするing impression is that no 団体／死体 of literature, written at any time or in any place, is so uniformly depressing. It is a source of continual astonishment to me that the nation which has the world-wide 評判 of 存在 the most 楽観的な, the most gregarious, and the freest on earth should see itself through the 注目する，もくろむs of its most 極度の慎重さを要する members as a society of helpless 犠牲者s, shady characters, and 追い出すd persons. . . . In novel after novel one 遭遇（する）s heroes without 栄誉（を受ける） or history; heroes who succumb so monotonously to 誘惑 that they cannot truly be said to be tempted at all; heroes who, even if they are successful in a worldly sense, remain にもかかわらず but the passive 受取人s of good fortune; heroes whose 単独の moral virtue is a stoic endurance of 苦痛 and 災害."

Could it be that such 小説家s have been に引き続いて a fashion 始める，決める longer ago than they realize? That one 推論する／理由 why sales of novels in very 最近の years have been disappointing is that, as Mr. Grattan has 示唆するd, "同時代の writers appear to have given up before 同時代の readers are ready to do so," and that perhaps the readers are today ahead of the writers? That the continuing notion の中で many 前進するd writers that only difficult 令状ing is good 令状ing has led them to 支払う／賃金 too little attention to the art of communicating with 非常に／多数の readers who may not be such oafs as they suppose? And that a sort of contagion of defeatism の中で literary folk today should lead one to 受託する with a 確かな reserve their unhappy 結論s 関心ing the 明言する／公表する of American culture?

Let us 公式文書，認める their laments and look a little その上の.

One like myself who has worked for a 広大な／多数の／重要な many years for a magazine which nowadays can 支払う／賃金 its authors no more than it did a １０年間 ago, because it has to 支払う／賃金 its typographers and shipping men so much more, is not likely to be complacent about the lot of the man of letters today. Nor is one who has felt he was 行うing a 安定した 上りの／困難な fight on に代わって of what he perhaps 情愛深く considered distinguished journalism--上りの／困難な because there were 絶えず appearing new magazines 目的（とする）d at readers by the millions, and because advertisers tended to want to reach those millions--going to be complacent about the 条件 of literary 会・原則s. It seems to me 否定できない that the 広大な／多数の／重要な success of the 集まり-循環／発行部数 magazines and the rise of the staff-written magazines have between them made it harder for the 解放する／自由な-lance author who 欠如（する）s the popular touch and who will not do potboiling, or cannot do it 首尾よく, and who has no other 保証するd source of income, to live comfortably. But then he almost never has had things very 平易な financially. And there is this to be said: one 推論する／理由 why magazines with 厳しく high 基準s find the going difficult is that they have no monopoly of 構成要素 of high 質, for during the past few １０年間s an 増加するing 量 of such 構成要素 has been finding a place in the 集まり 定期刊行物s. (For a couple of 無作為の examples, let me 特記する／引用する Winston Churchill's memoirs, appearing in Life, and Faulkner's short stories, coming out in the Saturday Evening 地位，任命する.) その上に, the number of writers of talent who made good incomes by 令状ing for the 集まり magazines without the sacrifice of an iota of their 正直さ is much larger than one might assume from the talk of the avant-gardists. The picture is a mixed one.

So too with regard to 調書をとる／予約するs. The market for the 生産（高） of the "初めの" publishers, meaning those who sell newly-written 調書をとる／予約するs at 基準 prices, 主として through the bookstores, is somewhat larger than before the war, but it is manifest that price 増加するs, 反映するing high labor costs, have deterred many 買い手s. The 株 of a few very successful writers in the total authors' 歳入 増加するs; and it becomes more difficult than it used to be for those whose 調書をとる／予約するs are not likely to sell more than a few thousand copies (these 含む nearly all poets) to get their work 受託するd. Yet here again the 状況／情勢 is not as 黒人／ボイコット as it has been painted. I agree with Bernard DeVoto that no 調書をとる／予約する really 価値（がある） publishing fails of 出版（物） by some 部隊 of a very diversified 産業; and I would 追加する that while there is trash on the best-販売人 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）s, most of the 調書をとる／予約するs which reach those lofty positions, with very pleasant results for their authors' pocketbooks, are の中で the best of their time.

And there is more to it than this. For there are also 非常に／多数の 調書をとる／予約する clubs, at least two of which sell 調書をとる／予約するs by the hundreds of thousands each month. There are the 年４回の Condensed 調書をとる／予約するs brought out by the Reader's Digest--fouror five novels or nonfiction 調書をとる／予約するs condensed in one 容積／容量--which, 開始する，打ち上げるd in 1950, were selling by 早期に 1952 at the 率 of more than a million apiece. And there are the paper-bound reprint houses, whose 容積／容量s, 定価つきの at twenty-five or thirty-five cents for the newsstand and drugstore 貿易（する）, are bought in phenomenal lots. In the year 1950 the total was no いっそう少なく than 214 million; in 1951 the 人物／姿／数字 had jumped to 231 million.

Two-thirds or more of these paper-bound 調書をとる／予約するs, to be sure, were novels or mysteries--thus 落ちるing into 分類s too inclusive to be 安心させるing as to the public taste--and some were rubbish by any tolerable 基準 (the publishers of such wares having learned, as one cynic has put it, that you can sell almost anything adorned on the cover with a picture connoting sex or 暴力／激しさ, or preferably both, as in a picture of a luscious girl getting her dress ripped off by a 銃器携帯者／殺しや). But consider these sales 人物／姿／数字s (as of January 1952) for a few paper-bound 調書をとる／予約するs: Tennessee Williams' A Streetcar 指名するd 願望（する）, in play form, over half a million; George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-four, over three-４半期/4分の1s of a million; Norman Mailer's The Naked and the Dead, over a million and a ４半期/4分の1; Ruth Benedict's Patterns of Culture, 400,000; and--to 特記する／引用する an incontrovertibly classical example--a translation of The 長期冒険旅行 (with an abstract cover design), 350,000. And remember that these sales, which are above and beyond 調書をとる／予約する-club sales and 正規の／正選手 bookstore sales, have been 達成するd in a nation of 熱心な magazine readers. It is true that the 財政上の returns to the author from such low-定価つきの 調書をとる／予約するs are 不十分な: he gets いっそう少なく 歳入 from a million of them than from 20,000 sold at 基準 prices. にもかかわらず there is an 利益／興味ing 現象 here. There is a big American market for good 令状ing if it and the price are within 平易な reach.

Let us look at the market for art. The painter of today 直面するs two 広大な／多数の／重要な difficulties. The first is that his work is 申し込む／申し出d to the public at high prices (if he can get any price at all) because he can sell only his 初めの work, to one collector or 会・原則, and cannot 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of thousands at a time; and collectors with ample money are 不十分な. The second is that the abler young painters of the day have mostly swung all the way to the abstract, which to most 可能性のある 買い手s is about as comprehensible as 同時代の poetry. Yet the 調印するs of 利益／興味 の中で the public are striking. Forbes Watson is 当局 for the 声明 that there were more sales of 絵s in the nineteen-forties than in all the previous history of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs; that in the year 1948 there were a hundred 展示s of American art in American museums; and that the total 出席 at art 展示s that year was over 50 million. One should also take 公式文書，認める of the 大いに 大きくするd number of 地元の museums; of the lively 昇進／宣伝 of an 利益／興味 in art by many universities and colleges; the rising sale of reproductions, in 調書をとる／予約する form and さもなければ; and also the 最近の sharp 増加する in the number of Sunday amateur dabblers with a paintbrush. Lyman Bryson 報告（する）／憶測s that the lowest 見積（る） he has been able to find of the number of people who paint in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs today is 300,000. And the Department of 商業 says that the sales of art 供給（する）s went up from four million dollars in 1939 to forty million in 1949--a tremendous leap. The 疑惑 comes over one that there is something stirring here, too, and that the 苦境 of the 同時代の artist, like the 苦境 of the 同時代の writer, may be partly 予定 to the fact that the market for his 生産（高） may not yet be geared to the 可能性のある 需要・要求する.

We turn to music--and 直面する an astonishing spectacle.

In 1900 there was only a handful of symphony orchestras in the country; by May 1951 there were 659 "symphonic groups"--含むing 32 professional, 343 community, 231 college, and a scattering of miscellaneous amateur groups. Fifteen hundred American cities and towns now support 年次の 一連の concerts. Summer music festivals attract audiences which would have been unimaginable even thirty years ago. To 引用する Cecil Smith,

The dollar-hungry countries of Europe are setting up music festivals by the dozen, not to give American tourists the music they would not hear at home, but to make sure they do not stay at home because of the 欠如（する） of music in Europe. The programs at Edinburgh, Strasbourg, Amsterdam, Florence, and Aix-en-Provence are designed as 競争 for Tanglewood, Bethlehem, Ravinia, the Cincinnati Zoo, and the Hollywood Bowl.

Mr. Smith 特記する／引用するs その上の facts of 利益／興味: that the Austin, Texas, symphony recently took over a 運動-in movie for outdoor summer concerts; that Kentucky hill people come in their 明らかにする feet when the Louisville orchestra plays in Berea; and that "an all-Stravinsky program, 行為／行うd by the 作曲家, strikes Urbana, Illinois, as a perfectly normal attraction."

A good 取引，協定 of the credit for this 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 明言する／公表する of 事件／事情／状勢s goes to the 無線で通信する. The first 網状組織 broadcast of a symphony orchestra was held in 1926, the first sponsored one （機の）カム in 1929, the 主要都市の オペラ was put on the 空気／公表する in 1931, and Toscanini was engaged as conductor of the NBC orchestra in 1937; by 1938 it was 概算の that the Music 評価 Hour, 行為／行うd by Walter Damrosch, was 存在 heard each week by seven million children in some 70,000 schools, and that the Ford Sunday Evening Hour, featuring the Detroit Symphony, was fifth の中で all 無線で通信する programs in 人気. Millions upon millions of people were getting music of all sorts--popular, jazz, and classical--in such 量, year after year, that businessmen and housewives and school children who had never until a few years earlier heard a symphony orchestra or a string quartet were getting an ample 適切な時期 to find out for themselves whether "Roll Out the バーレル／樽" or "One O'Clock Jump" or Beethoven's Seventh sounded best on a fifth or tenth 審理，公聴会. In the late nineteen-forties the 無線で通信する 網状組織 生産／産物 of classical music began to 弱める as television made みごたえのある inroads upon the 無線で通信する 商売／仕事; but long before this another way of communicating music had jumped into prominence.

During the nineteen-twenties the phonograph 記録，記録的な／記録する 商売／仕事 had been 脅すd with 事実上の 絶滅 by the rise of 無線で通信する. But presently it began to 拡大する: people who had developed a lively 利益／興味 in music began to want it on their own 条件. The 拡大 was 加速するd by the wild vogue of jazz, whose more serious votaries soon learned that if you were to become a really serious student of what Benny Goodman and Duke Ellington were producing, you must collect old recordings and become a connoisseur of Handy, Beiderbecke, and Armstrong. By the nineteen-forties, young people who in earlier years would have gone off dancing of an evening were finding that it was very agreeable to sit on the 床に打ち倒す and listen to a 記録，記録的な／記録する-player, with a few 瓶／封じ込めるs of beer to wash the music 負かす／撃墜する. Many whose taste in 調書をとる／予約するs and in art was very 限られた／立憲的な were not only becoming able to identify the most famous symphonies by their first few 公式文書，認めるs, but were developing a pride in their 知識 with the 作品 of Bach's obscure 同時代のs, and in their connoisseurship of the comparative 長所s of recordings by さまざまな orchestras. A very rough 見積（る） of the sales of 記録，記録的な／記録するs during the year 1951, made by Billboard magazine, put the grand total at some 190 million--more than one for every man, woman, and child in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs--and the total sale of 記録，記録的な／記録するs in the "classical" 部類 at perhaps ten to fifteen per cent of that 190 million: let us say something like twenty to thirty million classical 記録，記録的な／記録するs. To give a 選び出す／独身 example: as many as 20,000 始める，決めるs of Wanda Landowska's harpsichord recordings of the Goldberg Variations were sold during the first three months after they were 問題／発行するd. And a shrewd student of American culture tells me that as he goes about the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs he keeps 存在 told, in place after place, "Our town is sort of unusual. I suppose the most exciting thing, to us, that's going on here isn't anything in 商売／仕事 but the way we've put over our symphony orchestra (or our string quartet, or our community chorus)."

Verily, as one looks about the field of the arts, the picture is 混乱させるd. Here is an incredible にわか景気 in public 利益／興味 in music, along with 拡大するing audiences for the ballet, old-style and new-style. Here is the Broadway theater almost ready for the pulmotor--and 地元の 市民の theaters and college theaters in what look like a 約束ing adolescence. Here are the movies, beloved by millions (and berated by highbrow critics) for １０年間s, losing audiences little by little to television, which has not yet outgrown a preposterous crudity. Here is architecture, which has outgrown its earlier imitation of old European styles and is producing superb 産業の buildings along with 高度に 実験の and いつかs absurd modern 住居s--while the peripheries of our 広大な／多数の／重要な cities, whether New York or Chicago or St. Louis or Los Angeles, 陳列する，発揮する to the bus 旅行者 from airport to town almost no trace of the handiwork of any architects at all. Here are lovely (if monotonous) モーター parkways--and along the other main 主要道路s a succession of roadtown eyesores (garages, tourist 法廷，裁判所s, filling 駅／配置するs, billboards, second-手渡す 自動車 salesrooms, junk 売買業者s, and more billboards) which make the モーター parkways seem, by contrast, like avenues for escapists.

Is not the truth of the 状況／情勢 perhaps something like this: Here is a 広大な／多数の／重要な nation which is 行為／行うing an 前例のない 実験. It has made an incredible number of people, 以前 やめる unsophisticated and 外国人 to art or contemptuous of it, 繁栄する by any previous 基準 known to man. These multitudes 申し込む／申し出 a 抱擁する market for him who would sell them 器具／備品 or entertainment that they can understand and enjoy. To compare them with the people who in other lands have been lovers and students of literature and the arts is grossly 不公平な. They are not an エリート, but something else again. Let us say it in italics: This is something new; there has never been anything like it before.

The 職業 before those Americans who would like to see the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs a Greece rather than a Carthage is to try to develop, と一緒に the マスコミ of entertainment and 器具／備品 which 満足させる these people's 現在の needs, others which will 満足させる more exacting tastes and will be on 手渡す for them when they are ready for more rewarding fare. The problem is an 経済的な one 同様に as an artistic one. Whether it can be solved is still anybody's guess. But in a day when, にもかかわらず the discouragement of many literati, much of the best 令状ing in the world is 存在 done in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs; when the impoverishment of foreign 会・原則s of learning has made American universities no mere 信奉者s on the road of learning, but leaders にもかかわらず themselves, attracting students from many continents; and when, willy nilly, a 重荷（を負わせる） of 責任／義務 for the cultural 条件 of the world 残り／休憩（する）s ひどく upon America, it should do us good to look at the army of music lovers that we have produced. For if this is what auspicious 経済的な 条件s can bring in the area of one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な arts, かもしれない the 奇蹟 may be 影響d どこかよそで too, and the all-American culture may 証明する to have been, not the enemy of excellence, but its seed-bed.

Walt Whitman saw the 可能性s when he wrote, fancifully 描写するing the arrival of the muse, a migrant from 古代の Greece to the New World:

By thud of 機械／機構 and shrill steam-whistle undismay'd,
Bluff'd not a bit by drain-麻薬を吸う, gasometers, 人工的な fertilizers;
Smiling and 嘆願s'd with palpable 意図 to stay,
She's here, 任命する／導入する'd まっただ中に the kitchen-ware!

Yet there is still another question to ask.

The other day, running through some old papers of 地雷, I （機の）カム upon a copy of a 開始／学位授与式 演説（する）／住所 I had once 配達するd. It was する権利を与えるd "In a Time of 逮捕," and in it I had spoken of the fact that many people were feeling a "sense of doom, a sense of 差し迫った 災害." A good 取引，協定 of what I had said then seemed to me, as I reread the 演説（する）／住所, to fit the mood of the 中央の-century. But the date on the manuscript was June, 1938--not only before the 原子 爆弾 and the 冷淡な War, but before World War II.

Since much longer ago than that there has been from time to time in the minds of many Americans a feeling of uneasy 緊張, 連合させるd often with one of 失望／欲求不満: a feeling that mighty, unmanageable 軍隊s might be taking one toward that "差し迫った 災害," and there was nothing one could do about it. In general one might ascribe this mental 明言する／公表する to the difficulty of adjusting ourselves emotionally to life in what Graham Wallas called the "広大な／多数の／重要な Society"--a コンビナート／複合体 society in which the 運命／宿命 of a Kansas 農業者 or a Syracuse druggist may be 決定するd by a break in the New York 株式市場, or a 政府 決定／判定勝ち（する） in Washington, or an 侵略 in Korea. But more 特に there was first the World War of 1914-1918, with its demonstration that something that had happened in Sarajevo--where and what was Sarajevo?--could turn the lives of Americans upside 負かす／撃墜する; then there was the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気, with its solar-plexus blow to men and women who had thought that their personal 産業 and efficiency could not go without reward; then the march of Hitlerism and the coming of World War II, which 伴う／関わるd young men in lethal 戦う／戦い in places they had never even heard of a year before; then the rise of that other distant but implacable menace, Soviet Russia, and the 逮捕 that a new war might 勃発する at any moment, and the 追加するd terror of the 原子 爆弾. And through all these latter years there were the 不確定s 伴う／関わるd in 政府 緊急 規則s such as the 草案, which as managed at the 中央の-century seemed to many young Americans to make a travesty of the idea of 解放する／自由な will.

There is probably no one who has not had at one time or another this feeling of 存在 as helpless in the 支配する of 広大な／多数の／重要な events as a 乗客 strapped to his seat in an 定期航空機 roaring through a 霧. The 実業家 making out his 予算 for the coming year, or 調印 a long-称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 契約; the young couple planning marriage; the undergraduate wondering whether to go on to 法律 school--all are likely to feel that any 決定／判定勝ち（する） they may make carries an implicit rider, "Unless all hell 破産した／（警察が）手入れするs loose." And anyone 現在のing, as I have been doing in this 調書をとる／予約する, the 論題／論文 that we in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs during the past half century have on the whole made our country a better place to live in, can almost hear angry replies: "How can you say that, when about all we have 後継するd in doing is to move from a time of 保証／確信 to one of perpetual 緊急?" The 恐れる of the 予測できない colors all our lives--and never more so than during the past few years.

In that 開始／学位授与式 演説（する）／住所 of 1938 I said that we were living in a time of panic and of irrational opinions born in panic, and 発言／述べるd that what happens during such times is that people look for scapegoats on whom they can take out their 怒り／怒る at the invisible 軍隊s which keep them in jeopardy. This, too, has been happening since the 積極的な 意向s of the Soviet 政府 became transparently （疑いを）晴らす to most Americans--say about the year 1946 or 1947. We have been looking for American scapegoats on whom we can 非難する our 現在の predicament, and whose 発見 and 罰 might make us feel 安全な・保証する again. And so panicky, irrational, and long-continuing has been the search, and so 普及した have been the 疑惑s and 恐れるs that it has 誘発するd, that Americans 直面する in these 中央の-century years the 乱すing question whether under such circumstances they can 持続する the freedom that has been their most prized 遺産.

This is not 簡単に a question of the moment. For the contest with 組織するd 共産主義 may, for all we know, last a １０年間--or two--or three--whether or not it 炎上s into 十分な-規模 war. There are those who say that most living Americans may have to look 今後 to its continuance for the 残り／休憩（する） of their lives. That will mean continuing 緊張する, suspense, 不確定; and continuing danger of irrational reactions to that 緊張する.

The 明確な／細部 form that our scapegoat 追跡（する）ing has taken in 最近の years has been 予定, first of all, to the peculiar history and nature of the 共産主義者 party in America. During the 不景気 years it ensnared some good and public-spirited men and women to whom it seemed 簡単に an organization 献身的な to 過激な 活動／戦闘 to solve the problems that were then racking the country. If it had ロシアの 関係s, this didn't bother many of them very much, for to them at that time Russia 現実に seemed a place which had 設立する the cure for 不景気s; and besides, during the latter nineteen-thirties--until August, 1939--the Soviet 政府 was making ありふれた 原因（となる） with the 僕主主義s against Hitler. If it was a secret organization, if it 伴う／関わるd its members in constant deceit, this they innocently swallowed as a necessity for a hard-boiled 交戦的な group. Its 変えるs were not very 非常に／多数の, but many of them were strategically placed: they were mostly 知識人s who could be insinuated into positions of 影響（力） in 政府 departments or in "前線" organizations, and people who, as labor leaders, could get 支配（する）／統制する of unions.

"The truth was," as I wrote in Since Yesterday in 1940, "that many of the young 反逆者／反逆するs had embraced--or at least dallied with--共産主義 because they saw it as the end-駅／配置する of the road of disillusionment. First one saw that the going order was not working 権利; then one 進歩d to the consideration of 改革（する）s . . . and decided that half-対策 would not 十分である to redeem America; one went on to the idea that nothing short of 革命 would serve; and there at the terminus of one's 旅行 sat Karl Marx waiting to ask one's unquestioning devotion, there was the 共産主義者 Party 約束ing to make a clean sweep of all that was hateful in American life. How welcome to find the end of the road, how 平易な to be able to ascribe everything one disliked to capitalism!"

So things looked to most of those who got 麻薬中毒の. Many of them unhooked themselves when the 180-degree turns in 共産主義者 政策 in 1939 and 1941 made it （疑いを）晴らす to anyone in his senses that the Party was in 絶対の subjection to a 冷笑的な foreign 力／強力にする; but others could not or would not, and continued their machinations under such clever disguises that so 高度に placed an innocent as Henry A. Wallace could as late as 1948 be deluded into imagining that he was not 存在 used by them for their conspiratorial 目的s.

Because the 共産主義者 party was conspiratorial and 課すd secrecy upon its members, the 職業 of ferreting them out of 政府 departments, and organizations for the support of this or that public 政策, and labor unions, was difficult. Because a 広大な／多数の／重要な many 罰金, 愛国的な people had worked in these departments or organizations or unions, it was almost 必然的な that some of these people too should come under 疑惑. Because 共産主義者s were accustomed to lying about their 関係s, the question 自然に arose whether these loyal 国民s, too, might not be lying when they 断言するd their 忠義. Because American foreign 政策 had not 妨げるd the build-up of Soviet 力／強力にする, or the victory of the Chinese 共産主義者s over the Chiang Kai-shek 政府, a その上の question arose in many 怪しげな minds: were these people about whom they had their 疑問s 責任がある the insecure 苦境 of America and the 不確定 in which we were all living? Because most of the 変えるs to 共産主義 had been 過激なs, and they had infiltrated most 首尾よく into 過激な or 自由主義の organizations, the 疑惑 took another form in undiscriminating minds: anybody who had any ideas which looked queer to his neighbors might be a 共産主義者, or something like a 共産主義者. And because these 疑惑s were rife, there was a wide-open chance for zealots (of whom the most furious were some of the very people who had got 麻薬中毒の in the nineteen-thirties, and were working out a savage atonement for their error) and for ambitious 政治家，政治屋s to brand many decent and conscientious 国民s as 事実上の 反逆者s, thus placing upon them a stigma which they might never live 負かす／撃墜する. The chain of circumstances that had begun with 共産主義者 secrecy reached very far indeed.

And it has reached even さらに先に than that. For, as a result of the inquisitions of さまざまな congressional 委員会s, and the 政府 忠義 checks, and the strange 演劇 of Alger Hiss, and the fulminations of 上院議員 McCarthy, and the terrorization of parts of the entertainment world by the 出版（物） of Red Channels, and the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s made against many school and college teachers, a 広大な／多数の／重要な many useful and 生産力のある people have been 脅すd into a nervous 順応／服従. If a college 指導者, lecturing on 経済的な theory, reaches the point in his lecture where he should explain the 尊敬（する）・点s in which Karl Marx was 権利 in his 経済的な diagnosis, he is in a dither: suppose some neurotic student should 報告（する）／憶測 that he is teaching 共産主義? If a schoolteacher so much as について言及するs Russia, she wonders what tongues may start wagging in the Parent-Teacher 協会. If a 実業家 gets in the mail an 控訴，上告 for 基金s for European 難民s, he looks uneasily at the letterhead and wonders if it may 代表する some group he'd rather not get entangled with. If a 政治家，政治屋 running for the city 会議 （選挙などの）運動をするs for better 住宅, he knows 井戸／弁護士席 that his 対抗者 will probably call his 提案 "communistic," or at any 率 "左派の（人）"--an inclusive 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 which might be 適用するd to almost anything, but has ばく然と opprobrious overtones and may lose him 投票（する）s by the thousands. At many a point in American life, adventurous and 建設的な thought is stifled by 逮捕.

That behind this uneasy scapegoat 追跡（する）ing is the sense of 失望／欲求不満 produced by living under the 緊張s of an uneasy day was manifest during the uproar over the 除去 of General MacArthur in the spring of 1951. For perhaps the most striking thing about that 広大な／多数の／重要な 審議 was not the speeches and 反対する-speeches, or the interminable 開会／開廷／会期s of the 共同の 連邦議会の 委員会 which interviewed 公式の／役人s at length, but the floods of venomous letters received by newspaper editors and 無線で通信する commentators who did not 好意 the 広大な／多数の／重要な General. It was almost as if some wellspring of 毒（薬） had been tapped. One realized then how many people there were whom the 明言する／公表する of international 事件／事情／状勢s 一般に, and the war in Korea in particular, had 緊張するd beyond their endurance: they had to throw something at somebody, in a paroxysm of 怒り／怒る. The 完全な 表現 of this rancor was short-lived, and when Bobby Thomson 攻撃する，衝突する his ホームラン, and whole communities were all just 巨大（な） fans and Dodger fans again, one could 認める once more the familiar good humor of the American 僕主主義. Yet the basic question remained: How can we 持続する 相互の 信用, and an invigorating freedom of thought and 表現, in a nation which for an 不明確な／無期限の time must carry 激しい and uncertain 責任／義務s abroad, and 一方／合間 be unrelaxed in its 武装した strength?

We are by nature a sanguine people, but never before have we been 支配するd to the sort of 長引かせるd 緊張する that we feel today, and our patience, humor, and courage are 存在 sorely 実験（する）d.

一時期／支部 18

What Have We Got Here?

For the March 4, 1951, 問題／発行する of This Week, a magazine that goes as a 補足（する） to over ten million readers of Sunday newspapers, the editor, William I. Nichols, wrote an article (later reprinted in the Reader's Digest) called "手配中の，お尋ね者: A New 指名する for 'Capitalism.'" Arguing that the word is no longer the 権利 one to fit our 現在の American system, because in too many people's minds, 特に in other parts of the world, "it stands for the 原始の 経済的な system of the nineteenth century," Mr. Nichols asked: "How shall we 述べる this system--imperfect, but always 改善するing, and always 有能な of その上の 改良--where men move 今後 together, working together, building together, producing always more and more, and 株ing together the rewards of their 増加するd 生産／産物?" He said he had heard さまざまな suggestions, such as "the new capitalism," "democratic capitalism," "経済的な 僕主主義," "産業の 僕主主義," "distributism," "mutualism," and "productivism," but wondered if there might not be a better 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語. And he 招待するd readers to 令状 in their own suggestions in a coupon printed in the magazine.

Fifteen thousand coupons （機の）カム 支援する with suggestions. "Never in my whole 編集（者）の experience," said Mr. Nichols afterward, "have I touched so live a 神経."

Perhaps one 推論する／理由 for this 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 返答 was that the idea of asking readers to do something simple and 平易な about an idea thrown at them--"as if it were a box-最高の，を越す contest," as Mr. Nichols said--was an apt journalistic 一打／打撃. But surely it also 示唆するd the 存在 in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs of a very 普及した feeling that we've got something here--something working reasonably 井戸／弁護士席 and at any 率 going 十分な 攻撃する--that 反抗するs all the old labels.

And I 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う that one 推論する／理由 why so many people feel this way is that here in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs we have not been 建設するing a system as such, but tinkering with and 修理ing and 再構築するing, piece by piece, an old system to make it run better, as I tried to 示唆する in the 一時期／支部 on "The 反乱 of the American 良心"; and that accordingly we have arrived at a transformed 製品 which might be に例えるd to an automobile continually 修理d, while running, by means of new parts taken from any old car which seemed to 控訴 the 即座の 目的 of the repairers, with the result that in the end it is hard to say whether what we have is a Buick or a Cadillac or a Ford.

In the さまざまな 一時期／支部s of this 調書をとる／予約する I have tried to show how this patchwork 過程 has taken place. In the nineteenth century we had in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs a combination of 連邦の and 明言する／公表する and 地元の 政府s--the 連邦の 構成要素 存在 small and very 限られた／立憲的な in its 義務s--which left 商売／仕事 to operate pretty much as it pleased. But these 政府s permitted businessmen to 組織する 会社／団体s which were given special 権利s and 特権s, and while these 権利s and 特権s worked wonderfully in 供給するing incentives for men to build up lively and inventive 商売／仕事s, they had other unforeseen 影響s. They made the 孤独な workman, whose income was 決定するd by the アイロンをかける 法律 of 給料, pretty nearly helpless before his 雇用者; they gave an enormous 株 of the fruits of the 企業 to this 雇用者; and they also gave 抱擁する 力／強力にする to the men who controlled the 供給（する）s of money without which the 雇用者s 設立する it difficult to operate. At the turn of the century America seemed in danger of becoming a land in which the millionaires had more and more and the 残り／休憩（する） had いっそう少なく and いっそう少なく, and where a few financiers had a strangle 持つ／拘留する, not only on the country's 経済的な apparatus, but on its political apparatus too.

This 乱暴／暴力を加えるd the democratic spirit of the country, the 国家の sense of fair play. So we went to work to change things--not by 革命 but by a 一連の 実験の 改正s of the system. When it broke 負かす／撃墜する 不正に in the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気 the 修理 work and 再建 were pretty 激烈な, and some was foolish, but the same basic 原則 of unrevolutionary and 実験の change 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd. After some years of this there was かなりの 不確定 whether the engine would ever run again without wheezing and knocking. But when World War II （機の）カム along, we discovered that if Washington jammed the accelerator 権利 負かす／撃墜する to the 床に打ち倒す boards the engine began to run 滑らかに and 急速な／放蕩な. And when the war was over, and Washington 解放（する）d the accelerator, it still hummed. What had happened to bring about this astonishing result?

The answer, in 簡潔な／要約する, is that through a combination of patchwork 改正s of the system--税金 法律s, 最小限 行う 法律s, 補助金s and 保証（人）s and 規則s of さまざまな sorts, 加える labor union 圧力s and new 管理／経営 態度s--we had 廃止するd the アイロンをかける 法律 of 給料. We had brought about a 事実上 (a)自動的な／(n)自動拳銃 議席数是正 of income from the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do to the いっそう少なく 井戸／弁護士席-to-do. And this did not 立ち往生させる the machine but 現実に stepped up its 力／強力にする. Just as an individual 商売／仕事 seemed to run best when it 骨折って進むd part of its 利益（をあげる）s into 改良s, so the 商売／仕事 system as a whole seemed to run better if you 骨折って進むd some of the 国民所得 into 改良s in the income and status of the lower income groups, enabling them to buy more goods and thus to 拡大する the market for everybody. We had discovered a new frontier to open up: the 購入（する）ing 力／強力にする of the poor.

That, it seems to me, is the essence of the 広大な／多数の／重要な American 発見. And it has its corollary: that if you thus bring advantages to a 広大な／多数の／重要な lot of 以前 underprivileged people, they will rise to their 適切な時期s and, byand large, will become responsible 国民s.

At 現在の we have a very large and powerful central 政府. It continues to 拡大する as if in 返答 to some irresistible 法律 of growth--not only because of the 義務s which war and 冷淡な War have 課すd upon it, but because of our 増加するing interdependence as a more and more urbanized people with more and more コンビナート／複合体 会・原則s. The 政府 規制するs 商売／仕事 in innumerable ways, as we saw in 一時期／支部 16. It 絶えず 干渉するs with the 操作／手術s of the once almighty 経済的な 法律 of 供給（する） and 需要・要求する, the 法律 of the market place. It 供給するs all sorts of 補助金s and 保証（人）s to groups who have 納得させるd it, rightly or wrongly, that they need such help. And その上に it 認めるs two 広大な／多数の／重要な 責任／義務s, the 承認 of which was 軍隊d upon it during the 哀れな years of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 不景気. One of these is a 責任／義務 for seeing that people in an 経済的な jam are helped to their feet--if not by their 親族s and friends, or by 地元の 救済, or by 明言する／公表する 救済, then by 連邦の 救済 if necessary. And the other is a 責任／義務 for seeing that the 経済的な system as a whole does not break 負かす／撃墜する.

The 政府 therefore 持続するs 確かな 支配（する）／統制する 力／強力にするs over the 国家の economy as a whole; and in a time of 緊急 like that which has followed the onset of the Korean War, these 力／強力にするs are 延長するd. But it does not try to run our individual 商売／仕事s (with 確かな exceptions such as the 原子の 力／強力にする 産業, which for 安全 目的s is an island of 社会主義 in a sea of 私的な 管理／経営). For we 認める that our 商売／仕事s are better run if they remain in 私的な 手渡すs. The past dozen years or so have 申し込む／申し出d a 勝利を得た demonstration of the 有効性，効力 of this belief. For they have seen 個人として managed American 商売／仕事 not only do a brilliant 職業 of 抱擁する-規模 war 生産／産物, but also foster a startling variety of 前進するs in 科学（工学）技術.

Nor, for that 事柄, does the 連邦の 政府 take over the 力／強力にする of our 明言する／公表する and 地元の 政府s, though it 補助金を支給するs them to do many things which they cannot adequately do unaided. So there is a wide 配当 of 政治の 力／強力にするs. Our road system, for instance, is part 地元の, part 明言する／公表する, and only in minor degree 連邦の. Our university and college system is partly 明言する／公表する run, partly 独立した・無所属. And our school system is mostly 地元で run (by 地元の public 当局), partly church run, partly 独立した・無所属.

その上に we have an extraordinarily wide and proliferating assortment of voluntary 会・原則s, 協会s, and societies which in their manifold ways 与える／捧げる to the public good. Not only universities, schools, churches, hospitals, museums, libraries, and social 機関s in 広大な／多数の／重要な variety, but also societies for the 保護 or 昇進／宣伝 of 事実上 everything: if you want to 料金d European children, or 保護する our wild ducks, or 促進する zoning systems, or agitate for more freedom for 会社／団体s, or 延長する church work, or make boys into Boy Scouts, or save the redwoods, you will find a 私的な organization 献身的な to this 目的, and いつかs there will be several of them. There are also the 創立／基礎s, offspring of idealism and the 広い地所 税金. And an endless 範囲 of 貿易（する） 協会s, professional 協会s, alumni and alumnae 協会s, service clubs, and 宿泊するs. As a people we are 広大な／多数の／重要な joiners, 選挙運動者s, and voluntary group helpers and savers and 改革者s and improvers and promoters. Get together half a dozen like-minded Americans and pretty soon you'll have an 協会, an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 長官, a 国家の program, and a 基金-raising （選挙などの）運動をする.

Nor is it 平易な to draw a sharp line between the voluntary organizations on the one 手渡す and either 商売／仕事 or the 政府 on the other. When a good part of the money 与える／捧げるd in a Community Chest （選挙などの）運動をする comes from 地元の 会社／団体s, and a mighty 創立／基礎 draws its 資源s from an automobile company, and the 私的な 空気／公表する lines 飛行機で行く over 航空路s 持続するd by the 連邦の 政府, and a university may be partly 明言する／公表する-supported and partly 個人として supported (and in 新規加入 may be 補助金を支給するd for 確かな 研究 work by the 連邦の 政府), the lines are blurred indeed. And as we saw in 一時期／支部 16, there is constant 協議 and 共同 between people who are working on the same problem in 私的な 商売／仕事, in 私的な public-service organizations, in the 政府, and in 明言する／公表する and 私的な 会・原則s of learning.

Under such circumstances it is fair to say that the moral and 知識人 strength of the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs is based in かなりの degree upon 私的な organizations which are as consecrated to the idea of public 義務 as 政治の ones could be, and in part 成し遂げる services almost indistinguishable from 政治の ones, but 供給する at the same time vastly more 多様制 and 柔軟性 of approach, and vastly more 適切な時期 for the 解放する／自由な play of individual talent and 利益／興味, than could be harnessed in any other way. And that the American system as a whole is such a mixture of different things, arrived at in such diverse, unsystematic, and even haphazard ways, that かもしれない its strength lies in the very fact that you can't put a label to it.

Over every 提案 for a その上の change in the 複雑にするd design of the 国家の 経済的な machine there is hot argument. Will this 手段 土台を崩す the incentive to work and save and 投資する and invent? Will it give tyrannical 力／強力にする to Washington? Does this group of people, or this 産業, really need 援助（する）? Can the 政府 afford it? Does it 始める，決める a good or a bad precedent? People can get apoplectic over such 問題／発行するs--and no wonder, for the 開発 of this new American system is 高度に 実験の, and we don't know whether we can continue to make it work.

Take a look at a few of the 不確定s.

During the 戦後の years インフレーション, though never 激烈な／緊急の, has been almost 連続する, and in sum has been a serious menace to our 経済的な health. We don't know whether we can 持続する our 急速な／放蕩な pace without continuing インフレーション.

Even before the Korean war we had pretty nearly reached the 限界 of 課税--the 限界 beyond which the 重荷（を負わせる） would become so intolerable that the incentive to produce would be 弱めるd and 税金 回避 would become a monumental rather than a minor problem. We don't know whether we can 減ずる this 負担 or 増加する our 生産性 急速な／放蕩な enough to take care of it.

If the Soviets should change their 政策 so convincingly that we could 緩和する up on 軍の 支出s, we don't know whether we could step up 国内の 生産／産物 急速な／放蕩な enough to 妨げる a 不景気.

If total war should come, we don't know whether the 連邦の 負債 would become so 天文学の that the credit of the 連邦の 政府 would be shaken.

In any 事例／患者, we don't know whether the 政府 has taken on so many 財政上の 責任／義務s, since it 追加するd to its own previous 当局 much of the 当局 once 演習d by 塀で囲む Street, that there is not a danger of a new 肉親，親類d of panic and 財政上の 崩壊（する） at some time in the 未来--a panic resulting from the 無（不）能, not of 私的な financiers, but of public financiers, to 持続する the values they have undertaken to 保証（人）. We think we know a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 more about 経済的なs than we did a 世代 ago, but we cannot be surer that we are living in a New 時代 than were the moguls of 塀で囲む Street who 心にいだくd that innocent 約束 in 1929.

And in 新規加入, we don't know at 正確に／まさに what point a 政策 of 援助（する） to disadvantaged men and women degenerates into a demoralizing 政策 of handouts to people who would rather 受託する 連邦の bounties than 延長する themselves. Some are sure we have already crossed this line; others are sure we 港／避難所't.

So it is just 同様に that every time we tinker with this 実験の system there should be energetic and 長引いた 審議.

But the fury of our political （選挙などの）運動をするs, and the angry 論争s over this or that congressional 法案, detract our attention from a remarkable fact: that にもかかわらず the purple language which is 投げ上げる／ボディチェックするd about, very few Americans 本気で 提案する any really 卸売 change in our 発展させるing American system. (And at that, our stormiest 審議s in 最近の years have not been over 国内の 政策 but over 外交政策, or over the supposed 影響（力） of American 共産主義者s and their friends and 申し立てられた／疑わしい friends over 外交政策.) There is a large 量 of 反感 to the 行政 in 力／強力にする in Washington. There are 非常に／多数の people who would like to 抑制（する） 連邦の 力／強力にする, 廃止する さまざまな 法律s now on the 調書をとる／予約するs, pare 負かす／撃墜する the 官僚主義, 最小限に減らす 救済. There are others who want the 政府 to take on new labors and new 力／強力にするs, like that of running a 広大な／多数の／重要な 医療の 保険 program. Yet the 広大な 大多数 of Americans agree that the 政府 should continue to 受託する an 全体にわたる 責任／義務 for the 満足な 操作／手術 of the 国家の economy; that it should continue to 受託する 責任／義務 for 救済 when necessary; that it should 監督する and 規制する 商売／仕事 to some extent; that it should 補助金を支給する and 保証（人） さまざまな groups to some extent--but that it should keep its 介入 限られた／立憲的な, and should let the 広大な／多数の／重要な 本体，大部分／ばら積みの of 商売／仕事 remain under 私的な 管理／経営. The seething 審議 is over how much of this and how much of that we need, but the area of 事実上の 協定 is very wide; and this 含むs letting 私的な 商売／仕事 remain in 私的な 手渡すs.

For we believe we have 論証するd that 商売／仕事 can be far more resourcefully and ingeniously run by 私的な 経営者／支配人s; and その上に that these 私的な 経営者／支配人s can run most if not all of it with such consideration for the general public 福利事業 that they can 達成する for us all that 政府 所有権 would bring, 加える the efficiency, 柔軟性, and adventurousness which 政府 所有権 would 危険にさらす--and without the danger of tyranny that 政府 所有権 might 招待する.

In short, there is subconscious 協定 の中で the 広大な 大多数 of Americans that the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs is not 発展させるing toward 社会主義, but past 社会主義.

I say subconscious 協定 because in our conscious thought most of us still seem to be the 犠牲者s of an old idea that has become a delusion. This is the idea that there is in the world a sort of 必然的な 傾向 of 進歩 toward 社会主義; that people who want the 政府 to do more than it is doing are therefore 自由主義の (if they are polite about it) or 過激な (if they are 積極的な about it); and that people who want the 管理／経営 of 商売／仕事 to remain in 私的な 手渡すs are therefore 保守的な (if polite) or reactionary (if 積極的な).

歴史的に there has been ample 令状 for this picture of the political spectrum. During the past century or so the 主要な／長／主犯 political changes have been in the direction of getting the 政府 to do more and more for what was thought to be the ありふれた weal; and the people who didn't want the 政府 to 行為／法令／行動する, who 手配中の，お尋ね者 to dig their heels in and stop it from 事実上の／代理, were rightly known as 保守的なs. By contrast the people who went whole hog for 政府 介入, to the point of wanting the 政府 to take over the 所有権 and 操作／手術 of the 主要な／長／主犯 私的な 産業s, in short the 社会主義者s, were rightly known as 過激なs; and those who 手配中の，お尋ね者 it to take over 事実上 everything, by violent 革命 if necessary, in short the 共産主義者s, were rightly known as extreme 過激なs. But now the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs has been 論証するing pretty convincingly that the system that 作品 best of all, 連合させるing most of the 本物の advantages of 政治の 責任／義務 and of 私的な 率先, and 避けるing the disadvantages of each, is one in which 政治の 介入 is 限られた／立憲的な and 私的な 産業 and 私的な 協会s have a 広大な／多数の／重要な degree of freedom; and also that one of the mightiest advantages of this system is the way in which it diffuses very 広範囲にわたって the 決定／判定勝ち（する）-making 力／強力にする and the 適切な時期s that go with it. In short, that the direction of 進歩 is now different from what people had supposed it was.

Yet the delusion 固執するs that the 傾向 of the times is toward 社会主義--and perhaps even toward 共産主義. Though our 生産／産物, our wealth, our 基準 of living are the wonder of the world; though Britain under 社会主義者 leadership had to come to us for 財政上の 援助（する）; though, as Isabel Lundberg wrote in 1947, we are in a position to 申し込む／申し出 有形の goods and 専門家 科学技術の services to nations to whom the ロシアのs, for all their loud talk of 構成要素 利益s, could not 申し込む／申し出 so much as a shoelace; though our 発展させるd system is 潜在的に the most 革命の 軍隊 on earth, にもかかわらず so 直す／買収する，八百長をするd in our minds is this delusion that when we 直面する foreign problems we instinctively consider ourselves the natural 同盟（する）s of 保守主義, and we tend to behave as if we 手配中の，お尋ね者 to stifle the natural hopes of mankind for a decenter way of life. Instinctively we 始める，決める our 直面するs against change. And preposterously we think of Soviet Russia--which has 潜水するd the historic 共産主義者 目的（とする） of a better life for the 集まりs of people in an 目的（とする） of 国家の aggrandizement through 野蛮な means--as if it and its 連合した zealots and dupes 代表するd radicalism, 代表するd a disposition of things toward which we ourselves might drift if we did not 持つ／拘留する 急速な／放蕩な against change; as if Soviet Russia were something other than a despotic medievalism which was developed out of a 革命の 試みる／企てる to 会合，会う the problems of the nineteenth century--problems which we ourselves have long since surmounted.

It is time we rid ourselves of this notion about Russia. It is time we realize that when we 戦う／戦い against 共産主義, we are 戦う／戦いing against the past, not against the 未来. It is time, too, we rid ourselves of the notion that the direction of change at home is toward 社会主義 or 共産主義, and that therefore loyal Americans must stand pat. This notion is a stultifying 軍隊 in our life. It 原因（となる）s 井戸／弁護士席-meaning people to imagine that anyone with unorthodox ideas must be 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う of 破壊分子 意図. It tends to cramp men's imaginations into a timid 順応／服従. It tends to constrict our generous impulses as a people. 連合させるd with the 恐れる of large-規模 war, and 特に of 原子の war, it eats away at our bold 信用／信任 in ourselves and our 運命.

We would do better to put it out of our minds, and to realize that our sobering position of leadership in the world is 設立するd upon the fact that we have not stood still. The story of the changes in the contours of American life that we have 大打撃を与えるd out in the first half of this twentieth century, is a 勝利を得た story, however 厳しい may have been some of our experiences in the 暫定的な and however obscure may be the 形態／調整 of the 未来. We would do 井戸／弁護士席 to think of our 業績／成就 thus far as but the preface to what we may 遂行する in the second half of the century if we can continue to invent, 改善する, and change--and can keep a good heart. The 勇敢な nation, like the 勇敢な man, is not unhappy at the thought of dangers beside the road ahead, but welcomes them as challenges to be 直面するd and 圧倒するd along an adventurous course.

虫垂

Sources and 義務s

This 調書をとる／予約する grew out of an article する権利を与えるd "The Big Change" which I wrote in the spring of 1950 for the Centennial Number of Harper's Magazine, published in October, 1950; which in turn drew upon the text of a talk I had given on "Social Changes of Our Time" before the Pennsylvania Historical Society on February 4, 1949, which was printed in The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, April, 1949. My Centennial article dealt with the changes in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs between 1850 and 1950, with special attention to the 配当 of wealth and 適切な時期; after it appeared, I decided to develop this 主題 in 調書をとる／予約する form, but to concentrate upon the period between 1900 and 1950, which 申し込む／申し出d, it seemed to me, a more 重要な contrast than did the longer period.

While I was at work on the 調書をとる／予約する I 設立する that a number of other people were laboring in more or いっそう少なく the same vineyard. There was, for example, 吊りくさび Galanti鑽e, who had written a 罰金 article on "America Today" for the July, 1950, 問題／発行する of Foreign 事件／事情／状勢s, sketching the difference between the 同時代の 部隊d 明言する／公表するs and European impressions of it. (This article was later printed in 小冊子 form by the Overbrook 圧力（をかける）, Stamford, Connecticut.) Mr. Galanti鑽e did much of the 予選 spadework for a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する Discussion on the Elements of a 解放する／自由な, Dynamic Society which was sponsored by the Advertising 会議, Inc., and was held under the （議長，司会の）地位，能力 of Paul G. Hoffman, at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York on April 16, 1951. The さまざまな 関係者s in that 会議／協議会, 特に Peter F. Drucker, who produced the 主要な／長／主犯 paper for it, seemed to me to see the 進化 of 現在の-day America from points of 見解（をとる） somewhat like 地雷. And so did Russell Davenport and the editors of Fortune, who in the February, 1951, 問題／発行する of that magazine and then in a 調書をとる／予約する called U.S.A., The 永久の 革命 (Prentice-Hall, 1951) played the changes on 主題s 平行の to those of The Big Change. To all these people I am indebted for ideas which fitted so 井戸／弁護士席 with those I was putting on paper that I could not always be sure when I was appropriating what they had thought of first and when I was on my own.

I am indebted, too, to a number of 同僚s at Harper & Brothers who have produced 構成要素 for me, or 示唆するd leads to follow, or have read and 非難するd my manuscript in 早期に 草案s, or have さもなければ helped me: 顕著に John Fischer, Eric Larrabee, Cass Canfield, Ordway Tead, John A. Kouwenhoven, Russell Lynes, Rose Daly, and Waldo W. Sellew. Others whose help I should 特に like to 認める--without 伴う／関わるing them in 責任／義務 for the results--are Donald K. David, Richardson 支持を得ようと努めるd, John Bartlow ツバメ, William McNear ランド, Leo Wotman, Walter White, Robert L. Heilbroner, Carroll Wilson, and Wayne Andrews. I 借りがある a 屈服する to the staff of Facts, Inc., of New York, an organization which is a 研究員's delight in checking （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）; to Theodore Bolton, the helpful librarian of the Century 協会; and 特に to Ralph A. Beals, Rollin Alger Sawyer, and 非常に／多数の other members of the indefatigable staff of the New York Public Library. My thanks go also to my sister, Hildegarde Allen, who 供給するd me with several useful sources on the 1900 period; my son, Oliver Ellsworth Allen, for 援助（する） at many points; and above all my wife, Agnes Rogers Allen, not only for general 援助（する） and 慰安 but for a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 of 構成要素, a variety of suggestions, and illuminating page-by-page 批評.

This is an inadequately 部分的な／不平等な 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of those to whom I am indebted; if I tried to make it 完全にする it would be interminable.

In my previous 調書をとる／予約するs I have 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）d, 一時期／支部 by 一時期／支部, the 正確な sources of facts which I thought serious scholars and other writers might question or for any 推論する／理由 want to 跡をつける 負かす／撃墜する. Since The Big Change is まず第一に／本来 a 要約, 協定, 分析, and 解釈／通訳 of reasonably familiar data rather than a 旅行 of historical 探検, and since I have 示すd in the text the sources for some 明確な／細部 facts which might be 支配する to challenge, it seems unnecessary to do this here. But I should like to 支払う／賃金 my 尊敬（する）・点s to 確かな 調書をとる／予約するs and 文書s which I have 設立する 特に helpful:

William Allen White's Autobiography (Macmillan, 1946) for its insights into politics at the turn of the century and later, and 特に into the movement which I have called "The 反乱 of the American 良心."

The five 容積／容量s of 示す Sullivan's Our Times (Scribner) and 特に the first three of them (published in 1926, 1927, and 1930 それぞれ) for 変化させるd sidelights on American life in the 早期に years of the century.

Clyde Brion Davis's The Age of Indiscretion (Lippincott, 1950) for its きびきびした account of life in a Missouri town at the beginning of the century.

Oscar Handlin's This Was America (Harvard University 圧力（をかける）, 1949) for its collection of foreigners' impressions of the American scene.

Robert Hunter's Poverty (Macmillan, 1904) for its conscientious 熟考する／考慮する of life on "The Other 味方する of the 跡をつけるs."

Two 調書をとる／予約するs edited by Robert A. 支持を得ようと努めるd, The City Wilderness (Houghton Mifflin, 1898) and Americans in 過程 (Houghton Mifflin, 1902), for their 詳細（に述べる）d and thoughtful examination of Boston slum life in those years.

A group of classics of 経済的な and social 分析 and 測定 of the 中間の period: 最近の 経済的な Changes (McGraw-Hill, 1929) and 最近の Social 傾向s (McGraw-Hill, 1933); Middletown and Middletown in 移行, by Robert S. Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd (Harcourt を締める, 1929 and 1937 それぞれ); and America's Capacity to 消費する, by Maurice Leven, Harold G. Moulton, and Clark Warburton (Brookings 会・原則, 1934). And also the その後の 容積／容量, America's Needs and 資源s, by J. Frederick Dewhurst and associates (Twentieth Century 基金, 1947).

Gunnar Myrdal's An American 窮地 (Harper, 1944) for its searching discussion of the position and predicament of the Negro.

先頭 Wyck Brooks's The 確信して Years, 1885-1915 (Dutton, 1952) for its fresh 解釈／通訳 of 傾向s in literary thought, 含むing those after 1915.

Twentieth Century 制限のない, edited by Bruce Bliven (Lippincott, 1950), for its collection of 熟考する／考慮するs of 開発s in さまざまな 部門s of American life, 特に the arts.

Low-Income Families and 経済的な 安定. 構成要素s on the Problem of Low-Income Families. 組み立てる／集結するd by the 小委員会 on low-income families. 共同の 委員会 on the 経済的な 報告（する）／憶測. 81st 議会, 1st 開会／開廷／会期. I have drawn ひどく on this 文書 for my 分析 of poverty at the 中央の-century at the beginning of 一時期／支部 15.

And 株 of Upper Income Groups in Income and 貯金, by Simon Kuznets. 時折の Paper 35 of the 国家の Bureau of 経済的な 研究, Inc. I have drawn on this 文書 for my 分析 of wealth's slice in the pie, in the same 一時期／支部.

I should also like to について言及する the 報告（する）／憶測s of the 大統領's 会議 of 経済的な 助言者s for 最近の years; the 連続する British 生産性 報告（する）／憶測s, some of which are 高度に illuminating; 連続する 容積／容量s of the World Almanac, the 人物／姿／数字s in which often turn up 利益／興味ing 手がかり（を与える）s to what has been happening; and, finally, the 1949 版 of The 部隊d 明言する／公表するs Since 1865, by Louis M. Hacker and Benjamin B. Kendrick (Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc.), which I have used for constant 言及／関連 on the 基準 data of American history during the 1900-1950 period.

F.L.A.

THE END

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