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肩書を与える:  The Euahlayi Tribe
Author: K. Langloh Parker
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Language: English
Date first 地位，任命するd:  July 2019
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The Euahlayi Tribe
A 熟考する／考慮する of Aboriginal Life in Australia

by
K. Langloh Parker

CONTENTS

Introduction
一時期／支部 1. - Introductory
一時期／支部 2. - The All Father, Byamee
一時期／支部 3. - 関係s And Totems
一時期／支部 4. - The 薬／医学 Men
一時期／支部 5. - More About The 薬／医学 Men And Leechcraft
一時期／支部 6. - Our Witch Woman
一時期／支部 7. - Birth—Betrothal—An Aboriginal Girl From 幼少／幼藍期 To Womanhood
一時期／支部 8. - The Training Of A Boy Up To Boorah 予選s
一時期／支部 9. - The Boorah And Other 会合s
一時期／支部 10. - 主として As To Funerals And 嘆く／悼むing
一時期／支部 11. - Something About 星／主役にするs And Legends
一時期／支部 12. - The Trapping Of Game
一時期／支部 13. - Foraging And Cooking
一時期／支部 14. - 衣装s And 武器s
一時期／支部 15. - The Amusements Of 黒人／ボイコットs
一時期／支部 16. - Bush Bogies And Finis
Glossary

名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） Of Illustrations
By one of the Euahlayi Tribe

A Native Carrying A Message-Stick
Two Natives Ready For A Corroboree
The Funeral Of A Native — A Bark 棺
A Native Singing To His Own Accompaniment
A Native Grinding Grass Seed On A Dayoorl-石／投石する
A Native With 保護物，者 And Waddy In 前線 Of His （軍の）野営地，陣営

Introduction

No introduction to Mrs. Langloh Parker’s 調書をとる／予約する can be more than that superfluous ‘bush’ which, によれば the proverb, good ワイン does not need. Our knowledge of the life, manners, and customary 法律s of many Australian tribes has, in 最近の years, been vastly 増加するd by the admirable 作品 of Mr. Howitt, and of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. But Mrs. Parker 扱う／治療するs of a tribe which, hitherto, has hardly been について言及するd by anthropologists, and she has had unexampled 適切な時期s of 熟考する／考慮する. It is hardly possible for a 科学の male 観察者／傍聴者 to be intimately familiar with the women and children of a savage tribe. Mrs. Parker, on the other 手渡す, has had, as regards the women and children of the Euahlayi, all the advantages of the squire’s wife in a 田舎の neighbourhood, supposing the squire’s wife to be an intelligent and 同情的な lady, with a strong taste for the 熟考する／考慮する of folklore and rustic custom. の中で the Zulus, we know, it is the 年上の women who tell the popular tales, so carefully translated and edited by Bishop Colenso. Mrs. Parker has already published two 容積／容量s of Euahlayi tales, though I do not know that I have ever seen them 特記する／引用するd, except by myself, in anthropological discussion. As they 含む／封じ込める many beautiful and romantic touches, and 言及／関連s to the Euahlayi ‘All Father,’ or paternal ‘最高の man,’ Byamee, they may かもしれない have been regarded as 疑わしい 構成要素s, dressed up for the European market. Mrs. Parker’s new 容積／容量, I hope, will 証明する that she is a の近くに 科学の 観察者／傍聴者, who must be reckoned with by students. She has not scurried through the 地域 占領するd by her tribe, but has had them 絶えず under her 注目する，もくろむs for a number of years.

My own slight 株 in the 調書をとる／予約する as it stands せねばならない be について言及するd. After reading the 初めの MS., I catechised Mrs. Parker as to her 量 of knowledge of the native language; her methods of 得るing （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）; and the chances that missionary 影響（力） had 影響する／感情d the Euahlayi legends and beliefs. I wrote out her answers, and she read and 改訂するd what I had written. I also collected many scattered notices of Byamee into the 一時期／支部 on that 存在, which Mrs. Parker has read and 認可するd. I introduced a 言及／関連 to Mr. Howitt’s theory of the ‘All Father,’ and I 追加するd some 言及／関連s to other 当局 on the Australian tribes. Except for this, and for a very few 純粋に 言葉の changes in 事柄 of style, Mrs. Parker’s 初めの manuscript is untouched by me. It seems necessary to について言及する these 詳細（に述べる）s, as I have, in other 作品, 表明するd my own opinions on Australian 宗教 and customary 法律.[Making Of 宗教, second 版; Myth, Ritual, And 宗教, second 版.] These opinions I have not, so to speak, edited into the work of Mrs. Parker. The author herself has 発言／述べるd that, beginning as a disciple of Mr. Herbert Spencer in regard to the 宗教的な ideas of the Australians—によれば that writer, mere dread of casual ‘spirits’—she was 強いるd to alter her 態度, in consequence of all that she learned at first 手渡す. She also explains that her tribe are not ‘wild 黒人／ボイコットs,’ though, in the absence of missionary 影響（力）s, they 保持する their 古代の beliefs, at least the old people do; and, in a decadent form, 保存する their 部族の initiations, or Boorah. How she 実験（する）d and controlled the 証拠 of her informants she has herself 明言する／公表するd, and I 投機・賭ける to think that she could hardly have made a better use of her 適切な時期s.

In one point there is perhaps, almost unavoidably, a lacuna or gap in her （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）. The Euahlayi, she says, certainly do not 所有する the Dieri and Urabunna custom of Pirrauru or Piraungaru, by which married, and unmarried men, of the classes men and women which may intermarry, are solemnly allotted to each other as more or いっそう少なく 永久の paramours.[See Mr. Howitt’s Native Tribes Of South-East Australia, and my Secret Of The Totem, 一時期／支部 iii.] That custom, for some unknown 推論する／理由, is 限定するd to 確かな tribes 所有するing the two social 分割s with the untranslated 指名するs Matteri and Kiraru. These tribes 範囲 from Lake Eyre southward, perhaps, as far as the sea. Their peculiar custom is unknown to the Euahlayi, but Mrs. Parker does not 知らせる us 関心ing any recognised licence which may, as is usual, …を伴って their Boorah 議会s, or their ‘収穫 home’ of gathered grass seed, which she 述べるs.

Any reader of Mrs. Parker’s 調書をとる／予約する who has not followed 最近の anthropological discussions, may need to be apprised of the nature of these 論争s, and of the probable light thrown on them by the 十分な description of the Euahlayi tribe. The two 長，指導者 points in 論争 are (1) the nature and origin of the marriage 法律s of the Australians; and (2) the nature and origin of such の中で their ideas and practices as may be styled ‘宗教的な.’ As far as what we 一般的に call 構成要素 civilisation is 関心d, the natives of the Australian continent are probably the most backward of mankind, having no 農業, no 国内の animals, and no knowledge of metal-working. Their 武器s and 器具／実施するs are of 支持を得ようと努めるd, 石／投石する, and bone, and they have not even the rudest 肉親，親類d of pottery. But though the natives are all, in their natural 明言する／公表する, on or about this ありふれた low level, their customary 法律s, 儀式のs, and beliefs are rich in variety.

As regards marriage 支配するs they are in several 明らかに 上がるing grades of 進歩. First we have tribes in which each person is born into one or other of two social 分割s usually called ‘phratries.’ Say that the 指名するs of the phratries mean Eagle 強硬派 and Crow. Each born Crow must marry an Eagle 強硬派; each born Eagle 強硬派 must marry a Crow. The 指名するs are derived through the mothers. One obvious result is that no two persons, brother and sister maternal, can intermarry; but the 支配する also 除外するs from intermarriage 広大な／多数の／重要な numbers of persons in no way akin to each other by 血, who 単に 株 the ありふれた phratry 指名する, Crow or Eagle 強硬派.

In each phratry are smaller 始める，決めるs of persons, each 始める，決める distinguished by the 指名する of some animal or other natural 反対する, their ‘totem.’ The same totem is never 設立する in both phratries. Thus a person marrying out of his or her phratry, as all must do, やむを得ず marries out of his or her totem.

The same 手はず／準備 存在する の中で tribes which derive phratry and totem 指名するs through the father.

This derivation of 指名するs and 降下／家系 through the father is regarded by almost all students, and by Mr. J. G. Frazer, in one passage of his 最新の 熟考する／考慮する of the 支配する, as a 広大な／多数の／重要な step in 進歩.[‘The Beginnings of 宗教 and Totemism の中で the Australian Aborigines,’ Fortnightly Review, September 1905, p. 452.] The obvious result of paternal 降下／家系 is to make totem communities or 肉親，親類s 地元の. In any 地区 most of the people will be of the same paternal totem 指名する—say, Grub, Iguana, Emu, or what not. Just so, in Glencoe of old, most of the people were MacIans; in Appin most were Stewarts; in South Argyll Campbells, and so on.

The totem 肉親，親類s are thus, with paternal 降下／家系, 部隊d both by supposed 血 関係 in the totem 肉親，親類, and by 協会s of locality. This is certainly a step in social 進歩.

But while Mr. Frazer, with almost all inquirers, 認めるs this, ten pages later in his essay he no longer considers the 降下／家系 of the totem in the paternal line as やむを得ず ‘a step in 進歩’ from 降下／家系 in the maternal line. ‘The ありふれた 仮定／引き受けること that 相続物件 of the totem through the mother always に先行するd 相続物件 of it through the father need not 持つ／拘留する good,’[Ibid. p. 462.] he 発言／述べるs.

Thus it appears that a tribe has not やむを得ず made ‘a 広大な／多数の／重要な step in 進歩,’ because it reckons 降下／家系 of the totem on the male 味方する. If this be so, we cannot so easily decide as to which tribe is socially 前進するd and which is not.

In any 事例／患者, however, there is a 実験（する） of social 前進する. There is an 定評のある 前進する when a tribe is divided into, not two, but four or eight 分割s, which may not intermarry.[Ibid. p. 454] The Euahlayi have four such 分割s. In each of their intermarrying phratries are two ‘Matrimonial Classes,’ each with its 指名する, and these are so 構成するd that a member of the 年上の 世代 can never marry a member of the 後継するing 世代. This 支配する 妨げるs, of course, marriage between parent and child, but such marriages never do occur in the pristine tribes of the Darling river which have no such classes. The four-class 協定 除外するs from intermarriage all persons, whether parents and children or not, who 耐える the same class 指名する, say Hippai.

の中で the central and northern tribes, from the Arunta of the Macdonnell hills to the 湾 of Carpentaria, the eight-class 支配する 存在するs, and it is, confessedly, the most 前進するd of all.

In this 尊敬（する）・点, then, the Arunta of the centre of Australia are certainly more 前進するd than the Euahlayi. The Arunta have eight, not four, intermarrying classes. In the 事柄 of 儀式s and 儀式s, too, they are, in the opinion of Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, more 前進するd than, say, the Euahlayi. They practise 全世界の／万国共通の ‘subincision’ of the males, and circumcision, in place of the more 原始の knocking out of the 前線 teeth. Their 儀式s are very 長引かせるd: in Messrs. Spencer and Gillen’s experience, 儀式s lasted for four months during a 広大な／多数の／重要な 部族の 集会. That the Arunta could 供給する 供給（する）s for so 長引かせるd and large an 議会, argues high organisation, or a 地域 井戸／弁護士席 設立する in natural edible 反対するs. Yet the 地域 is arid and barren, so the organisation is very high. For all these 推論する／理由s, even if we do not regard paternal 降下／家系 of the totem as a step in 進歩 from maternal 降下／家系, the Arunta seem 大いに 前進するd in social 条件s.

Yet they are said to 欠如（する） 完全に that belief in a moral and kindly ‘All Father,’ such as Byamee, which Mrs. Parker 述べるs as potent の中で the いっそう少なく 前進するd Euahlayi, and which Mr. Howitt has 設立する の中で 非，不，無-沿岸の tribes of the south-east, with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem, but without matrimonial classes—that is, の中で the most 原始の tribes of all.

Here occurs a remarkable difficulty. Mr. Howitt 主張するs, with Mr. Frazer’s concurrence, that (in Mr. Frazer’s words) ‘the same 地域s in which the germs of 宗教 begin to appear have also made some 進歩 に向かって a higher form of social and family life.’[‘The Beginnings of 宗教 and Totemism の中で the Australian Aborigines,’ Fortnightly Review, September 1905, p. 452.] But the social 前進する from maternal to paternal 降下／家系 of the totem, we have seen, is not やむを得ず an 前進する at all, in Mr. Frazer’s opinion.[ Ibid. p. 462.] The Arunta, for example, he thinks, never recognised 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem. They have never recognised, indeed, he thinks, any hereditary 降下／家系 of the totem, though in all other 尊敬（する）・点s, as in hereditary magistracies, and 相続物件 of the 権利 to practise the father’s totemic ritual, they do reckon in the male line. By such advantage, however it was acquired, they are more 進歩／革新的な than, say, the Euahlayi. But, 進歩／革新的な as they are, they have not, like the more pristine tribes of the south-east, developed ‘the germs of 宗教,’ the belief in a benevolent or 判決，裁定 ‘All Father.’ Unlike the tribes of the south-east, they have co-operative totemic 魔法. Each totem community does 魔法 for its totem, as part of the food 供給（する） of the 部隊d tribe. But the tribe, though so solidaire, and with its eight classes and hereditary magistracies so 前進するd, has developed no germs of 宗教 at all. Arunta 進歩 has thus been singularly unequal.

The germs of 宗教 are spoken of as the results of social 前進する, but, while so 目だつ in social 前進する, the Arunta have no trace of 宗教. The tribes northward from them to the sea are also very 前進するd socially, but (with one known exception not alluded to by Mr. Frazer) have no ‘All Father,’ no germ of 宗教.

From this fact, if 正確に 報告（する）／憶測d, it is obvious that social 進歩 is not the 原因（となる）, nor the necessary concomitant, of 前進する in 宗教的な ideas.

Again, the 影響（力） of the sea, in 原因（となる）ing a ‘heavier 降雨, a more abundant vegetation, and a more plentiful 供給（する） of food,’ with an easier and more reflective life than that of ‘the arid wilderness of the 内部の,’ cannot be, as is 申し立てられた／疑わしい, the 原因（となる） of the germs of 宗教.[Ibid. p. 463.] If this were the 事例／患者, the 沿岸の tribes of the 湾 of Carpentaria and of the north 一般に would have developed the All Father belief. Yet, in spite of their 沿岸の 環境, and richer 存在, and social 前進する, the northern 沿岸の tribes are not credited with the belief in the All Father. 一方／合間 tribes with no matrimonial classes, and with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem—tribes dwelling from five to seven hundred miles away from the southern sea—do 所有する the All Father belief as far north as Central Queensland, no いっそう少なく than did the almost or やめる extinct tribes of the south coast, who had made what is (or is not) ‘the 広大な／多数の／重要な step in 進歩’ of paternal 降下／家系 of the totem.

Again, arid and barren as is the central 地域 tenanted by the Arunta, it seems to 許す or encourage philosophic reflection, for their theory of 進化 is remarkably coherent and ingenious. The theory of 進化 暗示するs as much reflection as that of 創造! Their 魔法 for the behoof of edible 反対するs is せいにするd to the suddenness of their first rains,[Ibid. p. 465.] and the consequent 爆発 of life, which the natives せいにする to their own magical success. But rainmaking 魔法, as Mrs. Langloh Parker shows, is practised with いつかs amazing success の中で the Euahlayi, who work no 魔法 at all for their totems. Their 魔法, if it brings rain, 利益s their totems 捕まらないで, but for each totem in particular, no Euahlayi totem 肉親，親類 does 魔法.

Again, 農業の 魔法 has been, and indeed is, practised in Europe, in 条件s of 気候 unlike those of the Arunta; and totemic 魔法 is 自由に practised in North America, in climatic 条件s dissimilar from those of Central Australia.

For all these 推論する／理由s I must 自白する that I do not follow the logic of the philosophy which makes social 前進する the 原因（となる） of the belief in the All Father, and 沿岸の rains the 原因（となる） of social 前進する. The Arunta have the social 前進する, the eight classes, the 比較して high organisation; but they have neither the climatic 条件s supposed to produce the 前進する, nor the 宗教 which the 前進する is supposed to produce. The northern 沿岸の tribes, again, have the 願望（する）d climatic 条件s, and the social 前進する, but they have not the germs of 宗教 設立する in many far inland southern tribes, like the Euahlayi, whose social 進歩 is 極端に 穏健な. We thus find, from the northern coast to the centre, one supposed result of 沿岸の 条件s, すなわち, social 進歩, but not the other supposed result of 沿岸の 条件s, すなわち, the All Father belief. I do not say that it does not 存在する, for it is a secret belief, but it is not 報告（する）／憶測d by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen. On the other 手渡す, の中で tribes of the south-east very far from the coast, we find the lowest grades of social 進歩, but we also find the All Father belief. I am ready, of course, to believe that good 条件s of life beget 進歩, social and 宗教的な, as a general 支配する. But other 原因（となる）s 存在する; 憶測 anywhere may take crudely 科学の rather than crudely 宗教的な lines. 特に the belief in ancestral spirits may check or 無効にする the belief in a remote All Father. We see this の中で the Zulus, where spirits 完全に 支配する 宗教, and the All Father is, at most, the 影をつくる／尾行する of a 指名する, Unkulunkulu. We may （悪事，秘密などを）発見する the same 影響（力） の中で the northern tribes of Australia, where ancestral spirits 支配する thought and society, though they receive no sacrifice or 祈り. 一方／合間, if we 受託する Mrs. Parker’s 証拠, の中で the Euahlayi ancestral spirits are of no account in 宗教, while the All Father is obeyed, and, on some occasions, is 演説（する）／住所d in 祈り; and may even 原因（となる） rain, if 所有物／資産／財産 approached by a human spirit which has just entered his mansions. 明確に, climatic 原因（となる）s and natural 環境 are not the only factors in producing and directing the 思索的な ideas of men in 早期に society.

We must also remember that the 隣人s of the Arunta, northwards, who 株 確かな peculiar Arunta ideas, 所有する, beyond all 疑問, either the earliest germs of belief in the All Father, or that belief in a decadent 条件 of 生き残り. This is やめる 確かな ; for, 反して the Arunta laugh at all 調査s as to what went before the ‘Alcheringa,’ or mythic age of 進化, the Kaitish, によれば Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, aver that an anthropomorphic 存在, who dwells above the sky, and is 指名するd Atnatu, first created himself, and then ‘made the Alcheringa,’—the mythic age of primal 進化. Of mankind, some, in Kaitish opinion, were 発展させるd; of others Atnatu is the father. He expelled men to earth from his heaven for neglect of his 儀式s, but he 供給するd them with 武器s and all that they 所有する. He is not Très Ferré Sur La 意気込み／士気: he has made no moral 法律s, but his ritual 法律s, as to circumcision and the whirling of the bull-roarer, must be 観察するd as 厳密に as the ritual 法律s of Byamee of the Euahlayi. In this sense of obedience 予定 to a heavenly father who begat men, or some of them, punished them, and started them on their terrene career, laying 負かす／撃墜する 儀式の 支配するs, we have certainly ‘the germs of 宗教’ in a central tribe cognate to the Arunta.

Mr. Frazer （悪事，秘密などを）発見するs only two traces of 宗教 in the centre, omitting the Kaitish Atnatu, [‘The Beginnings of 宗教 and Totemism の中で the Australian Aborigines,’ Fortnightly Review, September 1905, p. 452, 公式文書，認める 1.] but I am unable to see how the 宗教的な 面 of Atnatu, 非，不，無-moral as it is, can be overlooked. He is the father of part of the tribe, and all are bound to 観察する his 儀式の 支配するs. He accounts for the beginning of the beginning; he is the 原因（となる） of the Alcheringa; men 借りがある 義務s to him. We do not know whether he was once as potent in their hearts, and as moral as Byamee, but has dégringolé under Arunta philosophic 影響（力）s; or whether Byamee is a more 高度に 発展させるd form of Atnatu. But it is やめる 確かな that the Kaitish, in a 地域 as far almost from the north sea as that of the Arunta, and その上の from southern 沿岸の 影響（力）s than the Arunta, have a 修正するd belief in the All Father. How are we to account for this on the philosophic hypothesis of Oceanus as the father of all the gods; of 沿岸の 影響（力）s producing a richer life, and 原因（となる）ing both social and 宗教的な 進歩?

Another difficulty is that while the Arunta, with no 宗教, and the Kaitish, with the Atnatu belief, are socially 前進するd in organisation (whether we reckon male 降下／家系 of the totem ‘a 広大な／多数の／重要な step in 進歩,’ or an 事故), they are yet supposed by Mr. Frazer to be, in one 尊敬（する）・点, the least 前進するd, the most 原始の, of known human 存在s. The 推論する／理由 is this: the Arunta do not recognise the 過程s of 性の union as the 原因（となる） of the 生産／産物 of children. 性の 行為／法令／行動するs, they say, 単に 準備する women for the 歓迎会 of 初めの ancestral spirits, which enter into them, and are reincarnated and brought to the birth.

If the women cannot 受託する the spirits without 存在 ‘用意が出来ている’ by 性の union, then 性の union plays a physical part in the 世代 of a spirit incarnated, a fact which all 信奉者s in the human soul are as ready as the Arunta to 収容する／認める. If the Arunta recognise the 事前の necessity of ‘ 準備,’ then they are not so ignorant as they are thought to be; and their 見解（をとる） is produced, not so much by stark ignorance, as by their philosophy of the eternal reincarnation of primal human spirits. The Arunta philosophers, in fact, seem to concentrate their 憶測 on a point which puzzled Mr. Shandy. How does the animating 原則, or soul, regarded as immaterial, 着せる／賦与する itself in flesh? 構成要素 行為／法令／行動するs cannot 影響 the incarnation of a spirit. Therefore, the spirit enters women from without, and is not the direct result of human 活動／戦闘.

The south-eastern tribes, with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem, and with no belief in the 全世界の／万国共通の and constant reincarnation of ancestral spirits, take the ‘schylean 見解（をとる）, によれば Mr. Howitt, that the male is the 単独の 起こる／始まるing 原因（となる） of children, while the 女性（の） is only the 受取人 and ‘nurse.’ These tribes, socially いっそう少なく 前進するd than the Arunta, have not the Arunta nescience of the facts of procreation, a nescience which I regard as 単に the consequence and corollary of the Arunta philosophy of reincarnation. Each Arunta child, by that philosophy, has been in 存在 since the Alcheringa: his mother of the moment only 再生するs him, after ‘準備.’ He is not a new thing; he is as old as the 開発 of 有機の forms. This is the Arunta belief, and I must reckon it as not more 原始の than the peculiar philosophy of reincarnation of ancestral spirits. Certainly such an (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する philosophy manifestly cannot be 原始の. It is, however, the philosophy of the tribes from the Urabunna, on Lake Eyre (with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem), to the most northerly tribes, with male 降下／家系.

But の中で 非，不，無 of these tribes has the philosophy that 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 影響 on totemic 会・原則s which, by a peculiar and 孤立するd 新規加入, it 所有するs の中で the septs of the Arunta nation, and in a 限られた／立憲的な way の中で the Kaitish.

の中で all tribes except these the child 相続するs its totem: from the mother, の中で the Urabunna; from the father in the northern peoples. But, の中で the Arunta and Kaitish, the totem is not 相続するd from either parent. によれば the belief of these tribes, in every 地区 there is a place where the first human ancestors—in each 事例／患者 all of one totem, whichsoever that totem, in each 事例／患者, might happen to be—died, ‘went under the earth.’ 激しく揺するs or trees arose to 示す such 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs. These places are haunted by the spirits of the dead ancestors; here they are all Grubs, there all Eagle 強硬派s, or all Iguanas, or all Emus, or all Cats. Or as in these 場所／位置s the ancestors left each his own sacred 石／投石する, churinga nanja, with archaic patterns inscribed on it, patterns now fancifully 解釈する／通訳するd as totemic inscriptions. Such 石／投石するs are 特に haunted by the ancestral souls, all 願望（する）ing reincarnation.

When a woman becomes aware of the life of the child she 耐えるs, の中で the Arunta and Kaitish, she supposes that a 地元の spirit of the 地元の totem has entered her, and her child’s totem is therefore the totem of that locality, whatever other totems she and her husbands may own. The 石／投石する amulet of the ancestral spirit, who is the child, is sought; if it cannot be 設立する at the 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, a 木造の churinga is made to 代表する it, and it is kept carefully in a sacred storehouse.

Even in the centre and north, where the belief in reincarnation 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs, this 半端物 manner of acquiring totems is only practised by the Arunta tribes and the Kaitish, and only の中で them are the inscribed 石／投石するs known to 存在する as favoured haunts of ancestral spirits 願望（する）ing incarnation. The other northern tribes believe in reincarnation, but not in the haunted sacred 石／投石するs, which they do not, north of the Worgaia, 所有する; nor do they derive totems from locality, but, as usual, by 相続物件.

It thus appears that these Arunta sacred 石／投石するs are an inseparable 事故 of the Arunta method of acquiring the totem. How they and the 約束 in them 原因（となる） that method is not obvious, but the two things—the haunted sacred 石／投石する, and the 地元の source of totems—are inseparable—that is, the former never is 設立する apart from the latter. Now such 石／投石するs, with the sense and usage 大（公）使館員d to them, cannot 井戸／弁護士席 be 原始の. They are the result of the peculiar and 厳密に 孤立するd Arunta custom and belief, which gives to each man and woman one of these 石／投石するs, the 所有物／資産／財産 of himself or herself, since the mythical age, through all reincarnations.

One cannot see how such an unique custom and belief, associated with 反対するs of art, can be reckoned 原始の. Yet, where such 石／投石するs do not 存在する, the usage of acquiring totems by locality does not 存在する; even where the belief in reincarnation and in 地元の centres haunted by totemic spirits is 設立する in North Australia.[For an hypothesis of the origin of the Churinga Nanja belief, see my Secret Of The Totem, 一時期／支部 iv.]

On these grounds it appears that the hereditary totem is the earlier, and that the Arunta usage is the result of the special and inseparable superstition about the sacred 石／投石するs. It may be a 比較して 最近の 複雑化 of and 新規加入 to the theory of reincarnation. 一方／合間, the belief and usage produce an unique 影響. The Arunta and Kaitish, we saw, are so 前進するd socially that they 所有する not two, or four, but eight matrimonial classes. The tribe is divided into two 始める，決めるs of four classes each, and no person in A 分割 (nameless) of four classes may marry another person of any one of these four, but must marry a person of a given class の中で the four in B 分割 (nameless). The succession to the class is hereditary in the male line. But any person の中で the Arunta, contrary to 全世界の／万国共通の custom どこかよそで, may marry another person of his or her own totem, if that person be in the 権利 class of the opposite 分割. Nowhere else can a person of 分割 A and totem Grub find a Grub to marry in the opposite 分割 B. But this is possible の中で the Arunta and Kaitish, because their totems are acquired by pure 事故, are not hereditary, and all totems 存在する, or may 存在する, in 分割 A and also in 分割 B.

Mr. Frazer argues that the Arunta is the earlier 明言する／公表する of 事件／事情／状勢s. He supposes that men acquired their totems, at first, by 地元の 事故, before they had laid any 制限s on marriage. Later, they divided their tribe, first into two, then into four, then into eight classes; and every one had to marry out of his class, or 始める，決める of classes. All other known tribes introduced these 制限s after totems had been made hereditary. On passing the 制限する marriage 法律, they 単に 草案d people of one 始める，決める of hereditary totems into one 分割, all the other totem 肉親，親類s into the other 分割. But the Arunta had not made totems hereditary, but 偶発の, so all the children of one （人が）群がる of mothers were placed in 分割 A, all other children in 分割 B. The mothers in each 分割 would have children of all the totems, and thus the same totems now appeared in both of the exogamous 分割s. If a man married into his lawful opposite class, the fact that the woman was of the same totem made no difference.

I have 申し込む／申し出d やめる an opposite explanation. Arunta totems were, 初めは, hereditary の中で the Arunta, as everywhere else, and no totem occurred in both exogamous 分割s. The same totems, later, got into both 分割s as the result of the later and 孤立するd belief in reincarnation 加える the sacred haunted 石／投石するs. That superstition has left the Kaitish practice of marriage still almost untouched. A Kaitish may, like an Arunta, marry a woman of his own totem, but he scarcely ever does so. The old 禁止, extinct in 法律, 固執するs in custom; unless we say that the Kaitish are now 単に imitating the usual practice of the 残り／休憩（する） of the totemic races of the world.

Moreover, even の中で the Arunta, 確かな totems 大いに preponderate in each of the two exogamous intermarrying 分割s of the tribe. This must be because the 現在の practice has not yet やめる upset the 古代の usage, by which no totem ever occurred in both 分割s. There is even an Arunta myth 主張するing that this was so, but it is, of course, of no historical value as 証拠. Here it is proper to give Mr. Frazer’s contrary theory in his own words:—

‘This [Arunta] 方式 of 決定するing the totem has all the 外見 of extreme antiquity. For it ignores altogether the intercourse of the sexes as the 原因（となる） of offspring, and その上の, it ignores the tie of 血 on the maternal 同様に as the paternal 味方する, 代用品，人ing for it a 純粋に 地元の 社債, since the members of a totem 在庫／株 are 単に those who gave the first 調印する of life in the womb at one or other of 確かな 限定された 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs. This form of totemism, which may be called conceptional or 地元の to distinguish it from hereditary totemism, may with 広大な／多数の／重要な probability be regarded as the most 原始の known to 存在する at the 現在の day, since it seems to date from a time when 血 関係 was not yet recognised, and when even the idea of paternity had not yet 現在のd itself to the savage mind. Moreover, it is hardly possible that this peculiar form of 地元の totemism, with its 暗示するd ignorance of such a thing as paternity at all, could be derived from hereditary totemism, 反して it is 平易な to understand how hereditary totemism, either in the paternal or in the maternal line, could be derived from it. Indeed, の中で the Umbaia and Gnanji tribes we can see at the 現在の day how the change from 地元の to hereditary totemism has been 影響d. These tribes, like the Arunta and Kaitish, believe that conception is 原因（となる）d by the 入り口 into a woman of a spirit who has lived in its disembodied 明言する／公表する, along with other spirits of the same totem, at any one of a number of totem centres scattered over the country; but, unlike the Arunta and Kaitish, they almost always 割り当てる the father’s totem to the child, even though the 幼児 may have given the first 調印する of life at a place haunted by spirits of a different totem. For example, the wife of a snake man may first feel her womb quickened at a tree haunted by spirits of goshawk people; yet the child will not be a goshawk but a snake, like its father. The theory by which the Umbaia and Gnanji reconcile these 明らかに inconsistent beliefs is that a spirit of the husband’s totem follows the wife and enters into her wherever an 適切な時期 申し込む／申し出s, 反して spirits of other totems would not think of doing so. In the example supposed, a snake spirit is thought to have followed up the wife of the snake man and entered into her at the tree haunted by goshawk spirits, while the goshawk spirits would 辞退する to trespass, so to say, on a snake 保存する by ４半期/4分の1ing themselves in the wife of a snake man. This theory 明確に 示すs a 移行 from 地元の to hereditary totemism in the paternal line. And 正確に the same theory could, mutatis mutandis, be 雇うd to 影響 a change from 地元の to hereditary totemism in the maternal line; it would only be necessary to suppose that a 妊娠している woman is always followed by a spirit of her own totem, which sooner or later 影響s a lodgement in her 団体／死体. For example, a 妊娠している woman of the bee totem would always be followed by a bee spirit, which would enter into her wherever and whenever she felt her womb quickened, and so the child would be born of her own bee totem. Thus the 地元の form of totemism, which 得るs の中で the Arunta and Kaitish tribes, is older than the hereditary form, which is the ordinary type of totemism in Australia and どこかよそで, first, because it 残り／休憩（する）s on far more archaic conceptions of society and of life; and, secondly, because both the hereditary 肉親，親類d of totemism, the paternal and the maternal, can be derived from it, 反して it can hardly be derived from either of them.’

This argument appears to take for 認めるd that the conception of primal ancestral spirits, perpetually reincarnated, is 原始の. But, in fact, we seem to know it, の中で Australian tribes, only in these which have 前進するd to the 所有／入手 of eight classes, and have made ‘the 広大な／多数の／重要な step in 進歩’ (if it is a 広大な／多数の／重要な step), of 降下／家系 of the totem in the paternal line. The Urabunna, with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem, have, it is true, the belief in reincarnation. But they intermarry with the Arunta, borrow their sacred 石／投石するs, and practise the same 前進するd 儀式s and 儀式s. The idea may thus have been borrowed. On the other 手渡す, the more pristine tribes of the south-east, with two or four exogamous 分割s, and with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem, have no known trace of the doctrine of reincarnation (except as 陳列する，発揮するd by the Euahlayi), and have no 疑問 that the father is the 原因（となる） of procreation, save in the 事例／患者 of the Euahlayi, who believe that the Moon and the Crow ‘make’ the new children.

It would thus appear that the central and northern belief in perpetual reincarnation of primal spirits is not 原始の, yet the Arunta method of acquiring totems does not 存在する save by grace of this belief, 加える the 孤立するd belief in primal sacred 石／投石するs.

I am 強いるd to 異なる from Mr. Frazer when he says that ‘it is 平易な to see how hereditary totemism, either in the paternal or in the maternal line, would be derived from’ the Arunta belief and practice, 反して ‘it is hardly possible that this peculiar form of 地元の totemism [Arunta], with its 暗示するd ignorance of such a thing as paternity at all, could be derived from hereditary totemism.’

I do not know whether the other northern tribes 株 the Arunta nescience of procreation, or not. Whether they do or do not, it was as 平易な for them to explain all difficulties by a reconciling myth—a spirit of the husband’s totem follows his wife—as for a white savant to でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる an hypothesis. The Urabunna, with 女性（の） 降下／家系 of the totem, have やめる another myth—to reconcile everything. Nothing can be more 平易な. Supposing the Arunta to have begun, as in my theory, with hereditary totemism, the rise of their 孤立するd belief in spirit-haunted sacred 石／投石するs, encroached on and destroyed the hereditary character of their totemism. The belief in churinga nanja is an 孤立するd freak, but it has done its work, while leaving traces of an earlier 明言する／公表する of things, as we have shown, both の中で the Kaitish and Arunta.

If I am 権利 in 異なるing from such a master of many legions as the learned author of The Golden Bough, the irreligion of the Arunta and northern tribes (if these be really without 宗教) is the result of their form of 憶測, wholly 占領するd by the idea of reincarnation, while the Arunta form of totemism is the consequence of an 孤立するd fantasy about their peculiar sacred 石／投石するs. 一方／合間 the Euahlayi, as Mrs. Parker 証明するs, entertain, in a 限られた／立憲的な way, not どこかよそで 記録，記録的な／記録するd in Australia, the belief in the reincarnation of the souls of uninitiated young people. They also, like the Arunta, recognise haunted trees and 激しく揺するs, but the haunting spirits do not 願望（する） reincarnation, and are not ancestral. Spirits of the dead go to one or other abode of souls, to Baiame, or far from his presence to a place of 苦痛. So 限られた／立憲的な is human fancy, that here, as in Beckford’s picture of hell in Vathek, each spirit eternally 圧力（をかける）s his 手渡す against his 味方する. Were this a Christian doctrine, the Euahlayi would be said to have borrowed it, but few will 告発する／非難する them of plagiarising from Beckford. These myths, like all myths, are not 一貫した. Baiame may change a soul into a bird.

We may ask whether, with their 限られた／立憲的な belief in reincarnation, and with their haunted Minggah trees and 激しく揺するs, the Euahlayi have 始める，決める up a creed which might かもしれない develop into the northern 約束, or whether they once held the northern 約束, and have almost 現れるd from it. Without その上の （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） about 中間の tribes and their ideas on these 事柄s, the question cannot be answered. We are also without data as to whether the nearly extinct southern 沿岸の tribes 発展させるd the All Father belief, and transmitted it to the Euahlayi, to some Queensland tribe, with their Mulkari, and even to the Kaitish, or whether the 約束 has been 独立して developed の中で the tribes with no matrimonial classes and the others. Conjecture is at 現在の useless.

In one 尊敬（する）・点 a 発見 of Mrs. Parker’s is unfavourable to my theories. In The Secret Of The Totem I have shown that, when the 指名するs of the phratry 分割s of the tribes can be 解釈する／通訳するd, they 証明する to be 指名するs of animals, and I have shown how this may have come to be the 事例／患者. But の中で the Euahlayi the phratry 指名するs mean ‘light 血’ and ‘dark 血.’ This, prima facie, seems to favour the theory of the Rev. Mr. Mathews, in his Eagle 強硬派 and Crow, that two peoples, はしけ and darker, after an age of war, made connubium and marriage 条約, whence （機の）カム the phratries. The same author might 勧める, if he pleased, that Eagle 強硬派 (about the colour of the peregrine) was chosen to 代表する ‘light,’ and Crow to 代表する ‘dark’; while the phratry animals, White and 黒人／ボイコット Cockatoo, were selected, どこかよそで, to 代表する the same contrast. But we need more （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） as to the meanings of other phratry 指名するs which have 反抗するd translation.

In many other things, as in the account of the yunbeai of the Euahlayi, their 方式 of 除去するing the tabu on the totem in food, their 魔法, their ‘multiplex totems,’ their methods of 追跡（する）ing, their initiatory 儀式s, their 高度に moral lullabies, and the whole of their kindly life, Mrs. Parker’s 調書をとる／予約する appears to deserve a welcome from the few who care to 熟考する／考慮する the ways of 早期に men, ‘the 炭坑，オーケストラ席 whence we were dug.’ The Euahlayi are a 同情的な people, and have 設立する a 同情的な chronicler.
 A. Lang

一時期／支部 1
Introductory

The に引き続いて pages are ーするつもりであるd as a 出資／貢献 to the 熟考する／考慮する of the manners, customs, beliefs, and legends of the Aborigines of Australia. The area of my 観察 is おもに 限られた／立憲的な to the 地域 占領するd by the Euahlayi tribe of north-western New South むちの跡s, who for twenty years were my 隣人s on the Narran River. I have been 熟知させるd since childhood with the natives, first in southern South Australia; next on my father’s 駅／配置する on the Darling River, where I was saved by a native girl, when my sisters were 溺死するd while bathing. I was intimate with the dispositions of the 黒人／ボイコットs, and was on friendly 条件 with them, before I began a 正規の／正選手 試みる／企てる to 問い合わせ into their folk-lore and customary 法律s, at my husband’s 駅／配置する on the Narran, 予定 north of the Barwon River, the 広大な／多数の／重要な 豊富な of the Murray River.

My tribe is a 隣人 of that について言及するd by Mr. Howitt as the ‘Wollaroi,’ ‘Yualloroi,’ or ‘Yualaroi.’[Howitt, Native Tribes Of South-East Australia, pp. 57, 467, 694, 769.] I （一定の）期間 the 部族の 指名する ‘Euahlayi’; the accent is on the second syllable—’You-ahl-ayi’; and the 指名する is derived from the 部族の word for the 消極的な: Euahl, or Youal, ‘No,’ as in the 事例／患者 of the Kamilaroi (Kamil, ‘No’), and many other tribes.

Mr. Howitt regards these tribes as on the 限界s of what he calls the ‘Four Sub-Class’ system. The people, that is to say, have not only the 分割 into two ‘phratries,’ or ‘exogamous moieties,’ intermarrying, but also the four ‘Matrimonial Classes’ その上の 規制するing marriage. These classes 耐える the Kamilaroi 指名するs, of unknown meaning, Ipai, Kumbo, Murri, and Kubbi; but the 指名するs of the two main 分割s, or phratries, are not those of the Kamilaroi—Dilbi and Kupathin.

The Euahlayi language, or dialect, is not 同一の with that of the 広大な／多数の／重要な Kamilaroi tribe to their south-east, but is 明確に 連合した with it, many 指名するs of animals 存在 the same in both tongues. A few 指名するs of animals are 株d with the Wirádjuri speech, as Mullian, Eagle 強硬派; Pelican, Goolayyahlee (Wirádjuri, Gulaiguli). The 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 for the 存在 called ‘The All Father’ by Mr. Howitt is also the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 used by the Wir djuri and Kamilaroi, ‘Baiame’ or ‘Byamee.’ The Euahlayi, however, 所有する myths, beliefs, and usages not 記録，記録的な／記録するd as extant の中で the Kamilaroi, but rather forming a link with the ideas of peoples dwelling much その上の west, such as the tribes, on Lake Eyre, and the 最南端の Arunta of the centre. Thus, there is a 限られた／立憲的な and 修正するd 形態／調整 of the central and northern belief in reincarnation, and there is a 広大な／多数の／重要な 開発 of what are called by Mr. Howitt ‘sub-totems,’ which have been 設立する most in a 地域 of Northern Victoria, to the south of the Euahlayi. There is a belief in spirit—haunted trees, as の中で the Arunta, and there is a form of the Arunta myth of the ‘Dream Time,’ the age of pristine 進化.

The Euahlayi thus 現在の a mixture of ideas and usages which appears to be somewhat peculiar and deserving of closer 熟考する／考慮する than it has received. Mr. Howitt himself 言及するs to the tribe very seldom. It will be asked, ‘How far have the Euahlayi been brought under the 影響（力） of missionaries, and of European ideas in general?’

The nearest missionary 解決／入植地 was 設立するd after we settled の中で the Euahlayi, and was distant about one hundred miles, at Brewarrina. 非，不，無 of my native informants had been at any time, to my knowledge, under the 影響（力） of missionaries. They all wore shirts, and almost all of them trousers, on occasion; and all, except the old men, my 長，指導者 sources, were 雇うd by white 植民／開拓者s. We conversed in a 肉親，親類d of lingua franca. An informant, say Peter, would try to 表明する himself in English, when he thought that I was not successful in に引き続いて him in his own tongue. With 米，稲, who had no English but a 悪口を言う／悪態, I used two native women, one old, one younger, as interpreters, checking each other alternately. The younger natives themselves had lost the sense of some of the native words used by their 年上のs, but the middle-老年の interpreters were usually 適する. Occasionally there were 論争s on linguistic points, when 米，稲, a man already grey in 1845, would march off the scene, and need to be reconciled. They were on very good 条件 with me. They would 交流 gifts with me: I might receive a carved 武器, and one of them some タバコ. The giving was not all on my 味方する, by any means.

My anthropological reading was scanty, but I was 井戸／弁護士席 熟知させるd with and believed in Mr. Herbert Spencer’s ‘Ghost theory’ of the origin of 宗教 in the worship of ancestral spirits. What I learned from the natives surprised me, and shook my 約束 in Mr. Spencer’s theory, with which it seemed 相いれない.

In 審理，公聴会 the old 黒人／ボイコットs tell their legends you notice a 広大な／多数の／重要な difference between them as raconteurs—some tell the 明らかにする 陰謀（を企てる） or feature of the legend, others give descriptive touches all through. If they are strangers to their audience, they get it over as quickly as possible in a half-contemptuous way, as if 説, ‘What do you want to know such rubbish for?’ But if they know you 井戸／弁護士席, and know you really are 利益／興味d, then they tell you the stories as they would tell them to one another, giving them a new life and 追加するing かなり to their poetical 表現.

Chapter2
The All Father, Byamee

As throughout the 一時期／支部s on the customary 法律s, mysteries, and legends of the Euahlayi, there occur たびたび（訪れる） について言及するs of a superhuman though anthropomorphic 存在 指名するd Byamee (in Kamilaroi and Wir djuri ‘Baiame’), it is necessary to give a 予選 account of the beliefs entertained 関心ing him. The 指名する Byamee (usually （一定の）期間d Baiame) occurs in Euahlayi, Kamilaroi, and Wir djuri; ‘the Wir djuri language is spoken over a greater extent of 領土 than any other tongue in New South むちの跡s.’[R. H. Mathews, J. A. I., vol. xxxiv. p. 284.] The word occurs in the Rev. Mr. Ridley’s Gurre Kamilaroi, an illustrated 手動式の of Biblical 指示／教授／教育 for the education of the Kamilaroi: Mr. Ridley translated our ‘God’ by ‘Baiame.’ He supposed that native 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, which he 設立する and did not introduce, to be a derivative from the verb baia, or biai, ‘to make.’ Literally, however, at least in Euahlayi, the word byamee means ‘広大な／多数の／重要な one.’ In its sense as the 指名する of the All Father it is not supposed to be used by women or by the uninitiated. If it is necessary to speak to them of Byamee, he is called Boyjerh, which means Father, just as in the Theddora tribe the women speak of Darramulun as Papang, ‘Father.’ [Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia, p. 493.] の中で the Euahlayi both women and the uninitiated use byamee, the adjective for ‘広大な／多数の／重要な,’ in ordinary talk, though the more usual adjective answering to ‘広大な／多数の／重要な’ is boorool, which occurs in Kamilaroi 同様に as in Euahlayi. The verb baia or biai, to make or 形態／調整, whence Mr. Ridley derived Baiame, is not known to me in Euahlayi. Wir djuri has bai, a footmark, and Byamee left footmarks on the 激しく揺するs, but that is probably a chance coincidence.

I was first told of Byamee, in whispers, by a very old native, Yudtha Dulleebah (Bald 長，率いる), said to have been already grey haired when Sir Thomas Mitchell discovered the Narran in 1846. My informant said that he was 教えるd as to Byamee in his first Boorah, or initiation. If he was 早期に grey, say at thirty, in 1846, that takes his initiation 支援する to 1830, when, as a 事柄 of fact, we have 同時代の 証拠 to the belief in Byamee, who is not of missionary 輸入, though after 1856 Christian ideas may, through Mr. Ridley’s 調書をとる／予約する, have been 大（公）使館員d to his 指名する by educated Kamilaroi. But he was a worshipful 存在, 明らかにする／漏らすd in the mysteries, long before missionaries （機の）カム, as all my informants aver.

There has, indeed, been much 論争 as to whether the Aborigines of Australia have any idea, or germ of an idea, of a God; anything more than vague beliefs about unattached spirits, おもに mischievous, who might be propitiated or 脅すd away. Mr. Huxley 持続するd this 見解（をとる）, as did Mr. Herbert Spencer.[Ecclesiastical 会・原則s, p. 674.] Both of these authors, who have 広大な／多数の／重要な 影響（力） on popular opinion, omitted to notice the contradictory 声明 of Waitz, published in 1872. He credited the natives, in some 地域s, with belief in, and dances 成し遂げるd in honour of, a ‘Good 存在,’ and 否定するd that the belief and 儀式s were the result of European 影響（力）.[Waitz, Anthropologie Der Natur—Volker, vol. vi. pp. 796-798. Leipzig, 1872.] Mr. Tylor, admitting to some extent that the belief now 存在するs, せいにするd it in part to the 影響（力） of missionaries and of white 植民／開拓者s.[定期刊行物, Anthropological 学校／設ける, vol. xxi. p. 292 et seq.] ‘Baiame,’ he held, was a word of missionary 製造（する）, introduced about 1830-1840. This opinion was controverted by Mr. Lang,[魔法 And 宗教, p. 25 sq. Myth, Ritual, And 宗教, vol. ii. chap. xii., 1899.] and by Mr. N. W. Thomas. Mr. Thomas[Man, 1905, No. 28.] has produced the 証拠 of Henderson, 令状ing in 1829-1830, for the belief in ‘Piame’ or Byamee, or Baiame.[観察s On The 植民地s Of New South むちの跡s And 先頭 Dieman’s Land, p. 147.]

In 1904 Mr. Howitt gave a 広大な／多数の／重要な 集まり of 証拠 for the belief in what he calls an ‘All Father’: in many dialects styled by さまざまな 指名するs meaning ‘Our Father,’ dwelling in or above the sky, and often receiving the souls of 黒人／ボイコットs who have been ‘good.’ These ideas are not derived, Mr. Howitt 持つ／拘留するs, from Europeans, or developed out of ancestor-worship, which does not 存在する in the tribes. The belief is 隠すd from women, but communicated to lads at their initiation.[Howitt, Native Tribes Of South-East Australia, pp. 488-508.] The belief, in favourable circumstances, might develop, Mr. Howitt thinks, into what he speaks of as a ‘宗教,’ a ‘recognised 宗教.’ Without asking how ‘a recognised 宗教’ is to be defined, I shall 単に tell what I have gathered as to the belief in Byamee の中で the Euahlayi.

It may seem strange that I should know anything about a belief carefully kept from women, but I have even been 特権d to hear ‘Byamee’s Song,’ which only the fully 始めるd may sing; an old 黒人／ボイコット, as will later appear, did 詠唱する this old lay, now no longer understood, to myself and my husband. Moreover, the women of the Euahlayi have some knowledge of, and some means of, mystic 接近 to Byamee, though they call him by another 指名する.

Byamee, in the first place, is to the Euahlayi what the ‘Alcheringa’ or ‘Dream time’ is to the Arunta. Asked for the 推論する／理由 why of anything, the Arunta answer, ‘It was so in the Alcheringa.’ Our tribe have a 子会社 myth corresponding to that of the Alcheringa. There was an age, in their opinion, when only birds and beasts were on earth; but a colossal man and two women （機の）カム from the remote north-east, changed birds and beasts into men and women, made other folk of clay or 石／投石する, taught them everything, and left 法律s for their 指導／手引, then returned whence they （機の）カム. This is a 肉親，親類d of ‘Alcheringa’ myth, but whether this colossal man was Byamee or not, our tribe give, as the final answer to any question about the origin of customs, ‘Because Byamee say so.’ Byamee 宣言するd his will, and that was and is enough for his children. At the Boorah, or initiatory 儀式s, he is 布告するd as ‘Father of All, whose 法律s the tribes are now obeying.’ Byamee, at least in one myth (told also by the Wir djuri), is the 初めの source of all totems, and of the 法律 that people of the same totem may not intermarry, ‘however far apart their 追跡（する）ing-grounds.’ I heard first in a legend, then received 確定／確認 from all old 黒人／ボイコットs, that Byamee had a totem 指名する for every part of his 団体／死体, even to a different one for each finger and toe. And when he was passing on to fresh fields, he gave each kinship of the tribe he was leaving one of his totems. The usual 見解／翻訳／版 is, that to such as were metamorphosed from birds and animals he gave as totem the animal or whatever it was from which they were 発展させるd. But no one dreams of （人命などを）奪う，主張するing Byamee as a relation belonging to one 一族／派閥; he is one apart and yet the father of all, even as Birrahgnooloo is mother of all and not 関係のある to any one 一族／派閥; Cunnumbeillee, his other wife, had only one totem.

Certainly woman is given a high place in their sacred lore. The 長，指導者 wife of Byamee, Birrahgnooloo, is （人命などを）奪う，主張するd as the mother of all, for she, like him, had a totem for each part of her 団体／死体; no one totem can （人命などを）奪う，主張する her, but all do.

Mother of all, though mother of 非，不，無 in particular, she was not to be vulgarised by ordinary 国内の relations, For those 目的s Cunnumbeillee was at 手渡す, as a 持参人払いの of children and a caterer. Yet it was Birrahgnooloo whom Byamee best loved and made his companion, giving her 力／強力にする and position which no other held. She too, like him, is 部分的に／不公平に crystallised in the sky-（軍の）野営地，陣営, where they are together; the upper parts of their 団体／死体s are as on earth; to her, those who want floods go, and when willing to 認める their requests, she 企て，努力，提案s Cunnumbeillee start the flood-ball of flood rolling 負かす／撃墜する the mountains. Cunnumbeillee, as has been said, had but one totem which her children derived from her.

Byamee is the originator of things いっそう少なく archaic and important than totemism. There is a large 石／投石する fish-罠（にかける） at Brewarrina, on the Barwan River. It is said to have been made by Byamee and his gigantic sons, just as later Greece せいにするd the 塀で囲むs of Tiryns to the Cyclops, or as Glasgow Cathedral has been explained in legend as the work of the Picts. Byamee also 設立するd the 支配する that there should be a ありふれた （軍の）野営地，陣営ing-ground for the さまざまな tribes, where, during the fishing festival, peace should be 厳密に kept, all 会合 to enjoy the fish, and do their 株 に向かって 保存するing the 漁業s.

Byamee still 存在するs. I have been told by an old native, as will be shown later, that 祈りs for the souls of the dead used to be 演説（する）／住所d to Byamee at funerals; certainly not a practice derived from Protestant missionaries.

Byamee is supposed to listen to the cry of an 孤児 for rain. Such an one has but to run out when the clouds are 総計費, and, looking at the sky, call aloud

‘Gullee boorboor. Gullee boorboor.’
‘Water come 負かす／撃墜する. Water come 負かす／撃墜する.’

Or should it be raining too much, the last possible child of a woman can stop it by 燃やすing Midjeer 支持を得ようと努めるd.

Bootha told me after one rain that she had sent one of her tutelary spirits to tell Boyjerh—Byamee is called by women and children Boyjerh—that the country 手配中の，お尋ね者 rain. In answer he had taken up a handful of 水晶 pebbles and thrown them from the sky 負かす／撃墜する into the water in a 石／投石する 水盤／入り江 on the 最高の，を越す of the sacred mountain; as the pebbles fell in, the water splashed up into the clouds above, whence it descended as the 願望（する）d rain.

It is told to me, that at some initiatory 儀式s the oldest 薬／医学 man, or Wirreenun, 現在の 演説（する）／住所s a 祈り to Byamee, asking him to give them long life, as they have kept his 法律.

The tribesmen do not profess to pray, or to have prayed, to Byamee on any occasions except at funerals, and at the 結論 of the Boorah.

As for Byamee’s relation to 倫理学, it will be 明言する／公表するd in the 一時期／支部 on the 部族の 儀式s, while the stories as to the rewards and 罰s of the 未来 life will be given in their place. Baiame’s troubles with a 肉親，親類d of disobedient 副, Darramulun, will also be narrated: the myth is 現在の, too, の中で the Wir djuri tribe.

Other particulars about Byamee will occur in the course of later 一時期／支部s: here I have tried to give a general 要約 of the native beliefs. The reader may 解釈する／通訳する them in his own fashion, and may decide as to whether the beliefs do or do not 示す a 肉親，親類d of ‘宗教,’ whether ‘a recognised 宗教’ or not. There is やむを得ず, of course, an absence of 寺s and of priests, and I have 設立する no trace or 痕跡 of sacrifice. What may be said on the affirmative 味方する as to the 宗教的な 面 of the belief, the reader can 供給（する） from the 要約 of facts. Other potent 存在s occur in native myth, as we shall show, but there appears to 存在する between them and mankind no relation of affection, reverence, or 義務, as in the 事例／患者 of Byamee.

Here it seems necessary to advert to a 発言／述べる of Mr. Howitt’s which appears to be erroneous. He says ‘that part of Australia which I have 示すd as the habitat of that belief’ (すなわち, in an All Father),’ is also the area where there has been the 前進する from group marriage to individual marriage; from 降下／家系 in the 女性（の） line to that in the male line; where the 原始の organisation under the class system has been more or いっそう少なく 取って代わるd by an organisation based on locality; in fact, where these 前進するs have been made to which I have more than once drawn attention.’[Howitt, Native Tribes Of South-East Australia, p. 500.]

Mr. Howitt forgets that he himself せいにするs the 早期に system of 降下／家系 through women, and also the belief in an All Father (Nurelli), to the Wiimbaio tribe [Ibid. p. 489] to the Wotjobaluk tribe,[Native Tribes Of South-East Australia, pp. 120, 490.] to the Kamilaroi, to the Ta-Ta-thi,[Ibid. p. 494] while 女性（の） 降下／家系 and the belief in Baiame 示す the Euahlayi and Wir djuri.[定期刊行物, Anthropological 学校／設ける, xxv., p. 297.]

These tribes cover an enormous area of country, and, though they have not 前進するd to male kinship, they all 所有する the belief in an All Father. That belief does not appear to be in any way associated with 前進する in social organisation, for Messrs. Spencer and Gillen cannot find a trace of it in more than one of the central and northern tribes, which have male kinship, and a 肉親，親類d of 地元の self-政府. On the other 手渡す, it does occur の中で southern tribes, like the Kurnai, which have 前進するd almost altogether out of totemism.

In short, we have tribes with 女性（の） 降下／家系, such as the Dieri and Urabunna, to whom all knowledge of an All Father is 否定するd. We have many large and important tribes with 女性（の） 降下／家系 who certainly believe in an All Father. We have tribes of the highest social 進歩 who are said to show no 痕跡 of the belief, and we have tribes also socially 前進するd who 持つ／拘留する the belief with 広大な／多数の／重要な vigour. In these circumstances, authenticated by Mr. Howitt himself, it is impossible to 受託する the theory that belief in an All Father is only reached in the course of such 前進する to a higher social organisation as is made by tribes who reckon 降下／家系 in the male line.

一時期／支部 3
関係s And Totems

Some savants question the 知識人 ability of the 黒人／ボイコットs because they have not (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する systems of numeration and notation, which in their life were やめる unneeded. Such as were needed were 供給（する）d. They are often 会社にする／組み込む in one word-noun and qualifying 数値／数字による adjective, as for example—

Gundooee — a 独房監禁 emu

Booloowah — two emus

Oogle oogle — four emus

Gayyahnai — five or six emus

Gonurrun — fourteen or fifteen emus

I fancy the brains that could have (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述するd their marriage 支配するs were 有能な of workaday arithmetic if necessary, and few indeed of us know our family trees as the 黒人／ボイコットs know theirs.

Even the smallest 黒人／ボイコット child who can talk seems 十分な of knowledge as to all his relations, animate and inanimate, the marriage タブーs, and the 残り／休憩（する） of their 複雑にするd system.

The first 分割 の中で this tribe is a 血 distinction (‘phratries’):—

Gwaigulleeah — light 血d

Gwaimudthen — dark 血d

This distinction is not 限定するd to the human 存在s of the tribe, who must be of one or the other, but there are the Gwaigulleeah and Gwaimudthen 分割s in all things. The first and 長，指導者 分割 in our tribe, as regards customary marriage 法律, is the partition of all tribes-folk into these ‘phratries,’ or ‘exogamous moieties.’ While in most Australian tribes the meanings of the 指名するs of phratries are lost, where the meanings are known they are usually 指名するs of animals—Eagle, 強硬派, and Crow, White Cockatoo and 黒人／ボイコット Cockatoo, and so 前へ／外へ. の中で the 広大な／多数の／重要な Kamilaroi tribe, akin in speech to the Euahlayi, the 指名するs of phratries, Dilbi and Kupathin, are of unknown significance. The Euahlayi 指名するs, we have seen, are Gwaigulleeah, Light 血d, and Gwaimudthen, Dark 血d.

The origin of this 分割 is said to be the fact that the 初めの ancestors were, on the one 味方する, a red race coming from the west, the Gwaigulleeah; on the other, a dark race coming from the east.

A Gwaigulleeah may under no circumstances marry a Gwaigulleeah; he or she must mate with a Gwaimudthen. This 支配する has no exception. A child belongs to the same phratry as its mother.

The next 指名する of 関係 is 地元の, based on belonging to one country or 追跡（する）ing-ground; this 指名する a child takes from its mother wherever it may happen to be born. Any one who is called a Noongahburrah belongs to the Noongah-Kurrajong country; Ghurreeburrah to the orchid country; Mirriehburrah, poligonum country; Bibbilah, Bibbil country, and so on. This 分割, not of 血 関係, carries no 独立した・無所属 marriage 制限, but keeps up a feeling 同等（の） to Scotch, Irish, or English, and is counted by the 黒人／ボイコットs as ‘関係,’ but not 十分に so to 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 marriage.

The next 分割 is the 指名する in ありふれた for all daughters, or all sons of one family of sisters. The daughters take the 指名する from their maternal grandmother, the sons from their maternal 広大な／多数の／重要な-uncle.

Of these 分割s, called I Matrimonial Classes, there are four for each sex, 耐えるing the same 指名するs as の中で the Kamilaroi. The 指名するs are—

Masculine Kumbo brother and sister Feminine, Bootha
Masculine Murree brother and sister Feminine, Matha
Masculine Hippi brother and sister Feminine, Hippitha
Masculine Kubbee brother and sister Feminine, Kubbootha

The children of Bootha will be

Masculine Hippi brother and sister Feminine, Hippitha

The children of Matha will be

Masculine Kubbee brother and sister Feminine, Kubbootha

The children of Hippatha will be

Masculine Kumbo brother and sister Feminine, Bootha

The children of Kubbootha will be

Masculine Murree brother and sister Feminine, Matha

Thus, you see, they take, if girls, their grandmother’s and her sisters’ ‘class’ 指名するs in ありふれた; if boys, the ‘class’ 指名する of their grandmother’s brothers.

Bootha can only marry Murree,
Matha can only marry Kumbo,
Hippitha can only marry Kubbee,
Kubbootha can only marry Hippi.

Both men and women are often 演説（する）／住所d by these 指名するs when spoken to.

A propos of 指名するs, a child is never called at night by the same 指名する as in the daytime, lest the ‘devils’ hear it and entice him away.

指名するs are made for the newly born によれば circumstances; a girl born under a Dheal tree, for example, was called Dheala. Any 出来事/事件 happening at the time of birth may 伸び（る） a child a 指名する, such as a particular lizard passing. Two of my 黒人／ボイコット maids were called after lizards in that way: Barahgurree and Bogginbinnia.

Nimmaylee is a porcupine with the spines coming; such an one having been brought to the （軍の）野営地，陣営 just as a girl was born, she became Nimmaylee.

The mothers, with native politeness, ask you to give their children English 指名するs, but much more often use in familiar conversation either the Kumbo Bootha 指名するs, or others derived from place of birth, from some circumstance connected with it, a child’s mispronunciation of a word, some peculiarity noticed in the child, or still more often they call each other by the 指名する 布告するing the degree of 関係.

For example, a girl calls the daughters of her mother and of her aunts alike sisters.

Boahdee sister
Wambaneah 十分な brother
Dayadee half brother
Gurrooghee uncle
Wulgundee uncle’s wife
Kummean sister’s sister
Numbardee mother
Numbardee mother’s sister
Beealahdee father
Beealahdee mother’s sisters’ husbands
Gnahgnahdee grandmother on father’s 味方する
Bargie grandmother on mother’s 味方する
Dadadee grandfather on mother’s 味方する
Gurroomi a son-in-法律, or one who could be a son-in-法律
Goonooahdee a daughter-in-法律, or one who could be a daughter-in-法律
Gooleerh husband or wife, or one who might be so

So 関係s are always kept in their memories by 存在 daily used as 指名するs. There are other general 指名するs, too, such as—

Mullayerh a 一時的な mate or companion
Moothie a friend of childhood in after life
Doore-oothai a lover
Dillahga an 年輩の man of the same totem
Tuckandee a young man of the same totem, reckoned as a sort of brother

Another 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of 指名するs used ordinarily is—

Boothan last possible child of a woman
Mahmee old woman
Beewun motherless girl
Gowun fatherless girl
Yumbui fatherless boy
Moogul only child

Those of the same totem are reckoned as brothers and sisters, so cannot intermarry. ‘Boyjerh’ relations, as those on the father’s 味方する are called, are not so important as on the mother’s 味方する, but are still recognised.

Now for the 広大な／多数の／重要な Dhé, or totem system, by some called Mah, but Dhé, is the more 訂正する.

Dinewan, or emu, is a totem, and has amongst its ‘multiplex totems’ or ‘sub-totems’—

Goodoo or codfish
Gumbarl silver bream
Inga crayfish
Boomool shrimps
Gowargay water emu spirit
Moograbah big 黒人／ボイコット-and-white magpie
Booloorl little night フクロウ
Byahmul 黒人／ボイコット swan
Eerin a little night フクロウ
Beerwon a bird like a swallow
Dulloorah the manna-bringing birds
Bunnyal 飛行機で行くs
Dheal sacred 解雇する／砲火／射撃
Gidya an acacia
Yaraan an eucalyptus
Deenyi ironbark
Guatha quandong
Goodooroo river box
Mirieh poligonum
Yarragerh the north-east 勝利，勝つd
 Guie tree—owenia acidula
Niune wild melon
Binnamayah big saltbush

Bohrah, the kangaroo, is another totem, and is considered somewhat akin to Dinewan. For example, in a quarrel between, say, the Bohrah totem and the Beewee, the Dinewan would take the part of the former rather than the latter.

Amongst the multiplex totems of Bohrah are—

Goolahwilleel topknot pigeons
Boogoodoogadah the rain-bird
Gilah pink-breasted parrot
Quarrian yellow and red breasted grey parrot
Buln Buln green parrot
Gidgerregah small green parrot
Cocklerina a rose and yellow crested white cockatoo
Youayah frogs
Guiggahboorool biggest ant-beds
Dunnia wattle tree
Mulga an acacia
Gnoel sandalwood
Brigalow an acacia
Yarragerh north-east 勝利，勝つd, same as Dinewan’s

All clouds, 雷, 雷鳴, and rain that is not blown up by the 勝利，勝つd of another totem, belong to Bohrah.

Beewee, brown and yellow Iguana, numerically a very powerful totem, has for multiplex totems—

Gai-gai catfish
Curreequinquin butcher-bird
Gougourgahgah laughing-jackass
Deenbi divers
Birroo Birroo sand 建設業者s
Deegeenboyah 兵士-bird
Weedah bower-bird
Mooregoo Mooregoo 黒人／ボイコット ibis
Booloon white crane
Noodulnoodul whistling ducks
Goborrai 星／主役にするs
Gulghureer pink lizard
Goori pine
Talingerh native fuchsia
Guiebet native passion fruit
Boonburr 毒（薬） tree
Gungooday stockman’s 支持を得ようと努めるd
Guddeeboondoo bitter bark
Boorgoolbean or Mooloowerh a shrub with creamy blossoms
Yarragerh spring 勝利，勝つd
Muddernwurderh west 勝利，勝つd

Those with whom the Beewee 株 the 勝利，勝つd he counts as relations. It is the Beewees of the Gwaimudthen, or dark 血, who own Yarragerh (spring 勝利，勝つd); the light-血d own Mudderwurderh (west 勝利，勝つd).

Another totem is Gouyou, or Bandicoot. The animal has disappeared from the Narran 地区, but the totem tribe is still strong, though not so 非常に／多数の as either the Beewees or Dinewans.

Multiplex totems of Gouyou—

Wayarnberh 海がめ
Mungghee mussels
Piggiebillah porcupine
Dayahminnah small carpet snake
Mungun large carpet snake
Douyouie ants
Moondoo wasps
Murgahmuggui spider
Bayarh green-長，率いる ants
Mubboo beefwood
Coolabah eucalyptus, flooded box
Bingahwingul needlebush
Mayarnah 石／投石するs
Gheeger Gheeger 冷淡な west 勝利，勝つd
Gibbon yam
Boondoon kingfisher
Durnerh brown pigeon
 Guineeboo redbreasts
Munggheewurraywurraymul seagulls
Guiggah ordinary ant-beds

Next we take Doolungaiyah, or Bilber, 一般的に known as Bilby, a large 種類 of ネズミ the size of a small rabbit, like which it burrows; almost died out now. The totem 一族／派閥 are very few here too, so it is difficult to learn much as to their multiplex totems, amongst which, however, are—

Ooboon blue-tongued lizard
Goomblegubbon plains turkey or bustard
Boothagullagulla bird like seagull
Tekel Barain large white amaryllis

Douyou, 黒人／ボイコット snake, totem （人命などを）奪う，主張するs—

Noongah kurrajong—sterculia
Carbeen an eucalyptus
Booroorerh bulrushes
Gargooloo yams
Yhi the sun (feminine)
Gunyahmoo the east 勝利，勝つd
Kurreah crocodile
Wa-ah 爆撃するs
Douyougurrah earth-worms
Deereeree willy wagtail
Burrengeen jeewee
Bouyoudoorunnillee grey cranes
Ouyan curlew
Bouyougah centipedes
Bubburr big snake
Woggoon scrub turkey
Beeargah crane
Waggestmul 肉親，親類d of ネズミ
Wi small fish
Millan small water-yam—sourtop

Moodai, or opossum, another totem, （人命などを）奪う，主張するs—

Bibbil popular-leaved gum
Bumble capparis mitchellianni
Birah whitewood
Beebuyer yellow flowering broom
Illay hop bush
Mirrie wild currant bush
Mooregoo 押し寄せる／沼地 oak—belah
Mungoongarlee largest iguana
Mouyi white cockatoo
Beeleer 黒人／ボイコット cockatoo
Wungghee white night フクロウ
Mooregoo mopoke
Narahdarn bat
Bahloo moon
Euloowirrie rainbow
Bibbee キツツキ
Billai crimson wing parrot
Durrahgeegin green frog

Maira, a 米，稲 melon, （人命などを）奪う，主張するs as multiplex totems—

Wahn the crow
Mullyan the eagle-強硬派
Gooboothoo doves
Goolayyalilee pelican
Oonaywah 黒人／ボイコット diver
Gunundar white diver
Birriebungar small diver
Mounin mosquito
Mouninguggahgui mosquito bird
Bullah Bullah バタフライs
Tucki a 肉親，親類d of bream
Beewerh bony bream
Gulbarlee shingleback lizard
Budtha rosewood
Goodoogah yalli
Wayarah wild grapes
Garwah rivers
Gooroongoodilbaydilbay south 勝利，勝つd

It is said a Maira will never be 溺死するd, for the rivers are a sub-totem of theirs; but I notice they にもかかわらず learn to swim.

Yubbah, carpet snake, as a 肉親，親類 has almost disappeared, only a few members remaining to （人命などを）奪う，主張する

Mungahran 強硬派

Burrahwahn, a big sandhill ネズミ, now extinct here, （人命などを）奪う，主張するs—

Mien dingo
Dalleerin a lizard
Gaengaen wild lime
Willerhderh, or Douran Douran north 勝利，勝つd
Bralgah native companion

Buckandee, native cat 肉親，親類, （人命などを）奪う，主張する—

Buggila ヒョウ 支持を得ようと努めるd
Bean myall
Bunbundoolooey a little brown bird
Dunnee Bunbun a very large green parrot
Dooroongul hairy caterpillar

Amongst other totems were once the Bralgah, Native Companion, and Dibbee, a sort of sandpiper, but their 肉親，親類s are やめる extinct as far as our 黒人／ボイコットs are 関心d; the birds themselves are still plentiful. The Bralgah birds have a Boorah ground at the 支援する of our old horse-paddock, a smooth, 井戸／弁護士席-beaten circle, where they dance the grotesque dances peculiar to them, which are really most amusing to watch, somewhat like a 始める，決める of kitchen lancers into which some dignified dames have got by mistake, and a curious mixture is the dance of dignity and romping.

The totem 肉親，親類s numerically strongest with us were the Dinewans, Beewees, Bohrahs, and Gouyous. その上の 支援する in the country, they tell me, the crow, the eaglehawk, and the bees were 初めの totems, not multiplex ones, as with us.

It may be 同様に for those 利益／興味d in the marriage 法律 puzzles to 明言する／公表する that Dinewans, Bohrahs, Douyous, and Doolungayers are always

Kumbo Hippi
Bootha Hippitha.

That Moodai, Gouyou, Beewee, Maira, Yubbah are always

Murree Kubbee
Matha Kubbootha.

Our 黒人／ボイコットs may and do eat their hereditary totems, if so desirous, with no ill 影響s to themselves, either real or imaginary; their totem 指名するs they take from their mothers. They may, in fact, in any way use their totems, but never 乱用 them. A Beewee, for example, may kill, or see another kill, and eat or use a Beewee, or one of its multiplex totems, and show no 調印する of 悲しみ or 怒り／怒る. but should any one speak evil of the Beewee, or of any of its multiplex totems, there will be a quarrel.

There will likewise be a quarrel if any one dares to mimic a totem, either by 製図／抽選 one, except at Boorahs, or imitating it in any way.

There are members of the tribes, principally wizards, or men ーするつもりであるd to be such, who are given an individual totem called Yunbeai. This they must never eat or they will die. Any 傷害 to his yunbeai 傷つけるs the man himself. In danger he has the 力／強力にする to assume the 形態／調整 of his yunbeai, which of course is a 広大な／多数の／重要な 援助 to him, 特に in 伝説の lore; but, on the other 手渡す, a yunbeai is almost a Heel of Achilles to a wirreenun (see the 一時期／支部 on 薬／医学 and 魔法).

Women are given a yunbeai too, いつかs. One girl had a yunbeai given her as a child, and she was to be brought up as a witch, but she caught rheumatic fever which left her with St. Vitus’s dance. The yunbeai during one of her bad attacks jumped out of her, and she lost her chance of witchery. One old fellow told me once that when he was going to a public-house he took a miniature form of his yunbeai, which was the Kurrea—crocodile—out of himself and put it safety in a 瓶／封じ込める of water, in 事例／患者 by any chance he got drunk, and an enemy, knowing his yunbeai, 説得するd it away. I 手配中の，お尋ね者 to see that yunbeai in a 瓶／封じ込める, but never 後継するd.

The differences between the hereditary totem or Dhé, 相続するd from the mother, and the individual totem or yunbeai, acquired by chance, are these: Food 制限s do not 影響する／感情 the totem, but marriage 制限s do; the yunbeai has no marriage 制限s; a man having an opossum for yunbeai may marry a woman having the same either as her yunbeai or hereditary totem, other things 存在 in order, but under no circumstances must a yunbeai be eaten by its possessor.

The yunbeai is a sort of alter ego; a man’s spirit is in his yunbeai, and his yunbeai’s spirit in him.

A Minggah, or spirit-haunted tree of an individual, usually chosen from amongst a man’s multiplex totems, is another source of danger to him, as also a help.

As Mr. Canton says: ‘What singular threads of superstition 貯蔵所d the ends of the earth together! In an old German story a pair of lovers about to part chose each a tree, and by the tree of the absent one was the one left to know of his wellbeing or the 逆転する. In time his tree died, and she, 審理，公聴会 no news of him, pined away, her tree withering with her, and both dying at the same time.

井戸／弁護士席, that is just what a wirreenun would believe about his Minggah. These Minggah and Goomarh spirit trees and 石／投石するs always make me think, perhaps irrelevantly, of one of the 回復するd 説s of the Lord, which ends ‘Raise the 石／投石する, and there thou shalt find Me; cleave the 支持を得ようと努めるd, and I am there.’

黒人／ボイコットs were 早期に scientists in some of their ideas, 存在 before Darwin with the 進化 theory, only theirs was a 肉親，親類d of 進化 補佐官d by Byamee. I dare say, though, the 行方不明の link is somewhere in the legends. I rather think the Central Australians have the 重要な to it. One old man here was やめる an Ibsen with his 恐ろしい 見解／翻訳／版 of 遺伝.

He said, when I asked him what 害（を与える） it would do for, say, a Beewee totem man to come from the 湾 country, where his tribe had never had any communication with ours, and marry a girl here,—that all Beewees were 初めは changed from the Beewee form into human 形態／調整. The Beewee of the 湾, 初めは, like the Beewee here, had the same animal 形態／調整, and should two of this same 血 mate the offspring would throw 支援する, as they say of horses, to the 初めの 緊張する, and partake of iguana (Beewee) せいにするs either in nature or form.

From the 声明s just given, it will be seen that the Euahlayi are in the Kamilaroi 行う／開催する／段階 of social organisation. They reckon 降下／家系 in the 女性（の） line: they have ‘phratries’ and four matrimonial classes, with totems within the phratries. In their system of ‘multiplex-totems’ or ‘sub-totems’ they 似ている the Wotjobaluk tribe.[Howitt, Native Tribes Of South-East Australia, pp. 121, 125, 453, 455.] The essence of the ‘sub-totem’ system is the 分割 of all things into the 部類s 供給するd by the social system of the human society. The 協定 is a very 早期に 試みる／企てる at a 科学の system of 分類.

Perhaps the most peculiar feature in the organisation of the Euahlayi is the 存在 of Matrimonial Classes, which are 指名するd as in the Kamilaroi tongue, while the phratry 指名するs are not those of the Kamilaroi, and alone の中で phratry 指名するs in Australia which can be translated, are not 指名するs of animals. The phratries have thus no 統括するing animals, and in the phratries there are no totem 肉親，親類s of the phratriac 指名するs. The 原因（となる） of these peculiarities is 事柄 of conjecture.

A peculiarity in the totemic system of the Euahlayi—the 権利 of each individual to kill and eat his own totem—has been について言及するd, and may be associated here with other タブーs on food.

The wunnarl, or food タブー, was taken off a different 肉親，親類d of food for boys at each Boorah, until at last they could eat what they pleased except their yunbeai, or individual familiar: their Dhé, or family totem, was never wunnarl or タブー to them.

A child may not perhaps know that it has had a yunbeai given to it, and may eat of it in ignorance, when すぐに they say that child sickens.

Should a boy or a girl eat plains turkey or bustard eggs while they were yet wunnarl, or タブー, he or she would lose his or her sight. Should they eat the eggs or flesh of kangaroo or piggiebillah, their 肌s would break out in sores and their 四肢s wither.

Even honey is wunnarl at times to all but the very old or very young. Fish is wunnarl for about four years after his Boorah to a boy, and about four months after she is wirreebeeun, or young woman, to a girl.

When the wunnarl was taken off a particular 肉親，親類d of meat, a wizard 注ぐd some of the melted fat and inside 血 of that animal or bird, as the 事例／患者 might be, over the boy, and rubbed it into him. The boy, shaking and shivering, made a spluttering noise with his lips; after that he could eat of the hitherto forbidden food.

This did not やむを得ず 言及する to his totem, but any food wunnarl to him, though it is possible that there may have been a time in 部族の history, now forgotten, when totems were wunnarl, and these 儀式s may be all that is left to point to that time.

When a boy, after his first Boorah, killed his first emu, whether it was his Dhé, or totem, or not, his father made him 嘘（をつく） on the bird before it was cooked. Afterwards a wirreenun (wizard) and the father rubbed the fat on the boy’s 共同のs, and put a piece of the flesh in his mouth. ‘The boy chewed it, making a noise as he did so of fright and disgust; finally he dropped the meat from his mouth, making a blowing noise through his lips of ‘Ooh! Ooh! Ooh!’ After that he could eat the flesh.

A girl, too, had to be rubbed with the fat and 血 of anything from which the wunnarl was to be 除去するd for her. No 儀式 of this sort would be gone through with the flesh, fat, or 血 of any one’s yunbeai, or individual familiar animal, for under no circumstances would any one kill or eat their yunbeai.

関心ing the yunbeai, or animal familiar of the individual, conferred by the 薬／医学 men, more is to be said in the 続いて起こるing 一時期／支部s. The yunbeai answers to the Manitu 得るd by Red Indians during the 急速な／放蕩な at puberty; to the ‘Bush Soul’ of West Africa; to the Nagual of South American tribes; and to the Nyarong of Borneo. The yunbeai has hitherto been scarcely 発言／述べるd on の中で Australian tribes. Mr. Thomas 宣言するs it to be ‘almost 非，不，無-existent’ in Australia, について言及するing as exceptions its presence の中で the Euahlayi; the Wotjobaluk in Victoria; the Yaraikkanna of Cape York; and ‘probably’ some of the northern tribes on the other 味方する of the 湾 of Carpentaria.[Man (1904), No. 53, p. 85.]

Perhaps attention has not been directed to the animal familiar in Australia, or perhaps it is really an infrequent thing の中で the tribes.

一時期／支部 4
The 薬／医学 Men

I used to wonder how the wirreenuns or doctor-wizards of the tribe 達成するd their degrees.

I 設立する out that the old wizards 直す／買収する，八百長をする upon a young boy who is to follow their profession. They take him to a 部族の burial-ground at night. There they tie him 負かす／撃墜する and leave him, after having lit some 解雇する／砲火／射撃s of fat at short distances 一連の会議、交渉／完成する him.

During the night that boy, if he be 不安定な in his 神経s, has rather a bad time.

One doctor of our tribe gave me a recital of his own 早期に experience.

He said, after the old fellows had gone, a spirit （機の）カム to him, and without undoing his fastenings by which he was bound, turned him over, then went away. Scarcely had the spirit 出発／死d when a big 星／主役にする fell straight from the sky と一緒に the boy; he gazed fixedly at it, and saw 現れる from it, first the two hind 脚s, then the whole of a Beewee or iguana. The boy’s totem was a Beewee, so he knew it would not 傷つける him. It ran の近くに up to him, climbed on him, ran 負かす／撃墜する his whole length, then went away.

Next （機の）カム a snake straight に向かって his nose, hissing all the time. He was 脅すd now, for the snake is the hereditary enemy of the iguana. The boy struggled to 解放する／自由な himself, but ineffectually. He tried to call out but 設立する himself dumb. He tried to shut his 注目する，もくろむs, or turn them from the snake, but was 権力のない to do so. The snake はうd on to him and licked him. Then it went away, leaving the boy as one paralysed. Next （機の）カム a 抱擁する 人物／姿／数字 to him, having in its 手渡す a gunnai or yam stick. The 人物／姿／数字 drove this into the boy’s 長，率いる, pulled it out through his 支援する, and in the 穴を開ける thus made placed a ‘Gubberah,’ or sacred 石／投石する, with the help of which much of the boy’s 魔法 in the 未来 was to be worked.

This 石／投石する was about the size and something the 形態／調整 of a small lemon, looking like a smoothed lump of 半分-transparent 水晶. It is in such 石／投石するs that the wi-wirreenuns, or cleverest wizards, see 見通しs of the past, of what is happening in the 現在の at a distance, and of the 未来; also by directing rays from them に向かって their 犠牲者s they are said to 原因（となる） instantaneous death.

Next, to the doctor-boy on 裁判，公判, （機の）カム the spirits of the dead who corroboreed 一連の会議、交渉／完成する him, 詠唱するing songs 十分な of sacred lore as regards the art of 傷をいやす／和解させるing, and 指示／教授／教育s how, when he needed it, he could call upon their 援助（する）.

Then they silently and mysteriously disappeared. The next day one of the old wizards （機の）カム to 解放（する） the boy; he kept him away from the （軍の）野営地，陣営 all day and at night took him to a weedah, or bower-bird’s, playground. There he tied him 負かす／撃墜する again, and there the boy was visited again by the spirits of the dead, and more lore was imparted to him.

The 推論する／理由 given for taking him to a weedah’s playground is, that before the weedah was changed into a bird, he was a 広大な／多数の／重要な wirreenun; that is why, as a bird, he makes such a collection of pebbles and bones at his playground.

The bower-bird’s playgrounds are 非常に／多数の in the bush. They are made of grass built into a テント-形態／調整d arch open at each end, through which the weedahs run in and out, and scattered in heaps all around are white bones and 黒人／ボイコット 石／投石するs, bits of glass, and いつかs we have 設立する coins, （犯罪の）一味s, and brooches.

The weedahs do not lay their eggs at their playgrounds; their nests are hard to find. A little boy always known as ‘Weedah,’ died lately, so probably a new 指名する will have to be 設立する for the bird, or to について言及する it will be タブー, at all events before the old people, who never 許す the 指名するs of the dead to be について言及するd.

For several nights the 医療の student was tied 負かす／撃墜する in 事例／患者 he should be 脅すd and run away, after that he was left without 社債s. He was kept away from the （軍の）野営地，陣営 for about two months. But he was not 許すd to become a practitioner until he was some years older: first he dealt in conjuring, later on he was permitted to show his knowledge of pharmacy.

His conjuring cures are divers.

A 燃やす he cures by sucking lumps of charcoal from it. Obstinate 苦痛s in the chest, the wizard says, must be 原因（となる）d by some enemy having put a dead person’s hair, or bone in it. Looking 知恵 personified in truly professional manner, he sucks at the 影響する／感情d 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, and soon produces from his mouth hair, bones, or whatever he said was there.

If this 約束-傷をいやす／和解させるing does not 後継する, a stronger wizard than he must have bewitched the 患者; he will 協議する the spirits. To that end he goes to his Minggah, a tree or 石／投石する—more often a tree, only the very greatest wirreenuns have 石／投石するs, which are called Goomah—where his own and any spirits friendly に向かって him may dwell.

He finds out there who the enemy is, and whence he 得るd his 毒（薬）. If a wirreenun is too far away to 協議する his friendly spirits in person, he can send his Mullee Mullee, or dream spirit, to interview them.

He may learn that an enemy has 逮捕（する）d the sick person’s Doowee, or dream spirit—only wirreenuns’ dream spirits are Mullee Mullee, the others are Doowee—then he makes it his 商売／仕事 to get that Doowee 支援する.

These dream spirits are rather troublesome 所有／入手s while their human habitations sleep they can leave them and wander at will. The things seen in dreams are supposed to be what the Doowees see while away from the sleeping 団体／死体s. This wandering of the Doowees is a 広大な／多数の／重要な chance for their enemies: 逮捕（する） the Doowee and the 団体／死体 sickens; knock the Doowee about before it returns and the 団体／死体 wakes up tired and languid. Should the Doowee not return at all, the person from whom it wandered dies. When you wake up unaccountably tired in the morning, be sure your Doowee has been ‘on the spree,’ having a 解放する／自由な fight or something of that sort. And though your Doowee may give you at times lovely 見通しs of passing 楽園s, on the whole you would be better without him.

There is on the Queensland 国境 country a dillee 捕らえる、獲得する 十分な of unclaimed Doowees. The wirreenun who has 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of this is one of the most 恐れるd of wirreenuns; he is a 広大な／多数の／重要な magician, who, with his wonder-working glassy 石／投石するs, can conjure up 見通しs of the old fleshly habitations of the 逮捕（する）d Doowees.

He has Gubberahs, or clever 石／投石するs, in which are the active spirits of evil-working devils, 同様に as others to work good. Should a Doowee once get into this wirreenun’s 捕らえる、獲得する, which has the 力／強力にする of self-movement, there is not a 広大な／多数の／重要な chance of getting it 支援する, though it is いつかs said to be done by a 競争相手 combination of 魔法. The worst of it is that ordinary people have no 力／強力にする over their Doowees; all they can do is to guard against their escaping by trying to keep their mouths shut while asleep.

The wirreenuns are masters of their Mullee Mullees, sending them where they please, to do what they are ordered, always 供給するd they do not 会合，会う a greater than themselves.

All sorts of 複雑化s arise through the substitution of mad or evil spirits for the rightful Doowee. Be sure if you think any one has suddenly changed his character unaccountably, there has been some hankey-pankey with that person’s Doowee. One of the greatest 警告s of coming evil is to see your totem in a dream; such a 調印する is a 先触れ（する） of misfortune to you or one of your 即座の 肉親，親類. Should a wirreenun, perhaps for 敵意, perhaps for the sake of 身代金, decide to 逮捕（する） a Doowee, he will send his Mullee Mullee out to do it, bidding the Mullee Mullee secrete the Doowee in his—the wirreenun’s—Minggah, tree or 激しく揺する.

When he is 協議するd as to the return of the 行方不明の Doowee, he will order the one who has lost it to sleep, then the Doowee, should the 条件 made 控訴 the wirreenun, re-enters the 団体／死体. Should it not do so, the Doowee-いっそう少なく one is doomed to die.

In a wirreenun’s Minggah, too, are often secreted 影をつくる／尾行する spirits stolen from their owners, who are by their loss dying a ぐずぐず残る death, for no man can live without Mulloowil, his 影をつくる／尾行する. Every one has a 影をつくる／尾行する spirit which he is very careful not to parade before his enemies, as any 傷害 to it 影響する／感情s himself. A wirreenun can 徐々に 縮む the 影をつくる／尾行する’s size, the owner sickens and dies. ‘May your 影をつくる／尾行する never be いっそう少なく!’

The 影をつくる／尾行する of a wirreenun is, like his 長，率いる, always mahgarl, or タブー; any one touching either will be made to 苦しむ for such sacrilege.

A man’s Minggah is 一般に a tree from amongst his multiplex totems, as having greater 推論する／理由 to help him, 存在 of the same family.

In his Minggah a wirreenun will probably keep some Wundah, or white devil spirits, with which to work evil. There, too, he often keeps his yunbeai, or animal spirit—that is, his individual totem, not hereditary one. All wirreenuns have a yunbeai, and いつかs a special favourite of the wirreenuns is given a yunbeai too—or in the event of any one 存在 very ill, he is given a yunbeai, and the strength of that animal goes into the 患者, making him strong again, or a dying wirreenun leaves his yunbeai to some one else. Though this spirit gives extra strength it likewise gives an extra danger, for any 傷害 to the animal 傷つけるs the man too; thus even wirreenuns are exposed to danger.

No one, as we have said, must eat the flesh of his yunbeai animal; he may of his family totem, 相続するd from his mother, but of his yunbeai or individual familiar, never.

A wirreenun can assume the 形態／調整 of his yunbeai; so if his yunbeai were, for example, a bird, and the wirreenun were in danger of 存在 負傷させるd or killed, he would change himself into that bird and 飛行機で行く away.

A 広大な／多数の／重要な wirreenun can 代用品，人 one yunbeai for another, as was done when the opossum disappeared from our 地区, and the wirreenun, whose yunbeai it was, sickened and lay ill for months. Two very powerful wirreenuns gave him a new yunbeai, piggiebillah, the porcupine. His 回復 began at once. The porcupine had been one of his favourite foods; from the time its spirit was put into him as his yunbeai, he never touched it.

A wirreenun has the 力／強力にする to conjure up a 見通し of his particular yunbeai, which he can make 明白な to those whom he chooses shall see it.

The 黒人／ボイコットs always told me that a very old man on the Narran, dead some years ago, would show me his yunbeai if I wished; it was Oolah, the prickly lizard.

One day I went to the （軍の）野営地，陣営, saw the old man in his usual airy 衣装, only assumed as I （機の）カム in sight, a tailless shirt. One of the gins said something to him; he growled an answer; she seemed 説得するing him to do something. Presently he moved away to a やめる （疑いを）晴らす 位置／汚点／見つけ出す on the other 味方する of the 解雇する／砲火／射撃; he muttered something in a sing-song 発言する／表明する, and suddenly I saw him （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing his 長，率いる as if in accompaniment to his song, and then—where it （機の）カム from I can’t say—there beside him was a lizard. That fragment of a shirt was too transparent to have hidden that lizard; he could not have had it up his sleeve, because his sleeves were in shreds. It may have been a pet lizard that he charmed in from the bush by his song, but I did not see it arrive.

They told me this old man had two yunbeai, the other was a snake. He often had them in 証拠 at his （軍の）野営地，陣営, and when he died they were seen beside him; there they remained until he was put into his 棺, then they disappeared and were never seen again. This man was the greatest of our 地元の wizards, and I think really the last of the very clever ones. They say he was an old grey-長，率いるd man when Sir Thomas Mitchell first 調査するd the Narran 地区 in 1845. We always considered him a centenarian.

It was through him that I heard some of the best of the old legends, with an interpreter to make good our 各々の 欠陥／不足s in each other’s language.

In the lives of 黒人／ボイコットs, or rather in their deaths, the Gooweera, or 毒（薬） sticks or bones, play a 広大な／多数の／重要な part.

A Gooweera is a stick about six インチs long and half an インチ through, pointed at both ends. This is used for sickening or 殺人，大当り men.

A Guddeegooree is a 類似の stick, but much smaller, about three インチs in length, and is used against women.

A man wishing to 負傷させる another takes one of these sticks, and warms it at a small 解雇する／砲火／射撃 he has made; he sticks the gooweera in the ground a few インチs from the 解雇する／砲火／射撃. While it is warming, he 詠唱するs an incantation, telling who he wants to kill, why he wants to kill him, how long he wants the 過程 to last, whether it is to be sudden death or a ぐずぐず残る sickness.

The 詠唱する over, and the gooweera warmed, he takes it from the 解雇する／砲火／射撃. Should he wish to kill his enemy quickly, he 貯蔵所d opossum hair cord 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the stick, only leaving one point exposed; should he only want to make his enemy ill, he only 部分的に／不公平に 貯蔵所d the stick. Then he 関係 a ligature tightly 一連の会議、交渉／完成する his 権利 arm, between the wrist and 肘, and taking the gooweera, or guddeegooree, によれば the sex of his enemy, he points it at the person he wishes to 負傷させる, taking care he is not seen doing it.

Suddenly he feels the stick becoming heavier, he knows then it is 製図／抽選 the 血 from his enemy. The 毒（薬） is 妨げるd from entering himself by the ligature he has put 一連の会議、交渉／完成する his arm. When the gooweera is 激しい enough he 中止するs pointing it.

If he wants to kill the person 完全な, he goes away, makes a small 穴を開ける in the earth, makes a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 beside it. In this 穴を開ける he puts a few Dheal leaves—Dheal is the tree sacred to the dead; on 最高の，を越す of the leaves he puts the gooweera, then more leaves. This done, he goes away. The next day he comes 支援する with his 手渡す he 攻撃する，衝突するs the earth beside the buried stick, out jumps the gooweera, his enemy is dead. He takes the stick, which may be used many times, and goes on his way 満足させるd. Should he only wish to （打撃，刑罰などを）与える a ぐずぐず残る illness on his enemy, he 差し控えるs from burying the gooweera, and in this 事例／患者 it is possible to save the afflicted person.

For instance, should any one 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う the man with the gooweera of having 原因（となる）d the illness, knowing of some grudge he had against the sick person, the one who 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うs will probably intercede for mercy. The man may 否定する that he knows anything about it. He may, on the other 手渡す, 自白する that he is the スパイ／執行官. If the intercessions 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる, he produces the gooweera, rubs it all over with iguana fat, and gives the intercessor what fat is left to rub over the sick person, who, on that 存在 done, 徐々に 回復するs his normal 条件 after having probably been 減ずるd to a living 骸骨／概要 from an indescribable wasting sickness, which I 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う we （一定の）期間 funk.

The best way to make a gooweera 効果的な is to tie on the end of it some hair from the 犠牲者’s 長，率いる—a lock of hair 存在, in this country of upside-負かす／撃墜するs, a hate 記念品 instead of one of love.

When the lock of hair method is chosen as a means of happy 派遣（する）, the 過程 is carried out by a professional.

The hair is taken to the Boogahroo—a 捕らえる、獲得する of hair and gooweeras—which is kept by one or two powerful wirreenuns in a 確かな Minggah. The wirreenun on receiving the hair asks to whom it belongs. Should it belong to one of a tribe he is favourably 性質の／したい気がして に向かって, he takes the gooweera or hair, puts it in the 捕らえる、獲得する, but never sings the death song over it, nor does he warm it.

Should he, however, be indifferent, or ill-性質の／したい気がして に向かって the individual or his tribe, he 完全にするs the 過程 by going through the form already given, or rather when there are two wirreenuns at the Boogahroo, the receiver of the hair gives it to the other one, who sings the death-song, warms the gooweera, and 燃やすs the hair. The person from whose 長，率いる the hair on the gooweera （機の）カム, then by 同情的な 魔法, at whatever distance he is, dies a sudden or ぐずぐず残る death によれば the incantation sung over the 毒（薬）-stick. Gooweeras need not やむを得ず be of 支持を得ようと努めるd; bone is いつかs used, and in these latter days even アイロンをかける.

いつかs at a large 会合 of the 黒人／ボイコットs the Boogahroo wirreenuns bring the 捕らえる、獲得する and produce from it さまざまな locks of hair, which the owners or their relations recognise, （人命などを）奪う，主張する, and 回復する. They find out, from the wirreenun, who put them there; on 伸び（る）ing which knowledge a 部族の 反目，不和 is 宣言するd—a 正規の／正選手 vendetta, which lasts from 世代 to 世代.

If it be known that a man has stolen a lock of hair, he will be watched and 妨げるd from reaching the Boogahroo tree, if possible.

These gooweeras used to be a terrible nuisance to us on the 駅／配置する. A really good working 黒人／ボイコット boy would say he must leave, he was going to die. On 調査 we would 抽出する the （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） that some one was pointing a gooweera at him.

Then いつかs the whole （軍の）野営地，陣営 was upset; a strange 黒人／ボイコット fellow had arrived, and was said to have brought gooweeras. This reaching the boss’s ears, 没収 would result ーするために 回復する peace of mind in the （軍の）野営地，陣営. Before I left the 駅／配置する a gin brought me a gooweera and told me to keep it; she had stolen it from her husband, who had 脅すd to point it at her for talking to another man.

Some of them, though they still had 約束 in the 力／強力にする of such charms, had 約束 also in me. I used to 運動 devils out with 特許 薬／医学s; my タバコ and 特許 薬／医学 accounts while collecting folk-lore were enormous.

A wirreenun, or, in fact, any one having a yunbeai, has the 力／強力にする to cure any one 苦しむing an 傷害 from whatever that yunbeai is; as, for example, a man whose yunbeai is a 黒人／ボイコット snake can cure a man who is bitten by a 黒人／ボイコット snake, the method 存在 to 詠唱する an incantation which makes the yunbeai enter the stricken 団体／死体 and 運動 out the 毒（薬）. These さまざまな incantations are a large part of the wirreenun’s education; not least 価値のある amongst them is the 詠唱する sung over the 跡をつけるs of snakes, which （判決などを）下すs the bites of those snakes innocuous.

一時期／支部 5
More About The 薬／医学 Men And Leechcraft

The wirreenuns いつかs 持つ／拘留する 会合s which they 許す 非，不，無-professionals to …に出席する. At these the spirits of the dead speak through the medium of those they liked best on earth, and whose 団体／死体s their spirits now animate. These spirits are known as Yowee, the 同等（の） of our soul, which never leave the 団体／死体 of the living, growing as it grows, and when it dies take judgment for it, and can at will assume its perishable 形態／調整 unless reincarnated in another form. So you see each person has at least three spirits, and some four, as follows: his Yowee, soul 同等（の）; his Doowee, a dream spirit; his Mulloowil, a 影をつくる／尾行する spirit; and may be his Yunbeai, or animal spirit.

いつかs one person is so good a medium as to have the spirits of almost any one amongst the dead people speak through him or her, in the whistling spirit 発言する／表明する.

I think it is very clever of these mediums to have decided that spirits all have one sort of 発言する／表明する.

At these 会合s there would be 広大な／多数の／重要な 競争 の中で the wirreenuns. The one who could produce the most magical 石／投石するs would be supposed to be the most powerful. The strength of the 石／投石するs in them, whether swallowed or rubbed in through their 長，率いるs, 追加するs its strength to theirs, for these 石／投石するs are living spirits, as it were, breathing and growing in their fleshly 事例／患者s, the owner having the 力／強力にする to produce them at any time. The manifestation of such 力／強力にする is いつかs, at one of these 裁判，公判s of 魔法, a small にわか雨 of pebbles as seeming to 落ちる from the 長，率いるs and mouths of the 競争相手s, and should by chance any one steal any of these as they 落ちる, the 力／強力にする of the 初めの possessor would be 少なくなるd. The dying bequeath these 石／投石するs, their most precious 所有／入手s, to the living wirreenun most nearly 関係のある to them.

The wirreenun’s health and 力／強力にする not only depend upon his 水晶s and yunbeai, but also on his Minggah; should an 事故 happen to that, unless he has another, he will die—in any 事例／患者, he will sicken. Many of the legends を取り引きする the 魔法 of these spirit-animated trees.

They are places of 避難 in time of danger; no one save the wirreenun, whose spirit-tree it was, would dare to touch a 難民 at a Minggah; and should the 聖域 be a Goomarh, or spirit-石／投石する, not even a wirreenun would dare to 干渉する, so that it is a perfectly 安全な 聖域 from humanly dealt evil. But a 難民 at a Minggah or Goomarh runs a 広大な／多数の／重要な 危険 of incurring the wrath of the spirits, for Minggah are タブー to all but their own wirreenun.

There was a Minggah, a 広大な／多数の／重要な gaunt Coolabah, 近づく our river garden. Some gilahs build in it every year, but nothing would induce the most avaricious of 黒人／ボイコット bird-collectors to get the young ones from there.

A wirreenun’s boondoorr, or dillee 捕らえる、獲得する, 持つ／拘留するs a queer collection: several sizes of gooweeras, of both bone and 支持を得ようと努めるd, 毒（薬）-石／投石するs, bones, gubberahs (sacred 石／投石するs), perhaps a dillee—the biggest, most magical 石／投石する used for 水晶-gazing, the spirit out of which is said to go to the person of whom you want to hear, wherever he is, to see what he is doing, and then show you the person in the 水晶. A dinahgurrerhlowah, or moolee, death-取引，協定ing 石／投石する, which is said to knock a person insensible, or strike him dead as 雷 would by an instantaneous flash.

To these are 追加するd in this miscellaneous collection medicinal herbs, nose-bones to put through the cartilage of his nose when going to a strange （軍の）野営地，陣営, so that he will not smell strangers easily. The 黒人／ボイコットs say the smell of white people makes them sick; we in our arrogance had thought it the other way on.

Swansdown, 爆撃するs, and woven 立ち往生させるs of opossum’s hair are 価値のある, and guarded as such in the boondoorr, which is いつかs kept for safety in the wirreenun’s Minggah.

Having dealt with the supernatural part of a wirreenun’s training, which argues cunning in him and credulity in others, I must get to his more natural 治療（薬）s.

Snakebite they cure by sucking the 負傷させる and cauterising it with a firestick. They say they suck out the young snakes which have been 注入するd into the bitten person.

For 頭痛s or 苦痛s which do not 産する／生じる to the vegetable 薬／医学, the wirreenuns tie a piece of opossum’s hair string 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the sore place, take one end in their mouths, and pull it 一連の会議、交渉／完成する and 一連の会議、交渉／完成する until it draws 血 along the cord. For rheumatic 苦痛s in the 長，率いる or in the small of the 支援する and loins they often 貯蔵所d the places 影響する／感情d with coils of opossum hair cord, as people do いつかs with red knitting-silk.

The 黒人／ボイコットs have many herbal 薬／医学s, infusions of さまざまな barks, which they drink or wash themselves with, as the 事例／患者 may be.

さまざまな leaves they grind on their dayoorl-石／投石するs, rubbing themselves with the 低俗雑誌. Steam baths they make of pennyroyal, eucalyptus, pine, and others.

The bleeding of 負傷させるs they stanch with the 負かす／撃墜する of birds.

For irritations of the 肌 they heat dwarf saltbush twigs and put the hot ends on the irritable parts.

After setting a broken 四肢 they put grass and bark 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it, then 貯蔵所d it up.

For swollen 注目する，もくろむs they warm the leaves of 確かな trees and 持つ／拘留する them to the 影響する／感情d parts, or make an infusion of Budtha leaves and bathe the 注目する，もくろむs in it.

For rheumatic 苦痛s a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 is made, Budtha twigs laid on it, a little water thrown on them; the ashes raked out, a little more water thrown on, then the 患者 lies on 最高の，を越す, his opossum rug spread over him, and thus his 団体／死体 is steamed. To induce perspiration, earth or sand is also often heated and placed in a hollowed-out space; on it the 患者 lies, and is covered with more heated earth.

Pennyroyal infused they consider a 広大な／多数の／重要な 血 purifier they also use a heap as a pillow if 苦しむing from insomnia. It is hard to believe a 黒人／ボイコット ever does を煩う insomnia, yet the cure argues the fact.

Beefwood gum is supposed to 強化する children. It is also used for 減ずるing swollen 共同のs. A 穴を開ける is made in the ground, some coals put in, on them some beefwood leaves, on 最高の，を越す of them the gum; over the 穴を開ける is put enough bark to cover it with a piece 削減（する） out of it the size of the swollen 共同の to be steamed, which 共同の is held over this 穴を開ける.

さまざまな fats are also used as cures. Iguana fat for 苦痛s in the 長，率いる and stiffness anywhere. Porcupine and opossum fats for 保存するing their hair, fish fat to gloss their 肌s, emu fat in 冷淡な 天候 to save their 肌s from chapping.

But what is supposed to 強化する them more than anything, both mentally and 肉体的に, is a small piece of the flesh of a dead person, or before a 団体／死体 is put in a bark 棺 a few incisions were made in it; when it was 棺d it was stood on end, and what drained from the incisions was caught in small wirrees and drunk by the 会葬者s.

I fancy such cannibalism as has been in these tribes was not with a 見解（をとる） to satisfaction of appetite but to the 合併／会社設立 of 付加 strength. Either men or women are 許すd to 補助装置 in this 特に nauseating funeral 儀式, but not the young people.

Nor must their 影をつくる／尾行するs 落ちる across any one who has partaken of this 儀式; should they do so some evil will 生じる them.

If the mother of a young child has not enough milk for its sustenance, she is steamed over ‘old man’ saltbush, and hot twigs of it laid on her breasts. To 促進する the 追放 of the afterbirth, an old woman 圧力（をかける）s the 患者 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the waist, gives her たびたび（訪れる） drinks of 冷淡な water, and ぱらぱら雨s water over her. As soon as the afterbirth is 除去するd a steam is 用意が出来ている. Two スピードを出す／記録につけるs are laid horizontally, some 石／投石するs put in between them, then some 解雇する／砲火／射撃, on 最高の，を越す leaves of eucalyptus, and water is then ぱらぱら雨d over them. The 患者 stands astride these スピードを出す／記録につけるs, an opossum rug all over her, until she is 井戸／弁護士席 steamed. After this she is able to walk about as if nothing unusual had happened. Every night for about a month she has to 嘘（をつく） on a steam bed made of damped eucalyptus leaves. She is not 許すd to return to the general （軍の）野営地，陣営 for about three months after the birth of her child.

Though perfectly 井戸／弁護士席, she is considered unclean, and not 許すd to touch anything belonging to any one. Her food is brought to her by some old woman. Were she to touch the food or food utensils of another they would be considered unclean and unfit for use. Her （軍の）野営地，陣営 is gailie—that is, only for her; and she is goorerwon as soon as her child is born—a woman unclean and apart. すぐに a baby is born it is washed in 冷淡な water.

恐ろしい traditions the 黒人／ボイコットs have of the time when Dunnerh-Dunnerh, the smallpox, decimated their ancestors. Enemies sent it in the 勝利，勝つd, which hung it on the trees, over the （軍の）野営地，陣営s, whence it dropped on to its 犠牲者s. So terror-stricken were the tribes that, with few exceptions, they did not stay to bury their dead; and because they did not do so, 飛行機で行くing even from the dying, a 悪口を言う／悪態 was laid on them that some day the 疫病／悩ます would return, brought 支援する by the Wundah or white devils; and the 黒人／ボイコットs shudder still, though it was 世代s before them, at the thought that such a horror may come again.

毒（薬）-石／投石するs are ground up finely and placed in the food of the person 願望（する）d to be got rid of. These 毒（薬）-石／投石するs are of two 肉親，親類d, a yellowish-looking 石／投石する and a 黒人／ボイコット one; they 原因（となる） a ぐずぐず残る death. The small bones of the wrist of a dead person are also 続けざまに猛撃するd up and put into food, in honey or water, as a 毒（薬）.

One cure struck me as quaint. The 患者 may be lying 負かす／撃墜する, when up will come one of the tribe, most likely a wirreenun with a big piece of bark. He strikes the ground with this all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 患者, making a 広大な／多数の／重要な 列／漕ぐ／騒動; this is to 脅す the sickness away.

What seems to me a somewhat peculiar 儀式 is the 歓迎会 a coming baby 持つ／拘留するs before its birth.

The baby is 推定では about to be born. Its grandmother is there 自然に, but the 黒人／ボイコット baby 拒絶する／低下するs to appear at the request of its grandmother, and, moreover, 拒絶する／低下するs to come if even the 発言する／表明する of its grandmother is heard; so grannie has to be a silent 観客 while some other woman tempts the baby into the world by descanting on the glories of it. First, perhaps, she will say:

‘Come now, here’s your auntie waiting to see you.’

‘Here’s your sister.’

‘Here’s your father’s sister,’ and so on through a whole 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）. Then she will say, as the 親族s and friends do not seem a draw:

‘Make haste, the bumble fruit is 熟した. The guiebet flowers are blooming. The grass is waving high. The birds are all talking. And it is a beautiful place, hurry up and see for yourself.’

But it 一般に happens that the baby is too 削減（する） to be tempted, and an old woman has to produce what she calls a wi-mouyan—a clever stick—which she waves over the expectant mother, crooning a charm which brings 前へ／外へ the baby.

If any one nurses a 患者 and the 患者 dies, the nurse wears an armlet of opossum’s hair called goomil, and a sort of fur boa called gurroo.

If 黒人／ボイコットs go visiting, when they leave they make a smoke 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and smoke themselves, so that they may not carry home any 病気.

As a 支配する 黒人／ボイコットs do not have small feet, but their 手渡すs are almost invariably small and 井戸／弁護士席 形態／調整d, having 次第に減少するing fingers.

一時期／支部 6
Our Witch Woman

Our witch woman was rather a remarkable old person. When she was, I suppose, かなり over sixty, her favourite granddaughter died.

Old Bootha was in a terrible 明言する／公表する of grief, and chopped herself in a most merciless manner at the burial, 特に about the 長，率いる. She would speak to no one, used to spend her time about the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, 一連の会議、交渉／完成する which she 直す／買収する，八百長をするd upright 地位，任命するs which she painted white, red, and 黒人／ボイコット. All 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な she used to sweep continually.

More and more she 孤立するd herself, and at last discarded all her 着せる／賦与するs and roamed the bush a la Eve before the 落ちる, as she had probably done as a young girl.

She dug herself an 地下組織の （軍の）野営地，陣営, roofed it over, and painted enormous 地位，任命するs which she 築くd in 前線 of her ‘Muddy ワイン,’ as she called her （軍の）野営地，陣営. She never （機の）カム 近づく the house, though we had been 広大な／多数の／重要な friends before.

She used to prowl 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the outhouses and 選ぶ up all sorts of things, rubbish for the most part, but often good utensils too; all used to be secreted in the 地下組織の （軍の）野営地，陣営. She never talked to any one, but used to mutter continually to herself and her dogs in an unknown tongue which only her dogs seemed to understand.

We thought she was やめる mad.

One day, while we were playing tennis, she suddenly, muttering her strange language and dancing new corroboree steps, 覆う？ only in her 黒人／ボイコット 肌, （機の）カム up. Matah told her to go away, but she only corroboreed 一連の会議、交渉／完成する him and said she 手配中の，お尋ね者 to see me. I have the most morbid horror of lunacy in any form. I was once induced to go over a lunatic 亡命—the horror of it haunts me still. However, I thought it would never do to show the coward I was, so though I felt as if I had been scooped out and filled up with ice, I went to her. She danced 一連の会議、交渉／完成する me for a little time, then sidled up to me and said:

‘Wahl you 脅すd, wahl me 傷つける you. I only womba—mad—all yowee—spirits—in me tell me gubbah—good—I lib ‘long a youee; bimeby I come 支援する big feller wirreenun; wahl you 脅すd? I not 傷つける you.’

And after crooning an accompaniment to her steps off she went, a strange enough 人物／姿／数字, dancing and crooning as she went に向かって her （軍の）野営地，陣営; and not until the spirits gave up 所有／入手 of her did she come 近づく the house again.

One day she gave us a start. We were schooling a new team of four horses. The off-味方する leader had only been in once before, and was a brumby (horse run in from a wild 暴徒). We had to pass Bootha’s （軍の）野営地，陣営. I looked about as we 近づくd it but saw nothing of her. Suddenly from the ground, as it seemed, out dashed the weird old 人物／姿／数字, 武器 十分な of things, jabbering away at a 広大な／多数の／重要な 率. Whiz （機の）カム a tin plate past the leaders’ 長，率いるs; the offside horse 後部d and 急落（する），激減（する）d and took some 持つ／拘留するing. Whiz （機の）カム an old 法案; then, one after another, a 正規の／正選手 fusilade of さまざまな utensils.

It did not take us long to get past, but for as long as we could see the attack was kept up. Coming 支援する we saw nothing of Bootha, and all the utensils had been 選ぶd up.

I used to tell the other 黒人／ボイコットs to see that Bootha had plenty of food. They said she was all 権利, the spirits were looking after her. Lunatics, from their point of 見解（をとる）, are only persons spirit-所有するd.

徐々に old Bootha, 着せる／賦与するd as usual, （機の）カム 支援する about the place.

Strange stories （機の）カム through the house 黒人／ボイコットs to me of old Bootha. She was very ill for a long time, then suddenly she 回復するd; not only 回復するd but seemed 若返らせるd. We heard of wonderful cures she made; how she always 協議するd the spirits about any illness; how there were said to be spirits in some of her dogs; how she was now a rainmaker and, in fact, a fully 育てる／巣立つd witch.

I was curious to see some of these wonders, so used to get the old woman to come up when any one was ill, 協議する her, and 一般に make much of her. There is no 疑問 she could 診断する a 事例／患者 井戸／弁護士席 enough. Matah 苦しむd a good を取り引きする a constant 苦痛 in one 膝, he was やめる lame from it. He showed it to Bootha one day. She sang a song to her spirits, then said:

‘Too muchee water there; you steam him, put him on hot rag; you drink plenty 冷淡な water, all lite dat go.’

As it happened a 医療の man was passing a few days afterwards with an 保険 スパイ／執行官. Matah 協議するd him.

‘Hum! Yes, yes. Hot fomentations to the place 影響する／感情d, poultices, a 冷静な／正味のing draught. There’s a 停止 of fluid at the 膝-共同の which must be 分散させるd.’

I thought Bootha せねばならない have been called in 協議.

A girl I had staying with me was taken suddenly and, to us, unaccountably ill. She was just able to get out of her room into the 製図／抽選-room, where she would 嘘（をつく） 支援する on the cushions of a lounge looking dreadfully limp and utterly washed out. 審理，公聴会 of her illness old Bootha （機の）カム up. I thought it might amuse Adelaide to see an old witch; she agreed, so I brought her in.

Bootha went straight up to the sick girl, 表明するd a few 同情的な 宣告，判決s, then she said she would ask the spirits what had made Adelaide ill and what would cure her.

She moved my furniture until she left the centre of the room （疑いを）晴らす; she squatted 負かす／撃墜する, and hanging her 長，率いる began muttering in an unintelligible dialect. Presently her 発言する／表明する 中止するd and we heard from beside her a most peculiar whistling sort of 発言する／表明する, to which she 答える／応じるd, evidently interrogating. Again the whistling 発言する／表明する from その上の away. Bootha then told me she had asked a dead 黒人／ボイコット fellow, Big Joe, to tell her what she 手配中の，お尋ね者 to know; but he could not, so now she was going to ask her dead granddaughter. Again she said a sort of incantation, and again, after a while, （機の）カム the whistling 発言する／表明する reply—this time from another direction, not やめる so loud. The same sort of thing was gone through with the same result.

Then Bootha said she would ask Guadgee, a 黒人／ボイコット girl who had been one of my first favourites in the （軍の）野営地，陣営, and who had died a few years 以前.

The whistling 発言する／表明する （機の）カム from a third direction, though all the time I could see Bootha’s lips moving.

Guadgee answered all she was asked. She said Adelaide was made ill because she had 感情を害する／違反するd the spirits by bathing in the creek under the shade of a Minggah, or spirit-tree, a place タブーd to all but wirreenuns, or such as 持つ／拘留する communion with spirits.

Of course, によれば the 黒人／ボイコットs, to 乱す a 影をつくる／尾行する is to 傷つける the 初めの.

In this Minggah, Guadgee. said, were 群れているs of bees invisible to all but wirreenuns, and they are ready always to resent any 侮辱 to the Minggah or its 影をつくる／尾行する. These spirit-bees had entered Adelaide and secreted some wax on her 肝臓; their bites, Guadgee said, were on her 支援する.

井戸／弁護士席, that can’t be it, I said, I for you never did bathe in the shade of a Minggah; for, going as you always do with the house-girls, you are bound to be kept from such sacrilege; they would never dare such desecration.’

‘Which is their Minggah? Is it a big Coolabah between the Bend and the garden?’

‘Yes.’

‘Then I did bathe there the last time I went 負かす／撃墜する. I was up too late to go with the 黒人／ボイコット-but-Comelys, and as the sun was hot I went その上の 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the point and bathed in the shade. And the bee-bites must be those horribly irritating pimples I have across my 支援する.’

The 原因（となる） of illness settled to her satisfaction, Bootha asked how to cure it. The 患者 was to drink nothing hot nor heating but as much 冷淡な water as she liked, 特に a long drink before going to bed. Guadgee said she would come in the night when the 患者 was asleep and take the wax from her 肝臓; she would sleep 井戸／弁護士席 and wake better in the morning.

Bootha got up then, （機の）カム over to the 患者, took her 手渡す, rubbed it 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the wrist several times, muttering an incantation; then 説 she would see her again next day, off she went, taking, she told us, all the spirits away inside her, whence at 願望（する） they could be returned to such Minggah in their own Noorunbah, or hereditary 追跡（する）ing-grounds, as wirreenuns had placed them in, or to roam at their 楽しみ when not 要求するd by those in 当局 over spirits. Our old spiritualist 否定するs us freedom even in the after-life she 約束s us.

Adelaide slept that night, looked a better colour the next morning, and 速く 回復するd.

We think old Bootha must be a good 内科医 and a ventriloquist, only I believe it is said ventriloquists cannot live long, and Bootha is now over eighty.

Others besides wirreenuns see spirits いつかs, but rarely, though wirreenuns are said to have the 力／強力にする to conjure them up in a form 明白な to ordinary 注目する，もくろむs.

Babies are said to see spirits when they are smiling or crowing as if to themselves; it’s to some spirit 明白な to them but to no one else.

When a baby opens his 手渡すs and shuts them again quickly, smiling all the while, that baby is with the spirits catching crabs!

Dogs see spirits; when they bark and howl suddenly and you see nothing about, it is because they have seen a spirit.

One person may 具体的に表現する many spirits, but such an one must be careful not to drink anything hot or heating, such would 運動 out the spirits at once. The spirits would never enter a person defiled by the white man’s ‘grog.’

Old Bootha had an interview with a very powerful spirit after she was ill, who told her that the spirit of her father was now in Bahloo, the moon; and that it was this spirit which had cured her, and if she kept his 命令（する）s she would live for ever. The 命令（する）s were never to drink ‘grog,’ never to wear red, never to eat fish. This was told her fifteen years ago, never once has she transgressed; her vigour for an old woman かなり over eighty is marvellous.

She was going away for a trip. Before going she said, as she would not be able to know when I 手配中の，お尋ね者 rain for my garden, she would put two 地位，任命するs in it which had in them the spirits of Kurreahs, or crocodiles. As these spirits 要求するd water I might be 確かな my 戦車／タンクs would never go 乾燥した，日照りの while they were on guard. She asked one of my 黒人／ボイコット-but-Comelys, a very stalwart young woman, to help her 解除する one of these 地位，任命するs into the garden where she 手配中の，お尋ね者 to 築く it. The girl took 持つ／拘留する of one end, but in a little while dropped it, said it was too 激しい. Old Bootha got furious.

‘I get the spirits to help me,’ she said, and started a little sing-song, then shouldered the 地位，任命する herself and carried it in. These 地位，任命するs are painted red, 黒人／ボイコット, and white, with a snaky pattern, the Kurreah 調印する, on them. She also 工場／植物d in my garden two other witch-政治家s, one painted red and having a cross-妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 about 中途の 負かす／撃墜する it from which raddled strings were 大（公）使館員d to the 最高の，を越す; this was to keep away the Euloowayi, 黒人／ボイコット fellows 所有するd of devils, who （機の）カム from behind the sunset.

The other was a plain red-painted, 次第に減少するing pine-政治家 which she said, when it fell to the ground, would tell of the death of some one 関係のある to an inmate of the house. Should it lean に向かって the house it foretold misfortune; or if she were any time away, when she was returning she would send her Mullee Mullee to sit on the 最高の，を越す and bend it just to let us know. This 政治家 would also keep away the spirits of the dead from the house during her absence. While she was away there would be no one to come and （疑いを）晴らす the place of evil by smoking the Budtha twigs all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it, as she always did if I were alone and, she thought, in need of 保護.

Old Bootha has what she calls a wi-mouyan, clever-stick. It is about six feet long, 広大な／多数の／重要な lumps of beefwood gum making knobs on it at intervals; between each knob it is painted. 武装した with this stick, a piece of 水晶, some green twigs, and いつかs a stick with a bunch of feathers on 最高の，を越す, and a large flat 石／投石する, she goes out to make rain. The 水晶 and 石／投石する she puts under the water in the creek, the feathered stick she 築くs on the 辛勝する／優位 of the water, then goes in and splashes about with green twigs, singing all the time.

After a while she gets out and parades the bank with the wi-mouyan, singing a rain-song which charms some of the water out of the creek into the clouds, whence it 落ちるs where she directs it. Once my garden of roses looked very wilted. I asked Bootha to make rain, but just then she was very 感情を害する／違反するd with Matah. One of her dogs had been 毒（薬）d, she would make no rain on his country. However, at last she said she would make some for me. I bound her 負かす／撃墜する to a 確かな day. The day （機の）カム; a 激しい 嵐／襲撃する fell just over my garden, filling the ground 戦車／タンク, which was almost empty. About two インチs fell. Within half a mile of each 味方する of the garden the dust was barely laid.

Old Bootha’s luck stuck to her that time, and I had to give her a new dress and some ‘bacca.’ But during the last 干ばつ she failed signally. Her excuse for failing was that a 広大な／多数の／重要な wirreenun up the creek was so angry with the white people who were 運動ing away all emu, kangaroo, and opossums, the 黒人／ボイコット fellow’s food, and yet made a fuss if their dogs killed a sheep for them いつかs, that he put his rain-石／投石する in a 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and while he did that no rain would 落ちる. He said if all the sheep died the white fellows would go away again, and then, as long ago, the 黒人／ボイコット fellows’ country would have plenty of emu and kangaroo.

We saw a curious coincidence in 関係 with one of Bootha’s witch-政治家s in my garden, the 政治家 whose 落ちるing foretold death of some 親族 of some one in the house.

One afternoon there had been 霧雨ing rain and a grey もや 影を投げかけるing things. Matah went out to look at the chances of a continuance of rain, the usual 干ばつ 存在 on. He called to me to come and see a curious sky. Looking に向かって the west I saw a golden ball of a sun piercing the grey clouds which seemed like a spangled 隠す over its 直面する; 狙撃 from the sun was a perfect halo of golden light, from which three 軸s spread into roadways up past the grey clouds into the 丸天井 of heaven. The 影響 was very striking indeed, against the grey clouds shaded from silver to almost 黒人／ボイコット.

As we stood waiting for the sun to 沈む and the afterglow to paint these clouds, as it did, from shrimp pink and heliotrope to vivid crimson, we saw Bootha’s 政治家 落ちる. The 空気／公表する was やめる still.

‘The damp has 緩和するd its setting,’ said Matah, ‘but we had better leave it alone and let the old girl 直す／買収する，八百長をする it up again herself; it may be タブー to ordinary mortals like us.’

We left it.

That evening a messenger arrived from the sheep 駅／配置する to say my cook’s mother had died just before sunset. The （軍の）野営地，陣営 were 会社／堅い 信奉者s in Bootha’s witch-stick after that.

It was just 同様に we did not touch that stick; had we done so, Bootha says we should have broken out in sores all over our 団体／死体s.

They say that long ago the wirreenuns always used to have a sort of totem wizard-stick guarding the 前線 of their （軍の）野営地，陣営s.

一時期／支部 7
Birth—Betrothal—An Aboriginal Girl From 幼少／幼藍期 To Womanhood

To begin at the beginning, Bahloo, the moon, is a sort of patron of women. He it is who creates the girl babies, 補助装置d by Wahn, the crow, いつかs.

Should Wahn 試みる／企てる the 商売／仕事 on his own account the result is direful; women of his creating are always noisy and quarrelsome.

Bahloo’s favourite 位置／汚点／見つけ出す for carrying on the girl 製造業の is somewhere on the Culgoa. On one of the creeks there is to be seen, when it is 乾燥した，日照りの, a 穴を開ける in the ground. As water runs along, the bed of this creek, 徐々に a 石／投石する rises from this 穴を開ける. As the water rises it rises, always keeping its 最高の，を越す out of the water.

This is the Goomarh, or spirit-石／投石する, of Bahloo. No one would dare to touch this 石／投石する where the baby girls’ spirits are 開始する，打ち上げるd into space.

In the same neighbourhood is a （疑いを）晴らす water-穴を開ける, the rendezvous of the snakes of Bahloo. Should a man go to drink there he sees no snakes, but no sooner has he drunk some of the water than he sees hundreds; so even water-drinkers see their snakes.

The 指名する of the 穴を開ける is Dahn.

Spirit-babies are usually despatched to Waddahgudjaelwon and sent by her to hang promiscuously on trees, until some woman passes under where they are, then they will 掴む a mother and be incarnated. This 似ているs the Arunta belief, but with the Euahlayi the spirits are new freshly created 存在s, not reincarnations of ancestral souls, as の中で the Arunta. To live, a child must have an earthly father; that it has not, is known by its 存在 born with teeth.

Wurrawilberoo is said to snatch up a baby spirit いつかs and whirl along に向かって some woman he wishes to discredit, and through the medium of this woman he incarnates perhaps twins, or at least one baby. No 疑問 were it not for 調印するs of teeth in a spirit-baby of immaculate conception, many a （軍の）野営地，陣営 スキャンダル would be conveniently nipped in the bud.

Babies are いつかs sent 直接／まっすぐに to their mothers without the Coolabah-tree or whirlwind medium.

The bronze mistletoe 支店s with their orange-red flowers are said to be the disappointed babies whose wailing in vain for mothers has 疲れた／うんざりしたd the spirits who transform them into these bunches, the red flowers 存在 formed from their baby 血. The spirits of babies and children who die young are reincarnated, and should their first mother have pleased them they choose her again and are called millanboo—the same again.

They can instead, if they like, choose some other woman they know, which seems very 融通するing in those 統括するing over the reincarnation department.

いつかs two baby spirits will hang on one 支店 and incarnate themselves in the same woman, who as result is the mother of twins, and the 反対する of much opprobrium in the （軍の）野営地，陣営. In fact, in the old days, one of the twins would have been killed.

One of my 黒人／ボイコット-but-Comelys said, on 審理，公聴会 that a woman had twins:

‘If it had been me I would have put my fingers 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the throat of one of them and killed it.’ The woman who made this speech I had always looked upon as the gentlest and kindliest of creatures.

The father of the twins has 扱う／治療するd his wife with the 最大の contempt since their birth, and 拒絶する／低下するs to 認める more than one of the babies.

They say the first-born of twins is always born grinning with his tongue out, as if to say, ‘There’s another to come yet; nice sort of mother I have.’

No wonder the women cover themselves under a 一面に覆う／毛布 when they see a whirlwind coming, and 避ける drooping Coolabah trees, believing that either may make them 反対するs of 軽蔑（する） as the mother of twins.

When a baby is born, some old woman takes the Coolabah leaf out of its mouth. Such a leaf is said always to be 設立する there if the baby was incarnated from a Coolabah tree; should this leaf not be 除去するd it will carry the baby 支援する to spirit-land. As soon as the leaf is taken away the baby is bathed in 冷淡な water. Hot gum leaves are 圧力（をかける）d on the 橋（渡しをする） of its nose to 確実にする its flatness; the more bridgeless the nose the greater the beauty.

When a baby clutches 持つ／拘留する of anything as if to give it to some one, the bargie—grandmother—or some 年輩の woman takes what the baby 申し込む／申し出s, and makes a muffled clicking sort of noise with her tongue rolled over against the roof of her mouth, then croons the charm which is to make the child a 解放する／自由な giver: so is generosity inculcated in extreme 青年. I have often heard the grannies croon over the babies:

Oonahgnai Birrablee,
Oonahgnoo Birrahlee,
Oonahgnoo Birrahlee,
Oonabmillangoo Birrahlee,
Gunnoognoo oonah Birrahlee.

Which translated is:

‘Give to me, Baby,
Give to her, Baby,
Give to him, Baby,
Give to one, Baby,
Give to all, Baby.’

As babies are all under the patronage of the moon, the mothers are very careful every new moon to make a white cross-like 示す on the babies’ foreheads, and white dabs on cheeks and chins.

And very careful are the mothers not to look at the 十分な moon, nor let their babies do so; an attack of thrush would be the result.

Bahloo, too, has a spiteful way of punishing a woman who has the temerity to 星／主役にする at him, by sending her the dreaded twins.

If babies do not sleep 井戸／弁護士席 their mothers get the red 砕くd stuff like pine pollen, from the 共同のs of the Bingahwingul, or needlebush tree, and rub it on the babies’ skulls and foreheads.

If the babies cry too much their mothers say evil spirits are in them, and must be smoked out. They make a smoke 解雇する／砲火／射撃 of Budtha twigs and 持つ／拘留する the baby in the 厚い of the smoke. I have seen the mother of a fretful child of three or four years even, 適用する the smoke anodyne.

Whenever the mother of a young child woke in the night, if 井戸／弁護士席 up in her mother 義務s, she was supposed to warm her 手渡すs, and rub her baby’s 共同のs so that the child might grow lissome and a good 形態／調整, and she always saw that her baby’s mouth was shut when the child was asleep lest an evilly 性質の／したい気がして person should slip in a 病気 or evil-working spirit. For the same 推論する／理由 they will not let a baby 嘘（をつく） on its 支援する unless they cover its 長，率いる.

If a gilah 飛行機で行くs over the （軍の）野営地，陣営 crying out as it passes, it is a sure 調印する of ‘debbil debbil’; the child, to escape evil consequences, must be turned on to its left 味方する.

If a gooloo, or magpie, did the same, the child had to be laid flat on her moobil—stomach: for the passing of a cawing crow, a child had to be laid on the 権利 味方する.

As these birds are not night birds, it is evident that they are evil spirits abroad in bird form, hence the 警戒s. As soon as a baby begins to はう, the mother finds a centipede, half cooks it, takes it from the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and catching 持つ／拘留する of her child’s 手渡すs （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域s them with it, crooning as she does so:

‘Gheerlayi ghilayer,
Wahl munnoomerhdayer,
Wahl mooroonbahgoo,
Yelgayerdayer deermuldayer,
Gheerlayi ghilayer.’

Which means:

‘肉親，親類d be,
Do not steal,
Do not touch what to another belongs,
Leave all such alone,
肉親，親類d be.’

The accompaniment 存在 a muffled click of a rolled-up tongue against the roof of a mouth.

No child must touch the big feathers of a goomblegubbon, or bustard’s wings, nor any of its bones. At the age of about four, the mother takes one of these wings and （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域s the child all over the shoulders and under the 武器 with it. Again making the clicking noise, she croons:

‘Goobean gillaygoo,
Oogowahdee goobolaygoo,
Wahl goonundoo,
Ghurranbul daygoo.’

Which charm means:

‘A swimmer be,
Flood to swim against,
No water,
Strong to stop you.’

And so was a child made a good swimmer.

The wirreenuns would see that the septum of a child’s nose was pierced at the 権利 time, and their 部族の 示すs 削減（する） on them. The nose was pierced at midwinter when ice was about, with which to numb the place to be pierced; ice was held to the septum, then プロの／賛成のd through it went a bone needle.

An old gin who worked about the 駅／配置する had a pierced nose, and often wore a mouyerh, or bone, through it. A white laundress wore earrings. She said one day to the old gin:

‘Why you have 穴を開ける made in your nose and put that bone there? No good that. White women don’t do that.’

The 黒人／ボイコット woman looked the laundress up and 負かす／撃墜する, and finally 錨，総合司会者d her 注目する，もくろむs on the earrings.

‘Why you make 穴を開ける in your ears? No good that. 黒人／ボイコット gin no do that, pull ’em 負かす／撃墜する your ears like dogs. Plenty good bone in your nose make you sing good. Sposin’ cuggil—bad—smell you put bone longa nose no smell ‘im. Plenty good make 穴を開ける longa nose, no good make 穴を開ける longa ears, make ’em hang 負かす／撃墜する all same dogs.’ And off she went laughing, and pulling 負かす／撃墜する the 高く弓形に打ち返すs of her ears, began to imitate the barking of a dog.

There is often a baby betrothal called Bahnmul.

For some 推論する／理由 or another it has been decided that a baby girl is to be given to a man, perhaps because he has been 肉親，親類d to her mother, perhaps she is 借りがあるd to his 肉親，親類 by her own; any way the granny of the baby girl puts feathers, white swansdown, on the baby’s 長，率いる, and takes her over to the man when she is about a month old. Granny says to the baby:

‘Look at him, and remember him, because you are 約束d to him.’

Then she takes some feathers off the baby’s 長，率いる and puts them on to his; that makes it a formal betrothal, binding to both 味方するs.

I have heard 広大な／多数の／重要な （軍の）野営地，陣営 列／漕ぐ／騒動s because girls made a struggle for independence, having 設立する out they had only been 約束d, not 正式に betrothed, to some old chap whom they did not wish to marry. Perhaps the old fellow will already have a wife or so, a man can have as many as he pleases. I have heard of one with three; I have known some with two; but the generality of them seem content with one.

Should a young girl marry a man with an old wife, the old wife 支配するs her to any extent, not even letting her have a say about her own children, and no duenna could be 厳格な人. Should the young wife in the absence of her husband speak to a young man, she will probably get a scolding from the old wife and a ‘real hiding’ from the old man, to whom the old wife will 報告（する）／憶測 her 行為／行う. やめる young men often marry やめる old women; a 推論する／理由 いつかs given is that these young men were on earth before and loved these same women, but died before their initiation, so could not marry until now in their reincarnation.

Certainly, amongst the 黒人／ボイコットs, age is no disqualification for a woman; she never seems to be too old to marry, and certainly with age 伸び（る）s 力／強力にする.

At whatever age a girl may be betrothed to a man he never （人命などを）奪う，主張するs her while she is yet Mullerhgun, or child girl; not until she is Wirreebeeun, or woman girl.

A girl’s initiation into womanhood is as follows. Her granny probably, or some old woman relation, takes her from the big （軍の）野営地，陣営 into the scrub where they make a bough shade. As soon as this is made, the old woman 始める，決めるs 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to a 厚い heap of Budtha leaves and makes the girl swallow the smoke. She then 企て，努力，提案s her 嘘（をつく） 負かす／撃墜する in a scooped-out hollow she has made in the earth, 説 to her, ‘You are to be made a young woman now. No more must you run about as you please. Here must you stay with me, doing as I say. Then in two moons’ time you shall go and （人命などを）奪う，主張する your husband, to do for ever what he 企て，努力，提案s you. You must not sleep as you 嘘（をつく） there in the day time, nor must you go to sleep at night until those in the （軍の）野営地，陣営 are at 残り／休憩（する）. I will put food ready for you. Honey you must not eat again for four moons. At first streak of day you must get up, and eat the food I have placed for you. Then when you hear a bird 公式文書，認める you must shake yourself all over, and make a noise like this.’

And the old woman makes a （犯罪の）一味ing noise with her lips.

‘That you must do every time you hear a fresh bird 公式文書，認める; so too when you hear the people in the （軍の）野営地，陣営 begin to talk, or even if you hear them laugh or sneeze. If you do not, then grey will your hair be while you are yet a young woman, dull will your 注目する，もくろむs be, and limp your 団体／死体.’

Girls have told me that they got very tired of 存在 away with only the old woman for so long, and were glad enough when she told them they were to move to a new （軍の）野営地，陣営, nearer to the big one, which the women had 用意が出来ている for them.

When they reached this the old woman rubbed off the mud with which she had plastered the girl’s 四肢s when first they went away to （軍の）野営地，陣営, and which she had 新たにするd from time to time. When this was all off she painted the girl in different designs with red ochre and white gypsum, principally in 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs. She put on her 長，率いる a gnooloogail, or forehead 禁止（する）d, made of Kurrajong fibre, plaited and tied with some Kurrajong string, from over the ears to the 支援する of the 長，率いる; in this 禁止（する）d, which she had painted white, she stuck sprays of white flowers. Sweetly scented Budtha and clustering Birah were the flowers most used for this 儀式. Should neither of these be in bloom, then sprays of Collarene or Coolibah blossom were used. When the flowers were placed in the 禁止（する）d the old woman scattered a handful of white swansdown over the girl’s 長，率いる. Next she tied 一連の会議、交渉／完成する her a girdle of opossum’s sinews with 立ち往生させるs of woven opossum’s hair hanging about a foot square in 前線. 一連の会議、交渉／完成する her 武器 she bound goomils—opossum hair armlets—into which she placed more sprays of flowers, matching those in the girl’s hair.

To show that the occasion was a sacred one a sprig of Dheal tree was placed through the 穴を開ける in the septum of the nose. The 洗面所 of a wirreebeeun was now 完全にする.

The old woman gave her a bunch of smoking Budtha leaves to carry, and told her what to do. 公式文書，認める here the origin of bridal bouquets.

Having received her 指示／教授／教育s, the girl, 持つ／拘留するing the smoking twigs, went に向かって the big （軍の）野営地，陣営.

When the women there saw her coming they began to sing a song in, to her, a strange language.

On a スピードを出す／記録につける, with his 支援する に向かって her—for he must not yet look on her 直面する—sat the man to whom she was betrothed. The girl went up to him. As the women 詠唱するd louder she threw the smoking Budtha twigs away, placed a 手渡す on each of his shoulders and shook him. Then she turned and ran 支援する to her new （軍の）野営地，陣営, the women singing and pelting her with 乾燥した，日照りの twigs and small sticks as she went. For another moon she stayed with her granny in this （軍の）野営地，陣営, then the women made her another one nearer.

In a few weeks they made her one on the 郊外s of the main （軍の）野営地，陣営. Here she stayed until they made her another in the （軍の）野営地，陣営, but a little apart. In 前線 of the 開始 of this dardurr they made a 解雇する／砲火／射撃. That night her betrothed （軍の）野営地，陣営d on one 味方する of this 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and she on the other. For a moon they （軍の）野営地，陣営d so. Then the old granny told the girl she must （軍の）野営地，陣営 on the same 味方する of the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 as her betrothed, and as long as she lived be his faithful and obedient wife, having no thought of other men. Should he ill-扱う／治療する her, her relations had the 力／強力にする to take her from him. Or should he for some 推論する／理由, after a while, not care for her, he can send her 支援する to her people; should she have a child he leaves it with her until old enough to （軍の）野営地，陣営 away from her, when it is returned to him.

The wedding 現在のs are not given to the bride and bridegroom, but by the latter to his mother-in-法律, to whom, however, he is never 許すd to speak. Failing a mother-in-法律, the 現在のs are given to the nearest of 肉親，親類 to the wife. You can hardly reckon it as 購入（する） money, for いつかs a man gives no 現在のs and yet gets a wife.

In 調書をとる／予約するs about 黒人／ボイコットs, you always read of the subjection of the women, but I have seen henpecked 黒人／ボイコット husbands.

There are two codes of morals, one for men and one for women. Old Testament morality for men, New Testament for women. The 黒人／ボイコット men keep the inner mysteries of the Boorah, or initiation 儀式s, from the knowledge of women, but so do Masons keep their secrets.

As to the 黒人／ボイコット women carrying most of the baggage on march, 自然に so; the men want their 手渡すs 解放する／自由な for 追跡（する）ing en 大勝する, or to be in 準備完了 for enemies in a strange country.

黒人／ボイコット women think a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 of the Moonaibaraban, or as they more often call them, Kumbuy, or sister-in-法律. These are spirit-women who come a few days after the Boorah to bring 現在のs to the women relations of the boys who have been 始めるd. The Kumbuy are never seen, but their 発言する／表明するs are heard—発言する／表明するs like dogs barking; on 審理，公聴会 which the women in the （軍の）野営地，陣営 have to answer, calling out:

‘Are you my Kumbuy?’

An answer comes like a muffled bark, ‘Bah! bah bah!’

Then the old men—crafty old men—go out to where the ‘bahing’ comes from, and bring in the gifts, which take the form of food, yams, honey, fruit principally.

These Kumbuy are の中で the few beneficent spirits they never 傷つける any one, 簡単に 供給（する） the （死が）奪い去るd women with 慰安 in the 形態／調整 of food, for the 一時的な loss of their male 親族s. Should an uninitiate have a wife, which of course is 妥当でない, the Kumbuy 拒絶する／低下する to recognise her; and should she 推定する to answer their spirit 支援する, they make in 記念品 of displeasure a thudding noise as if earth were 存在 violently banged with a yam stick. She has encroached on the Kumbuy 保存するs, for 事前の to his initiation a man should only have a spirit wife, never an incarnate one.

If you ask a 黒人／ボイコット woman why the Kumbuy thud the earth in answer to an 始める’s wife, she will say:

‘Dat one jealous.’ jealousy even in the spirit world of women!

Unchaste women were punished terribly. After we went west even the death 刑罰，罰則 for wantonness was 施行するd, though at the time we did not know it.

Should a girl be 設立する 有罪の of a frailty, it 存在 her first fault, her brothers and nearest male relations made a （犯罪の）一味 一連の会議、交渉／完成する her, after having bound her 手渡すs and feet, and 投げ上げる／ボディチェックする her one from the other until she is in a dazed 条件 and almost 脅すd to death.

The 罰 over, she is unbound and given to her betrothed, or a husband chosen for her.

Should a woman have been discovered to be an 絶対の wanton, men from any of the 一族／派閥s make a （犯罪の）一味 一連の会議、交渉／完成する her, she 存在 bound, and 投げ上げる／ボディチェックするd from one to the other, and when exhausted is unbound and left by her relations to the men to do as they please to her—the almost 必然的な result is death. With this terror before them, it is possible the old 黒人／ボイコットs are 権利 who say that their women were very different in their 国内の relations in olden times.

一時期／支部 8
The Training Of A Boy Up To Boorah 予選s

At the boy manufactory, Boomayahmayahmul, the 支持を得ようと努めるd lizard, was the 主要な／長／主犯 労働者, though Bahloo from time to time gave him 援助.

The little 黒人／ボイコットs throw their mythical origin at each other tauntingly. A little 黒人／ボイコット girl, when 感情を害する／違反するd with a boy friend, says:

‘Ooh, a lizard made you.’

‘Wah! wah! a crow made you,’ he retorts.

Up to a 確かな age boys are trained as are girls—charms sung over them to make them generous, honest, good swimmers, and the 残り／休憩（する）; but after that they are taken into the Weedegah, or bachelors’ （軍の）野営地，陣営, and developed on manly lines.

When he is about seven years old, his mother will paint her son up every day for about a week with red and white colourings. After that he would go to the Weedegah Gahreemai, bachelors’ （軍の）野営地，陣営. He would then be 許すd to go 追跡（する）ing with boys and men. He would see, now when he was out with the men, how 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was made in the olden time, almost a lost art now when wax matches are plentiful.

No boy who had not been to a Boorah would dare to try to make 解雇する／砲火／射撃.

The 器具／実施するs for 解雇する／砲火／射撃-making are a little スピードを出す／記録につける about as 厚い as a man’s arm, of Nummaybirah 支持を得ようと努めるd—a rather soft white 支持を得ようと努めるd—and a 分裂（する） flat piece about a foot long and three インチs wide. The little スピードを出す／記録につける was 分裂（する） open at one end, a wedge put in it, and the 開始 filled up with 乾燥した，日照りの grass broken up. This スピードを出す／記録につける was laid on the ground and 堅固に held there; the 解雇する／砲火／射撃-製造者 squatted in 前線, and with the flat piece rubbed edgeways across the 開始 in the スピードを出す／記録につける. The sawdust fell quickly into the 開始. After about a minute and a half’s rubbing a smoke started out. After rubbing on a little longer the 解雇する／砲火／射撃-製造者 took a handful of 乾燥した，日照りの grass, emptied the smoking sawdust and 乾燥した，日照りの grass into it, waved it about, and in three and a half minutes from starting the 過程 I have seen a 炎. いつかs it has taken longer, but just under five minutes is the longest time I have ever seen it take.

They use pine too, I believe, but whenever I timed them it was Nummaybirah they were using.

The boys 選ぶ up the woodcraft of the tribes when they begin going out with the men. As the boys began to grow up, when a good season （機の）カム 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, and game and grass were plentiful, the old men were seen to draw apart often and talk 真面目に.

At length there （機の）カム a night when was heard a whizzing, whirling にわか景気 far in the scrub. As the first echo of it reached the （軍の）野営地，陣営, the women, such as were still young enough to 耐える children, stopped their ears, for should any such hear the Gurraymi, the women’s 指名する for the Gayandi, or Boorah spirit’s 発言する／表明する, that spirit will first make them mad, then kill them.

The old women began to sing a Boorah song. To deaden the sound of the dreaded 発言する／表明する, opossum rugs were thrown over the children, 非，不，無 of whom must hear, unless they are boys old enough to be 始めるd; the sound 明らかにする／漏らすs the fact to such that the hour of their initiation is at 手渡す.

The men all gathered together with the boys, except two old wirreenuns, who earlier in the evening have seemingly quarrelled and gone away into the scrub.

The men and boys in （軍の）野営地，陣営 march up and 負かす／撃墜する to some distance from the （軍の）野営地，陣営. The old women keep on singing, and one man with a spear painted red with a waywah fastened on 最高の，を越す, walks up and 負かす／撃墜する in the middle of the （人が）群がる of men, 持つ／拘留するing the spear, with its emblematic belt of manhood, aloft; as he does so, calling out the 指名するs of the bends of the creek, beginning with the one nearest to which they are （軍の）野営地，陣営d. When he gets to the end of the 指名するs along that creek and comes to the 指名する of a big river, all the men join him in giving a loud crow like

‘Wah! wah! wah!’

Then he begins with the 指名するs along the next creek across the big river, and so on; at the について言及する of each main stream the （人が）群がる again join in the cry of

‘Wah! wah! wah!’

All the while, closer and still closer, comes the sound of the Gayandi, as the men call the Gurraymi, or bull roarer.

At length the two old wirreenuns come 支援する to the （軍の）野営地，陣営 and the noise 中止するs, to recur いつかs during the night, when I 推定する／予想する, did any one search for them, the old wirreenuns would be 設立する 行方不明の from the （軍の）野営地，陣営.

After the first whirling of the bull roarers and calling of the creek 指名するs, the Gooyeanawannah, or messengers, 準備する for a 旅行, and when ready, the wirreenuns start them off in さまざまな directions to 召喚する 隣人ing tribes from hundreds of miles 一連の会議、交渉／完成する to …に出席する the Boorah. The messengers each carry a spear with a waywah (or belt of manhood) on the 最高の，を越す, seeing which no tribe, even at 敵意 with the messenger, will （性的に）いたずらする him. When a messenger arrived at a strange （軍の）野営地，陣営, he was not asked his 商売／仕事 but left to choose his own time for telling. He would squat 負かす／撃墜する a little way from the strangers’ （軍の）野営地，陣営, food would probably be brought to him which he would cat.

He would find out who was the 長，指導者 wirreenun of the tribe, then take him apart, give to him his Boorah message-stick as 保証（人） of his good 約束, and tell him where and when the Boorah was to be held. After having given all necessary （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）, the Gooyeanawannah would return to his tribe; the wirreenun to whom he had given the Doolooboorah, or message-stick, would send it on by the messenger of his tribe, and so with others, until all were 召喚するd, each tribe letting it be known that a Boorah 召喚するs had been received by sounding the Gayandi, which would carry its own tale to those in the （軍の）野営地，陣営.

Should young boys be chosen as messengers, they were held in high honour; Woormerh they were called.

While the messengers were away, the old men of the tribe in whose Noorumbah, or hereditary 追跡（する）ing lands, the Boorah was to be held, 用意が出来ている the sacred grounds.

They （疑いを）晴らすd a big circle, 一連の会議、交渉／完成する which they put a bank of earth, and from the circle was （疑いを）晴らすd a path 主要な to a 厚い scrub; along this path were low earthen 堤防s, and the trees on both 味方するs had the bark stripped off, and carved on them the さまざまな totems and multiplex totems of the tribes. Such carvings were also put on the trees 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the Bunbul, or little Boorah （犯罪の）一味, where the 支店s were also in some instances lopped, and the trunks carved and painted to 代表する 人物／姿／数字s of men, amongst whom were supposed to be the sons of Byamee’s wives. Two of these sons had been made young men at the first Boorah Byamee 学校／設けるd in this 地区, the ground of which is pointed out to this day.

In the middle of the Bunbul a large heap of 支持を得ようと努めるd was placed ready for the Yungawee, or sacred 解雇する／砲火／射撃.

When the 予選 準備s were over, the （軍の）野営地，陣営s were moved to just outside the Boorah, or big Boorah （犯罪の）一味. By that time the other tribes began to arrive. First （機の）カム from each tribe the boys to be 始めるd and the Munthdeeguns, or men in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of them. The men were painted, and had leafy twigs tied 一連の会議、交渉／完成する their wrists and ankles, as had the boys also, and all carried in their 手渡すs small 支店s of green. Those 特に in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of boys held, too, a painted spear with a waywah on 最高の，を越す of it.

As they approached the place of 集会 the 長，率いる man, with the painted spear, began calling out all the 指名するs of the places along the creeks from whence he （機の）カム; at the 指名する of each big watercourse they all cried together

‘Wah! Wah! wah!’

They were met at some distance from the （軍の）野営地，陣営 by the men who had 召喚するd them, and who had made a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する 小衝突 yard where they were to 会合，会う them. Here the older women were singing Boorah songs. Some held their breasts as a 調印する they had sons の中で the 始めるs; others put their 手渡すs on their shoulders, which showed they had brothers going to be made young men. All the women had leafy twigs tied 一連の会議、交渉／完成する their wrists and ankles as the men had. The newcomers and the men who met them walked 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the yard at a 手段d （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域, 解除するing one 脚 and throwing up one arm each time the cry of ‘Wah! wah! wah!’ was given, for here too the enumeration of geographical 指名するs went on.

When the Boorah song was over, the men marched out of the yard; closely behind them the two oldest men with the tufted spears; the Boorah boys closely after them. The women followed, carrying bunches of leafy twigs with which they pelted the boys until they reached the （軍の）野営地，陣営.

Matah and I had been watching the whole 業績／成果, and followed in the wake of the women.

The whole scene impressed us as picturesque—the painted 人物／姿／数字s of the men and boys, with the peculiarly native stealthy tread, threading their way through the grey Coolabah trees; the decorated women throwing their leafy ミサイルs with 正確な 目的（とする） into the 階級s of the boys, who did not dare to look at their 加害者s. A Boorah boy must give no 証拠 of curiosity; the nil admirari 態度 then begun 粘着するs to a 黒人／ボイコット man through life. The women of the tribe 表明する voluble surprise, but a 黒人／ボイコット man never except by the dilation of his 注目する，もくろむs.

Every night after this a corroboree was held. The fully 始めるd of each tribe, as they arrived, help in the 準備 of the inner sacred ground, while the younger men collected game and other food.

The old men 削減（する） out of the ground along the 狭くする path 主要な to the Bunbul, and 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it, 抱擁する earthen animals, their さまざまな totems, such as crocodiles, kangaroos, emus and others, all of a colossal size. These they plastered over with mud and painted in different colours and designs. On the 権利 of the Bunbul they made an earthen 人物／姿／数字 of Byamee—this 人物／姿／数字 was reclining 持つ／拘留するing in each 手渡す a Boondee. On the other 味方する was the 抱擁する 人物／姿／数字 of a woman—this 代表するd Birrahgnooloo, the favourite wife of Byamee; she held two spears. There was a third 人物／姿／数字 not so large as the other two but like them, apart from the 人物／姿／数字s 近づく the path and the Bunbul; this was Baillahburrah, によれば some, Dillalee によれば others, the supernatural son of Byamee—or as some say, brother—not born of woman, having lived before the human race 存在するd, before Byamee travelled as Creator and culture hero through Australia.

Of the Gayandi, the Boorah spirit, いつかs called Wallahgooroonboooan, there was no 人物／姿／数字, because he was always 現在の at Boorahs, though invisible. His 発言する／表明する only gave 証拠 of his presence.

The wirreenuns said it was he who had placed in the forks of trees 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the big （犯罪の）一味 heaps of 乾燥した，日照りの 支持を得ようと努めるd, which they said, when the 儀式s began, he would light, making a dazzling 照明 of the scene.

In the middle of the Boorah （犯罪の）一味 was placed a mudgee, a painted stick or spear, with a bunch of 強硬派’s feathers on the 最高の，を越す. Every night was heard at intervals the Gayandi, and すぐに the younger women and children stopped their ears, while the old women shrieked their brumboorah.

As each fresh （製品，工事材料の）一回分 of 黒人／ボイコットs arrived the 容積／容量 of sound was 増加するd, for the old men with their Gayandi would go into the scrub and whirl them. These bull roarers sound curiously uncanny—I did not wonder the uninitiated 受託するd the spirit theory as to their origin.

The bush of Australia is a good background for superstition; there is such a 非，不，無-natural 空気／公表する about its Nature, as if it has been sketched in 概略で by a Beardsley-like artist.

The 機能（する）／行事 of the Gayandi is to 奮起させる awe, and it fulfils it. Byamee himself made the first. It was some time before he got やめる the 影響 he 手配中の，お尋ね者. At first he 願望（する）d to give the Boorah spirit a form 同様に as a 発言する／表明する, to 奮起させる awe; he also wished it to knock out the 前線 tooth of an 始める.

He made a 石／投石する 人物／姿／数字 in the image of man, having a 発言する／表明する. This spirit, known variously as Gayandi, or Darramulun, went to the Boorah, but when he was to knock out the 前線 tooth, he began to eat the boys’ 直面するs. He was too strong; he would not do to 統括する over, Boorahs. Byamee transformed him into a large piggiebillah-like animal, though instead of 存在 covered with spines, 厚い hair grew over him; he has since been known as Nahgul. He went away into the bush, where he has been a dreaded devil ever since; for if he touches a man’s 影をつくる／尾行する even, that man will itch all over and nothing can cure him of it. He haunts Boorah grounds.

Next Byamee made a 石／投石する bull roarer sort of thing, but this was too 激しい to make the noise he 手配中の，お尋ね者. One day he was chopping a big Coolabah tree の近くに to Weetalibah water-穴を開ける, which tree, much to the horror of our 黒人／ボイコットs, was burnt 負かす／撃墜する a few years ago by travellers.

As Byamee chopped, out flew a big 半導体素子. He heard the whizzing sound it made, gave another chop, out flew another; again the whizzing sound.

‘That is what I want,’ he said I’ll make a Gayandi of 支持を得ようと努めるd.’

He 削減（する） a piece of mubboo, or beefwood, and 形態／調整d it; he tied a piece of string to a 穴を開ける in one end; he hung it up in the big Coolabah tree. Then he went and 削減（する） one out of Noongah or Kurrajong, tied a string on to that and put it beside the other on the tree, and left them swinging there.

One day he （機の）カム 支援する and was （軍の）野営地，陣営ing 近づく; his wives, （機の）カム along to the big tree. There the Gayandi swung, making a whirring noise.

‘What’s that?’ said the women. ‘We’ll have a look what it is.’ Seeing Byamee they said, ‘We heard 発言する／表明するs in that big tree over there.’

‘どの辺に?’ he said.

‘In that Coolabah tree. Such strange 発言する／表明するs, such as we never heard.’

‘You two go’ he said, ‘to our （軍の）野営地，陣営 and make a 解雇する／砲火／射撃. I’ll go and see what it is.’

When the women were out of sight he went to the tree and took the pieces of 支持を得ようと努めるd 負かす／撃墜する. He was 満足させるd now they would answer his 目的. He carefully hid them until he made a Boorah. And since then such pieces of 支持を得ようと努めるd have been the medium for the Gayandi’s 発言する／表明する, and are kept carefully hidden away from all but the 注目する，もくろむs of wirreenuns.

At length all the 推定する／予想するd tribes had arrived, 準備s were finished, and a signal was given for a move to be made that the real 儀式s might begin.

The fully 始めるd men went away after their midday meal, and about sundown （機の）カム in 選び出す／独身 とじ込み／提出する along the banked-in path each carrying a firestick in one 手渡す, a green switch in the other. When they reached the mudgee in the middle of the big （犯罪の）一味 and corroboreed for a little 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it, the old women answered with a Boorah song, and all moved to the 辛勝する／優位 of the （犯罪の）一味. At this 行う／開催する／段階 men often tried to steal each other’s boys, and 広大な／多数の／重要な 格闘するing matches （機の）カム off. One man would try to pull up the mudgee, out would 急ぐ one of another 一族／派閥 to 格闘する with him. First the boys would 格闘する, then the 年上の men, each 決定するd his 一族／派閥 should 証明する 勝利を得た at this 広大な／多数の／重要な Boorah 格闘するing.

The 技術 of the eeramooun, or uninitiated boys, would be tried in sham fights too. They were given bark 保護物，者s, and their 攻撃者s had bark boomerangs; 広大な／多数の／重要な was the, 賞賛 when the boys ably defended themselves. 以前 they have been tried with boomerang and boodthul throwing, and other arts of sport and 戦争, boys of each tribe trying to excel those of the others. If a boy comes 井戸／弁護士席 out of these 裁判，公判s the men say he is worthy to be a yelgidyi, or fully 始めるd young man.

When the 格闘するing and sham fights are over, corroborees begin. All night they are kept up, and いつかs there are day 業績／成果s too.

一時期／支部 9
The Boorah And Other 会合s

At last would come the night when everything was ready. Sports and corroborees would be held as usual, until, at a given signal, the younger women were ordered into bough sheds which were 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the （犯罪の）一味.

The old women stayed on singing.

The boys, who are painted red, are beckoned into the middle of the （犯罪の）一味, where their 各々の Munthdeeguns daub them with white. That done, each man 掴むing his 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金, hoists him on to his shoulder, and dances 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the （犯罪の）一味 with him. Then the old women are told to 企て，努力，提案 the boys good-bye.

今後 they come, singing each her own brumboorah, for every oldest woman relation of each of the boys makes a song for him. They corroboree a few steps behind the men, 詠唱するing a 別れの（言葉，会）, then corroboree 支援する a few steps, then 急いで to join the younger women in the bough sheds, which are now pulled 負かす／撃墜する on 最高の，を越す of them by the men, that they may see nothing その上の. Then the Munthdeeguns disappear 負かす／撃墜する the 跡をつける into the scrub.

When they are out of sight the women are 解放（する）d, that they may get ready to travel to where the Durrawunga, or Little Boorah, will be held in about four days’ time, at about ten miles distance.

As the Munthdeeguns passed their totem-示すd trees, or images, which would be those of the boys in their 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金—for each 後見人 was a relation of the same totem as his 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金—they would 成し遂げる some magical feat, such as producing gubberahs, charcoal, gypsum, and so on, uttering as they did so a little 詠唱する about that totem.

The boy’s 注目する，もくろむs are の近くにd all this time and his 長，率いる bent 負かす／撃墜する.

Boys at a Boorah always remind me of Wilhelm Meisler’s Travels, where, at the school to which Wilhelm takes Felix, he learns, on 調査 as to the three 態度s assumed by the pupils, that these gestures inculcate veneration, which also seems to be the 基本方針 of the eeramooun’s 指示／教授／教育. The Boorah over, he too, ‘Stands 築く and bold, yet not selfishly 孤立するd; only in an union with his equals (his fellow 始めるs) does he 現在の a 前線 に向かって the world.’

And only when the 恐れる, the abasement, is gone does the true reverence come, which makes the most 原始の creed a living 宗教.

As the Munthdeeguns pass the sacred 解雇する／砲火／射撃 they throw in a 武器 each. This done they place their 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s in わずかに scooped-out places, already 用意が出来ている in the inner （犯罪の）一味.

Then they 企て，努力，提案 them, on 苦痛 of death, not to look up whatever happens.

Soon a 広大な／多数の／重要な whirring is heard, telling that Gayandi, the Boorah spirit, is 近づく.

Yudtha Dulleebah, one of the oldest 黒人／ボイコット men in the 地区, said at this 行う／開催する／段階 once two boys did look up.

The wirreenuns saw them, though the boys did not know it and went on looking. These boys saw the men 前進する each to the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 where they had thrown their 武器s; 詠唱するing in a strange tongue, they corroboreed 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 for some time.

Then the wirreenuns snatched up the coals left from the 武器s and rubbed them into their 四肢s, trampling as they did so on the 辛勝する／優位 of the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, which did not seem to 燃やす them, rubbing and 詠唱するing until the sacred coals were supposed to be 吸収するd by them, from which they would derive new 力／強力にするs.

This over, the boys were all ordered to get up, and march 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, 手渡すs on thighs and 長，率いるs abased, while they learnt a Boorah song, giving new words for ありふれた things, which 行為／法令／行動するd as pass-words hereafter for the 始めるd. Into a slow 詠唱する these words were strung, as the men and boys passed 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the （犯罪の）一味, two of the oldest men standing （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing time with painted spears with tufted 最高の，を越すs.

The two boys who had transgressed before looked up again, curious as to their surroundings. Suddenly the men with the spears roared at the boys to lower their 長，率いるs.

The boys laughed. Their 運命／宿命s were 調印（する）d. Out flashed the sacred gubberahs of these two old men.

‘Dead is he,’ they cried, ‘who laughs in the Bunbul where yungawee 燃やすs more ひどく than Yirangal, the sun, where 近づく lies the image of Byamee: Byamee, father of all, whose 法律s the tribes are now obeying.’ Then the men 詠唱するd to the gubberahs and held them between the 解雇する／砲火／射撃s and the boys, the light of the 炎上s seemed to play on them and stretch its beams to the boys, who began to tremble. As louder grew the 詠唱する an answer （機の）カム from the scrub, the 発言する／表明する of Gayandi; shaking with 恐れる the boys fell to the ground, to all 外見 lifeless. Then the old men went 今後, each with a 石／投石する knife in 手渡す. Stooping over the two boys they opened veins in each, out flowed the 血, and the other men all raised a death cry. The boys were lifeless. The old wirreenuns, dipping their 石／投石する knives in the 血, touched with them the lips of all 現在の. Then the 団体／死体s were put on the 辛勝する／優位 of the sacred 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and the other 始めるs taken a little その上の into the scrub. There they were tried in many ways.

With the Boorah spirits whistling and whizzing all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する them, spears were pointed at them. Their 肌s were scratched with 石／投石する knives and mussel 爆撃するs. Hideously painted, fiendish-looking creatures suddenly 急ぐd upon them. Should they show 恐れる and quail at the Little Boorah they would be returned to their mothers as cowards unfit for initiation, and sooner or later 同情的な 魔法 would do its work, a 毒（薬）-stick or bone would end them. Or if one of the 始めるs was considered stupid and 一般に incapable, having been brought to the Boorah for that 目的, he was now, after having been made to 苦しむ all sorts of 侮辱／冷遇s, such as eating filth and so on, bound to the earth, strapped 負かす／撃墜する, killed, and his 団体／死体 burnt.

When the 裁判，公判s were over and the old wirreenuns said to the boys who had not quailed, ‘You are 勇敢に立ち向かう; you shall be boorahbayyi first and afterwards yelgidyi, and carry the 示すs that all may know.’

Then they made on the shoulder of each boy a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する 穴を開ける with a pointed 石／投石する; this 穴を開ける they licked to feel no 後援 of 石／投石する remained, then filled it with 砕くd charcoal.

After this, leaving the boys there, the men went 支援する to the Bunbul （犯罪の）一味. The 団体／死体s of the Boorah 犠牲者s were cooked. Each man who had been to five Boorahs ate a piece of this flesh, no others were 許すd even to see this done. Then the bones and what was left of the 団体／死体s were put into the middle of the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and all traces of the 犠牲者s so destroyed.

The men then sang a song, 説 that so must always be served those who scoffed at sacred things; that the strength they had wasted should go into other men who would use it better; while the spirits of the 犠牲者s should wander about until reincarnated if the Boorah spirit gave them another chance. Perhaps he would only let them be reincarnated in animals.

After another dance and 詠唱する 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the yungawee, the men went and brought the boys 支援する again. They （機の）カム with their 手渡すs on their thighs, and their 長，率いるs abased; each was taken to his allotted place 近づく the outer 辛勝する／優位 of the （犯罪の）一味. There each Munthdeegun told his boy he could sleep that night; he would go to sleep the boy he had been, to wake in the morning a new man; his courage had now been tried, and in the morning a new 指名する and a sacred 石／投石する would be given to him. The Gayandi would settle their 指名するs that night and tell the wirreenuns.

The next morning the boys were awakened by the Munthdeegun 詠唱するing and dancing before them. They stopped in 前線 of the first boy, called him to rise by a new 指名する; as he did so all the men clapped their thighs and shouted

‘Wah! wah! wah!’

Then an old wirreenun gave him a small white gubberah, which he was bidden to keep 隠すd for ever from the uninitiated and the women, and he must be ready to produce it whenever called upon to do so. The result of 失敗 would be 致命的な to him. With the loss of the 石／投石する his life spirit would be 弱めるd, and the strength of the Boorah spirit, with which he was now endowed, be used against him instead of for him, as would be the 事例／患者 as long as he kept the 石／投石する.

These 石／投石するs seem somewhat in the way of ‘Baetyli’ of pagan antiquity, which were of 一連の会議、交渉／完成する form; they were supposed to be animated, by means of magical incantations, with a 部分 of the Deity; they were 協議するd on occasions of 広大な／多数の／重要な and 圧力（をかける）ing 緊急 as a 肉親，親類d of divine oracle, and were 一時停止するd either 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the neck or some other part of the 団体／死体.

As each boy received his 石／投石する another loud chorus of ‘Wah! wah! wah!’ went up from that （人が）群がる, making the scrub （犯罪の）一味 with the sound.

Some of those, of whose tribe it was the custom—it is not invariably so—now had a 前線 tooth knocked off; this done a wirreenun 詠唱するd to the boy, who had been blindfolded and almost deafened by the whirring of Gayandi.

One 詠唱する was as follows:—

Now you can 会合，会う the Boorah spirit,
Now will he 害（を与える） you not.
He will know his spirit is in you.
For this is the 調印する,
A 前線 tooth gone.
That is his 調印する,
He will know you by it.

Some of the wirreenuns buried these teeth by the Boorah 解雇する／砲火／射撃, others carefully wrapped them up to keep as charms, or to send to other tribes, each （許可，名誉などを）与えるing to the individual custom of his tribe.

This all over, once more there was a marching and 詠唱するing 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, then the boys were taken away and given food for the first time since they left their mothers.

No wonder that the ‘supernatural’ was mixed up with their impressions of the Boorah: 急速な／放蕩なing nourishes hallucinations. While the boys were eating, they could hear in the distance other 詠唱するs, and knew that 儀式s were going on to which they were not yet to be 認める, there 存在 degrees of initiation.

On the fourth day the men took them about ten miles, and （軍の）野営地，陣営d with them where they could hear faintly in the distance the noise of the main （軍の）野営地，陣営; so they knew they were 近づく the place chosen for the Durramunga, or Little Boorah.

Just before 夜明け next morning each Munthdeegun took his Boorahbayyi, or 部分的に／不公平に 始めるd one, to the Durramunga. There was a Boorah （犯罪の）一味, but instead of earth, grass was heaped all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it. No young women were 明白な, only the old women, who sang and corroboreed に向かって the boys. Slowly they （機の）カム 今後, peered at their shoulders, and seeing there the 示すs, embraced them, shrieking out cries of joy that their boys had borne the 実験（する）s. They danced 一連の会議、交渉／完成する them, then at a 調印する from the old men embraced them again; and while, the women sang their brumboorah and danced, the boys were taken away by their 後見人s.

For two moons they remained away, learning much as to sacred things. They were told that the oldest wirreenuns could see in their sacred 水晶s pictures of the past, pictures of what was happening at a distance in the 現在の, and pictures of the 未来; some of which last filled their minds with dread, for they said as time went on the colours of the 黒人／ボイコットs, as seen in these magical 石／投石するs, seemed to grow paler and paler, until at last only the white 直面するs of the Wundah, or spirits of the dead, and white devils were seen, as if it should mean that some day no more 黒人／ボイコットs should be on this earth.

The 推論する／理由 of this must surely be that the tribes fell away from the Boorah 儀式s, and in his wrath Byamee stirred from his 水晶 seat in Bullimah. He had said that as long as the 黒人／ボイコットs kept his sacred 法律s, so long should he stay in his 水晶 seat, and the 黒人／ボイコットs live on earth; but if they failed to keep up the Boorah 儀式s as he had taught them, then he would move and their end would come, and only Wundah, or white devils, be in their country.

It is said that this prophetic 見通し was the 推論する／理由 that so many of the first-born half-caste babies were killed, the old wirreenuns seeing in them the beginning of the end.

At the end of two moons they make 支援する に向かって the place where the Boorah had begun, and where 準備s were now 存在 made to receive them.

They （軍の）野営地，陣営d in the scrub 近づく the old （軍の）野営地，陣営 of the tribe who had started the Boorah.

That night in the （軍の）野営地，陣営 the Gayandi was heard again, another 儀式 was at 手渡す.

The next day the women at the big （軍の）野営地，陣営 made a big 解雇する／砲火／射撃, a little distance away. When this 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was nearly burnt out they covered it thickly with Budtha, Dheal, and Coolabah leaves to make a 広大な／多数の／重要な smoke. On the 最高の，を越す of these leaves, which were piled about two feet high, スピードを出す／記録につけるs were placed; this 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was 一連の会議、交渉／完成する a Dheal tree.

When the 厚い smoke was seen curling up in a column, the Boorahbayyi were brought out of the scrub by the Munthdeegun, while in the distance sounded the whizzing 発言する／表明する of the Boorah spirit. As it 中止するd, when the women’s 詠唱するing rose above it, the painted boys （機の）カム into the open. On they （機の）カム, 長，率いるs 負かす／撃墜する and 手渡すs on thighs, looking neither to the 権利 nor to the left, but walking straight ahead until they stood on the スピードを出す／記録につけるs on the 解雇する／砲火／射撃. They leaned over and placed a 手渡す each on the tree in the centre, there they stood while the smoke curled all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する them. The women past child-耐えるing were singing all the time, while the men danced outside the leaf-smoke, clicking boomerangs as they did so.

For some time this went on, then the men took the boys 支援する into the scrub.

In about four moons’ time another leaf-smoke was made ready, and the Boorahbayyi were again brought out and smoked. This time while 詠唱するing a song the old women brought a big 逮捕する and put it 権利 over the boys. Then they stepped 支援する and danced 一連の会議、交渉／完成する to the clicking of boomerangs by the men. The boys were again taken away.

But after this they were 許すd to （軍の）野営地，陣営 nearer the general （軍の）野営地，陣営, though they held no intercourse with the people of it. I have often met these Boorah boys in the bush, and on sighting me they have fled as if I were a devil in petticoats.

In about another moon’s time, the boys were painted principally white, a waywah put on them, a yunbean—a piece of beefwood gum with two kangaroo teeth stuck in it, and a 穴を開ける through it—was tied to their 前線 lock of hair. A number of these yunbean were tied to forehead 禁止（する）d, which they wore too. Armlets of opossum’s hair string were put on their 武器, and feathers stuck in them. Feathers were also stuck upright in the forehead 禁止（する）d.

Some of the old men 追加するd to their own decorations by putting on wongins, from which were hanging those most precious 所有／入手s to inland 黒人／ボイコットs—seaside 爆撃するs. Some had fresh beads of gum fastened on to their hair, hanging 一連の会議、交渉／完成する their 長，率いるs in dozens.

The women, too, had coiffured themselves with fresh gum beads; the mothers of the Boorahbayyi were painted, too, in corroboree style. They had made a smoke 解雇する／砲火／射撃, but the スピードを出す／記録につけるs instead of 存在 put on it, were placed at a little distance; on these the painted boys sat, the smoke enveloping them.

After they had been seated there some time, their mothers （機の）カム up behind them, and put their 手渡すs on their sons’ shoulders. Then they rubbed all the paint off the boys’ 団体／死体s; the boys never once looking at them. When the paint was all off, the women sang and danced, until the men in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 took the boys away again.

After this, 監督 was relaxed except at night. During the day-time the boys might wander at will, so as they kept （疑いを）晴らす of the general （軍の）野営地，陣営. They might not receive food from nor speak to a woman for twelve months, as if they were 修道士s of Byamee in training.

At his second Boorah a young man was 許すd to see the sacred 解雇する／砲火／射撃 儀式, throwing in of 武器s, walking on 燃やすing coals, and the 残り／休憩（する）. He saw the 抱擁する earthen 人物／姿／数字s of Byamee, Birrahgnooloo, and Baillahburrah, or Dillalee, and was told all about them; that Byamee having 始めるd the Boorah, only such as have been through its 儀式s can go to his sky-（軍の）野営地，陣営.

Three sins are unforgiveable, and commit a spirit of a 有罪の one to continual movement in the lower world of the Eleanbah Wundah, where, but for big 解雇する／砲火／射撃s kept up, would be 不明瞭.

There the 有罪の one had to keep his 権利 手渡す at his 味方する, never moving it, but he himself perpetually moving. Those who know the 黒人／ボイコットs and their love of a ‘dolce far niente,’ will understand what a veritable hell this perpetual movement would make.

The three deadly sins were unprovoked 殺人, lying to the 年上のs of the tribe, or stealing a woman within the forbidden degrees—that is, of the same hereditary totem, i.e. of the same 血, or of the 禁じるd family 指名する 一族／派閥.

But by a curious train of 推論する／理由ing two wrongs make a 権利. Should by any chance a man 後継する in getting a wife he had no 権利 to, having lived with her, he could keep her, if he （機の）カム 損なわれない from the 裁判，公判 he had to stand; he only having a 保護物，者 to defend himself with, the men of the stolen woman’s 肉親，親類 threw 武器s at him. Only the men of her 肉親，親類 are 加害者s, not as in a 殺人 裁判，公判, when the men of all 肉親，親類s can throw at the 有罪の man. Should he defend himself 首尾よく, he can keep the woman on the understanding that a woman of his family is given to a man of hers, to square things. A man who stands his 裁判，公判 is called a Booreenbayyi.

Kindliness に向かって the old and sick is 厳密に inculcated as a 命令（する） of Byamee, to whom all 違反s of his 法律s are 報告（する）／憶測d by the all-seeing spirit at a man’s death, and he is 裁判官d accordingly. Sir Thomas Mitchell, 令状ing in 1837 his experiences of the 黒人／ボイコットs during his 探検s, notices as very striking their care and affection for the 老年の of their race.

At his second Boorah a man is 許すd to see the carvings on the trees and to hear the legends of them. Also to hear the Boorah song of Byamee, which Byamee himself sang; and to hear the 祈り of the oldest wirreenun to Byamee, asking him to let the 黒人／ボイコットs live long, for they have been faithful to his 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 as shown by the observance of the Boorah 儀式.

The old wirreenun says words to this 影響 several times imploringly, his 長，率いる turned to the east; 直面するing this direction the dead are mostly buried.

Though we say that 現実に these people have but two 試みる／企てるs at 祈りs, one at the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and one at the inner Boorah （犯罪の）一味, I think perhaps we are wrong. These two seem the only ones 直接／まっすぐに 演説（する）／住所d to Byamee. But perhaps it is his indirect 援助（する） which is さもなければ invoked. Daily 始める，決める 祈りs seem to them a foolishness and an 侮辱, rather than さもなければ, to Byamee. He knows; why 疲れた／うんざりした him by repetition, 乱すing the 残り／休憩（する） he enjoys after his earth 労働s? But a 祈り need not やむを得ず be 演説（する）／住所d to the highest god. I think if we really understood and 高く評価する／（相場などが）上がるd the mental 態度 of the 黒人／ボイコットs, we should find more in their いわゆる incantations of the nature of invocations. When a man invokes 援助（する） on the eve of a 戦う／戦い, or in his hour of danger and need; when a woman croons over her baby an incantation to keep him honest and true, and that he shall be spared in danger, surely these croonings are of the nature of 祈りs born of the same elementary でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる of mind as our more (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する litany. I fancy inherent devotional impulses are ありふれた to all races irrespective of country or colour.

When the 祈り was over the old men 詠唱するd Byamee’s song, which only the fully 始めるd may sing, and which an old 黒人／ボイコット fellow 詠唱するd for us as the greatest thing he could do.

There seemed very little in this song, for no one can translate it, the meaning having been lost in the ‘dark backward,’ if it was ever known to the Euahlayi.

‘Byamee guadoun.
Byamee guadoun.
Byamee guadoun.
Mungerh wirree.
Mungerh wirree.
Mungerh wirree.
Birree gunyah, birrie gunyah.
Dilbay gooran mulah bungarn.
Oodoo doo gilah.
Googoo wurra wurra.

Bulloo than nulgah delah boombee nulgah.
Delah boombee. Nulgah delah boombee boombee.
Buddereebah . . . . . . Eumoolan.
Dooar wullah doo. Boombee nulgah delah.’

The old fellow said wherever Byamee had travelled this song was known, but no one now knew the meaning of the whole, not even the oldest wirreenuns.

Another 石／投石する was given to a Boorahbayyi when he first heard this song.

The wirreenuns, they say, swallow their 石／投石するs to keep them 安全な.

At each Boorah a タブー is taken off food. After a third Boorah a man could eat fish, after a fourth honey, after a fifth what he liked. He was then, too, shown and taught the meanings of the 部族の message-sticks, and the big Boorah one of Byamee. As few men now have ever been to five Boorahs, few know anything about these last. At each Boorah a 石／投石する was given to a man, and when he had the five he could marry.

After each Boorah all the 人物／姿／数字s and 堤防s are destroyed.

After the fifth Boorah the mystery of the Gayandi was 明らかにする／漏らすd and the bull roarers shown—oval pieces of 支持を得ようと努めるd pointed at both ends, fastened to a string and swung 一連の会議、交渉／完成する; but though this was shown, the wirreenuns told them that the spirit’s 発言する／表明する was really in this 支持を得ようと努めるd animating it. After a man has been to one Boorah he can have war 武器s and is a 軍人, but not until he has been to five can he join or be one of the dorrunmai—sort of 長，指導者s—who 持つ／拘留する 会議s of war, but have few 特権s beyond 存在 受託するd 当局 as to war and 追跡（する）ing. With the wirreenuns 残り／休憩（する）s the real 力／強力にする, by 推論する／理由 of their 技術 in 魔法.

Besides Boorahs are minor corroboree 会合s where marriages are arranged; 会合s where the illegality of marriages is gone into, and, if necessary, 交流s 影響d or arranged; 会合s where the wirreenuns of the Boogahroo produce the 捕らえる、獲得するs of hair, etc., and vendettas are sworn; 会合s of Boodther, or giving, where each person receives and gives 現在のs. A person who went to a Boodther without a goolay 十分な of 現在のs would be thought a very poor thing indeed.

Of course every 会合 has a corroboree as part of it.

Every totem even has its own special corroboree and time for having it, as the Beewees, or iguanas, when the pine pollen is failing and the red dust-嵐／襲撃するs come. And if you 乱用d these dust-嵐／襲撃するs to a Beewee 黒人／ボイコット, you would 侮辱 him: it is not dust, it is the pollen off the pines, and so a multiplex totem to him!

The 勝利，勝つd belong to さまざまな totems, and the rains are （人命などを）奪う，主張するd by the totem whose 勝利，勝つd it was that blew it up.

If a 嵐／襲撃する comes up without 勝利，勝つd it belongs to Bohrah, the kangaroo.

The big 山地の clouds when they come from the south-west are said to be Mullyan, the eagle-強硬派, who makes the south-west 勝利，勝つd （人命などを）奪う，主張するd by Maira, 米，稲 melon totem, one of whose multiplex totems Mullyan is.

The crow keeps the 冷淡な west 勝利，勝つd in a hollow スピードを出す／記録につける, as she was too fond of blowing up ハリケーンs; she escapes いつかs, but the crow 追跡（する）s her 支援する. But they say the スピードを出す／記録につける is rotting and she will get away yet, when there will be 広大な／多数の／重要な 難破 and やめる a change in 気候s.[Here we see the usual antagonism of crow and eagle-強硬派.—A. L.]

Away to the north-west a tribe of 黒人／ボイコットs have almost a monopoly in 勝利，勝つd-making, 持つ／拘留するing 広大な／多数の／重要な corroborees to sing these ハリケーンs up. One of this tribe （機の）カム to the 駅／配置する once and 手配中の，お尋ね者 to marry a girl there. She would not 同意, and told him to go home. He went, 脅すing to send a 嵐／襲撃する to 難破させる the 駅／配置する. The 嵐／襲撃する （機の）カム; the house escaped, but stable, 蓄える／店, and cellar were unroofed. I told my 黒人／ボイコット-but-Comelys to kindly 避ける such 熱心に revengeful lovers for the 未来.

一時期／支部 10
主として As To Funerals And 嘆く／悼むing

I was awakened one morning on the 駅／配置する by distant wailing.

A wailing that （機の）カム in waves of sound, beginning slowly and lowly, to 伸び（る） 徐々に in 容積／容量 until it reached the 十分な 高さ or 限界 of the human 発言する／表明する, when 徐々に, as it had risen, it fell again. No shrieking, just a wailing inexpressibly saddening to hear.

I lay for some minutes not realising what the sound was, yet 侵入するd by its 悲しみ. Then （機の）カム consciousness. It was from the 黒人／ボイコットs’ （軍の）野営地，陣営, and must mean death. Beemunny, the oldest woman of the （軍の）野営地，陣営, who for weeks had been ill, must now be dead.

Poor old Beemunny, who was blind and used to get her 広大な／多数の／重要な-granddaughter, little Buggaloo, to lead her up to the tree outside my window, under whose shade she had spent so many hours, telling me legends of the golden age when man, birds, beasts, trees, and elements spoke a ありふれた language. But the day before I had been to the （軍の）野営地，陣営 to hear how she was. The old women were sitting 一連の会議、交渉／完成する her; one of the younger ones told me her end had nearly come.

The Boolees, or whirlwinds, with the Mullee Mullees of her enemies in, had been playing 一連の会議、交渉／完成する and through the （軍の）野営地，陣営 for days, they said, watching to 掴む her (n)艦隊／(a)素早いing spirit—a sure 調印する the end was 近づく. That night surely would come Yowee, the 骸骨／概要 spirit, with the big 長，率いる and fiery 注目する，もくろむs, whose coming meant death.

Last night more than one of the 黒人／ボイコットs had dreamt of an emu, which meant misfortune to one of that totem, which was Beemunny’s.

As Yellen spoke in a hushed sad 発言する／表明する, suddenly, though no breath of 勝利，勝つd was stirring, sprang up on the 辛勝する／優位 of the （軍の）野営地，陣営 a boolee, 後部ing its 長，率いる as if it were a living thing. 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it whirled, snatching the dead leaves of the Coolabahs, 渦巻くing them with the dust it gathered into a spiral column, which sped, as if indeed a spirit animated it, straight to the （軍の）野営地，陣営 of the dying woman. 一連の会議、交渉／完成する and 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it eddied, a dust-devil dancing a dance of death.

The 選挙立会人s drew nearer to Beemunny, who was past 注意するing even the spirits of evil.

The women in other （軍の）野営地，陣営s clutched their children to them, but spoke no word. All was silent but the 渦巻くing leaves as the column gathered them. Finding the deathbed guarded, the boolee turned はっきりと from the （軍の）野営地，陣営 and sped away 負かす／撃墜する the road, 解散させるing on the poligonum flat in the distance.

Yellen gave a sigh of 救済.

But now her 恐れるs were 立証するd; Beemunny was dead.

Poor old Beemunny! How the vanities of 青年 粘着する to one; how we are ‘all sisters under the 肌.’

She was ever so old, she was blind, her 直面する was scarred with wrinkles, yet one of her beauties remained, and she 絶対 joyed in its 所有／入手: it was her hair. Her hair was 厚い and fuzzy, when 徹底的に捜すd would stand nearly straight out, which is やめる unusual with the native women’s hair in that part. Beemunny one day asked one of the younger women if I had ever heard what a lot of lovers she had had in her 青年, what fights there had been over her, and all because of her beautiful hair.

Poor old Beemunny! Something in my own woman nature went out to her in sympathy. She was old, she was ugly, her husband was dead, as were all men to her.

Poor old Beemunny! Having once learnt her vanity, I never passed her without 説 ‘Gubbah Tekkul!’ ‘Beautiful hair!’ at which she would beam and 投げ上げる／ボディチェックする her 長，率いる.

At sunrise （機の）カム again the wailing; the singing of the Goohnai, or dirge, wherein are enumerated all the multiplex totems of the 死んだ, crooned in a wailing way, and each fresh person who comes to the （軍の）野営地，陣営 sings this dirge again. In olden times all would have been painted in 十分な war paint, 武器s in 手渡す, to see the 死体.

I was given 許可 to go to the funeral, old Bootha was to take me.

I heard that Beemunny had died 早期に in the night. Her daughter and nearest of 肉親，親類 had sat all night beside her 団体／死体, with each a 手渡す on it to guard her from the spirits. She was now in her bark 棺, 一連の会議、交渉／完成する which were her own 一面に覆う／毛布s to be buried with her. The 棺 was made of bark 削減（する） off 権利 一連の会議、交渉／完成する a tree, 分裂（する） on one 味方する from end to end; the 団体／死体 was placed in this, then the bark lapped over it, the ends were 封鎖するd up with other pieces, the whole 安全な・保証するd by ropes. All day until the burial some one of 肉親，親類 stayed beside the 棺, little 解雇する／砲火／射撃s of Budtha kept smoking all the while. In the afternoon old Bootha （機の）カム for me, and we 始める，決める out.

First in the 行列 marched two old men of the tribe, behind them some young men, then those in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of the 棺 and the two nearest women relations, すぐに behind them the old women, then the young women. No women with babies were 許すd to go, nor any children. I （機の）カム last with old Bootha.

The 行列 moved along an old winding 跡をつける on the 最高の，を越す of a moorilla, or pebbly 山の尾根, pine-trees overarching in places carving the sky into a ドーム—a natural 寺 through which we walked to the burial-ground.

Every now and then we heard a bird 公式文書，認める, which made the women ちらりと見ること at each other and say, first, ‘Guadgee,’ then ‘Bootha,’ as it （機の）カム again, and a third time ‘Hippitha.’ To my uneducated ear the 公式文書，認める seemed the same each time. I asked Bootha what it was. She told me it was the 公式文書，認める of a little bird, something like a wren, called Durrooee, in whose 形態／調整 the spirits of dead women revisited the earth. It seems that Numbardee, the first woman, was, like Milton’s Eve, a caterer; she acquired art in （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing the roots of 工場／植物s into flat cakes much esteemed; she was never to be met without some, carrying them always in a 捕らえる、獲得する across her shoulders.

And Byamee was so pleased with her for always having food for the hungry that, when at length she died, he 許すd her to revisit her old gahreemai, or （軍の）野営地，陣営, her spirit returning in the form of the little honey-eater bird, Durrooee; and all women after her had a like 特権 if they had done their 義務 in life. These birds are sacred; no one must 害（を与える） them, nor even imitate their cry. It would be hard to 傷つける them, for the spirit in them is so strong. If any one even takes up a stick or 石／投石する to throw at them, hardly is it raised from the ground when the would-be 加害者 is 強制的に knocked over, though he sees nothing but the little bird he was about to attack. Then he knows the bird must be a spirit bird, and perhaps seeing him look at her, the bird calls a woman’s 指名する, then he knows whose spirit it is.

A 黒人／ボイコット boy on the 駅／配置する was 不正に 傷つける by a 落ちる from a tree. It had seemed strange that such a good 登山者 should 落ちる. The 黒人／ボイコットs said it was because there was a Durrooee’s nest in that tree, the spirit had knocked him 負かす／撃墜する, and for a time so paralysed the man with him that he could not move to his 援助. Needless to say, they have 避けるd that tree since.

In the distance we heard the sound of the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な 存在 dug. 非，不，無 of the same totem as the dead person must dig the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な. The 棺 was put 負かす／撃墜する beside the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, the daughter and other nearest women relations stayed with it, the other women went away into the bush in one direction, some of the men in another.

Old Hippi heaped up some Budtha twigs he had gathered, I noticed as we （機の）カム along; these he 始める，決める 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to, and made a dense smoke which hung low over the open 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and spread over the old 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大なs.

Hippi smoked himself in this smoke. The women （機の）カム 支援する with 武器 十分な of small 支店s of the sacred Dheal tree, these they laid beside the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, then sat 負かす／撃墜する and broke them into small twigs; the old women had twigs put through the bored 穴を開ける in their noses.

The men （機の）カム 支援する with some pine saplings; two of these they laid at the 底（に届く） of the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, which was about five feet 深い. On these pines they spread （土地などの）細長い一片s of bark, then a 厚い bed of Dheal twigs; then a woman 手渡すd a 捕らえる、獲得する 含む／封じ込めるing the 所持品 of the dead woman—boogurr they were called—to the oldest male 親族, who was standing in the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な; he placed it as a pillow at one end. Then Hippi and the daughter’s husband took each an end of the 棺 and lowered it into the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な; the daughter cried loudly as they did so. Over the 棺 they laid a rug, and on the rug they placed Beemunny’s yam stick. Hippi signalled to the daughter, who then （機の）カム with the other women の近くに to the 辛勝する／優位 of the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な. She sat at one end, looked over into the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, and called out: ‘My mother! Oh, my mother! Come 支援する to me, my mother! My mother that I have been with always, why did you leave me?’ Then she wailed the death-wail, which the other women caught up. As the wail died away, Hippi said:

‘She has gone from us; never as she was will she return.
Never more as she once did will she chop honey.
Never more with her gunnai dig yams.
She has gone from us; never as she was to return.’

As he finished all the women wailed again, and loudest of all the daughter. Then the old man in the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な said:

‘Mussels there are in the creek and plenty,
But she who lies here will dig no more.
We shall fish as of old for cod-fish,
But she who lies here will beg no more oil,
Oil for her hair, she will want no more.’

Then again the women wailed.

Old Hippi said, as the other man, in a sort of recitative

‘Never again will she use a 解雇する／砲火／射撃.
Where she goes 解雇する／砲火／射撃s are not.
For she goes to the women, the dead women,
And women can make no 解雇する／砲火／射撃s.
Fruit is there in plenty and grass seed,
But no birds nor beasts in the heaven of woman.’

Again the women wailed, wail after wail. Then they 手渡すd the remaining twigs of Dheal to the men, who laid them on the 最高の，を越す of the 棺, then bark again over the twigs, and pine saplings on them, on 最高の，を越す some old rugs.

While this was 存在 done the old, old gins danced slowly a corroboree step 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 辛勝する／優位 of the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, crooning a Goohnai-wurrai or dirge.

Then the men began to throw in the earth, the oldest male 親族 of the 死んだ standing in the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な to guard the 団体／死体 until the earth covered the 棺. As thud after thud went the earth in, the daughter shrieked and swayed over as if to 落ちる into the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, but her friend drew her 支援する. She called ‘Mother! mother!’ took a sharp 石／投石する which was beside her and 攻撃する，衝突する it against her 長，率いる until the 血 噴出するd out. They took the 石／投石する from her. There she sat 激しく揺するing her 団体／死体 to and fro, wailing all the time, the other women wailing too, until the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な was やめる covered in.

When it was filled in Hippi made another big smoke, 完全に smoked himself, calling to all the men to do the same.

An old woman made a big smoke behind where the women were sitting; she called them one by one and made them stand in the 厚い of it for a while.

Hippi said something to her. I caught the word ‘Innerah’—they called me Innerah, which meant literally a woman with a （軍の）野営地，陣営 of her own. The old woman gave the smoke 解雇する／砲火／射撃 a 動かす, and out at once （機の）カム a 厚い column of smoke circling 一連の会議、交渉／完成する my guest and myself.

They covered the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な with スピードを出す／記録につけるs and boughs and then swept 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it.

All was over, we turned homewards. As we did so a flock of screeching gilahs flew over, their 有望な rose colouring lighting up the sombre scene where the only colour was that of the dark pines silhouetted against a sky from which the blue had now faded. Going home Bootha told me that the smoking 過程 was to keep the spirits away, and to 殺菌する us from any 病気 the dead might have; and she said had we not been smoked the spirits might have followed us 支援する to the house.

They would at once change their （軍の）野営地，陣営; the old one would be gummarl—a タブーd place; but before they left it they would 燃やす smoke 解雇する／砲火／射撃s there to 脅す away the spirits.

I asked her why they swept 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な. She said, in 事例／患者 the dead person had been 毒（薬）d or killed by 魔法; and, indeed, so little do they 許す the 可能性 of death from natural 原因（となる）s, they even said old Beemunny had been given 毒（薬） in her honey by an old-time 拒絶するd lover. 井戸／弁護士席, by 広範囲にわたる 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な they would see what 跡をつける was on the swept place next morning, and によれば that they would know to what totem the 殺害者 belonged. If the 跡をつける should be an iguana’s, then one of the Beewee, or iguana totem, was 有罪の; if an emu, then one of the Dinewan, or emu totem, and so on.

Old Hippi joined me a little その上の on. He explained that the service was not as it would have been some years ago. That I knew, because when I first went to the 駅／配置する I had seen them going to funerals all decorated as if for corroborees. 一連の会議、交渉／完成する their waists, wrists, 膝s and ankles had been twigs of Dheal, the sacred tree, and the 残り／休憩（する） of their 団体／死体s had been painted.

Hippi said a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 more would have been spoken and sung at the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な if the dead person had been a man. His spirit would have in a short sort of 祈り been commended to Byamee, who would have been intreated to let the dead enter Bullimah (heaven), as he had kept the Boorah 法律s—that is, of course, if he had been 始めるd: the spirits of the uninitiated wander until they are reincarnated, and never enter Bullimah. One curious coincidence occurred in 関係 with this burial.

Seeing the droughty desolation of the country, as we walked to the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な, I asked old Bootha when she thought it would rain again. Coming very の近くに to me she half whispered:

‘In three days I think it; old woman dead tell me when she dying that “‘sposin” she can send ’em rain, she send ‘im three days when her Yowee bulleerul—spirit breath—go long Oobi Oobi.’

Beemunny died on Wednesday night. On Saturday when we went to bed the skies were as cloudless as they had been for weeks. In the middle of the night we were awakened by the patter of rain-減少（する）s on the アイロンをかける roof. All night it rained, and all the next day.

It is said that a dead person always sends rain within a week of his death to wash out his 跡をつけるs on earth.

One little 黒人／ボイコット girl told me she always felt sad when she saw thunderclouds, because she thought some dead person had sent them.

As a 支配する, there is a good 取引，協定 more shedding of 血 over a 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な than I saw. This 血 申し込む／申し出ing is said to please the dead, 存在 a proof to them of the affection of the living. It is funeral etiquette to 準備する yourself with a 武器 with which to shed this 血, but likewise etiquette for a friend to 介入する and stop your self-mutilation.

On 現れるing from the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な the spirit finds the spirits of his dead relations waiting to go with him to Oobi Oobi, that is, a sacred mountain whose 最高の，を越す towers into the sky, nearly touching Bullimah. The new spirit recognises his relations at once; they had, many of them, been 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the death-bed 明白な at the last to the dying, though not to any of the 選挙立会人s with him, though these are said いつかs to hear the spirit 発言する／表明するs.

The spirit from the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な carried with him the twigs of the sacred Dheal tree which were placed over and under his 団体／死体; he follows his spirit relations, dropping these twigs as he goes along, leaving thus a 追跡する that those who follow may see. At the 最高の，を越す of Oobi Oobi he finds the spirits called Mooroobeaigunnil, whose 商売／仕事 it is to 橋（渡しをする） over the distance a spirit has to 横断する between the 最高の，を越す of the mountain and Bullimah, the 広大な／多数の／重要な Byamee’s sky-（軍の）野営地，陣営.

One of these Mooroobeaigunnil 掴むs him and hoists him on to his shoulders; then comes another and hoists the first; and so on, until the one 持つ／拘留するing the spirit can 解除する him into Bullimah. As the spirit is hoisted in, one of the Mooroobeaigunnil, knocks the lowest one in the ladder of spirits 負かす／撃墜する; thud to the earth come the 残り／休憩（する）, making a sound like a thunderclap, which the far away tribes hear, and 審理，公聴会 say:

‘A spirit has entered Bullimah.’

Should a big meteor 落ちる followed by a thunderclap, it is a 調印する that a 広大な／多数の／重要な man has died. Should a number of 星／主役にするs shoot off from a 落ちるing 星／主役にする, it is a 調印する that a man has died leaving a large family. When a 星／主役にする is seen 落ちるing in the day-time, it is a 調印する that one of the Noongahburrah tribe dies.

In the olden time some of the tribes would keep a 団体／死体 at least five days. Then they would rub the outside 黒人／ボイコット 肌 off, make an 開始 in the 味方する of the 団体／死体, take out the 内部の parts, fill it up with Dheal leaves. They would place the rubbed-off 肌 and 内部のs in bark and put it in hollow trees. They would then bury the 団体／死体, which they said would come up white.

いつかs they would keep their dead for weeks, that they might easily 抽出する the small 共同の bones with which to make 毒（薬）.

A baby’s 団体／死体 they would いつかs carry for years before burying, but it would usually have been 井戸／弁護士席 smoke-乾燥した，日照りのd first, though not, I believe, invariably so.

いつかs a 団体／死体 was kept so that relations from a distance might come and see for themselves the death was not the result of foul play.

After the 団体／死体 was filled up with Dheal leaves it was put into its bark 棺 and smoke 解雇する／砲火／射撃s made 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it.

As each relation arrived he was blindfolded and led up to the 死体, which was held up standing by some of the men. When the blindfolded relation （機の）カム 近づく, the 包帯 was taken off him and before him he saw standing his relation, whom he 診察するd to see if 負傷させるs were 明白な. If 調印するs of 暴力／激しさ were 明らかな, the 殺害者 had to be discovered and stand his 裁判，公判. He was given a 保護物，者 to defend himself with. Every man had a 権利 to throw a 武器 at him; should he manage to defend himself 首尾よく, as far as that 罪，犯罪 was 関心d he would be henceforth a 解放する／自由な man, no stigma 大（公）使館員ing to him whatever. In which, I fancy, the 黒人／ボイコットs show themselves a larger-minded people than their white supplanters, who make this world no place for repentance for wrong-doers, ‘though they 捜し出す it with 涙／ほころびs.’ In the world’s opinion there is no 限界 to a man’s 宣告，判決. We read the letter of the Gospel, and leave the spirit of it to the 黒人／ボイコットs to 適用する.

Should there be a difficulty as to discovering the 犯罪の, all the men of the tribes amongst whom the 殺害者 could be stand 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the 棺. A 長，率いる man says to the 死体, ‘Did such and such a man 害（を与える） you?’ 指名するing, one after another, all the men. At the 有罪の one’s 指名する the 死体 is said to knock a sort of 非難する, 非難する, 非難する.

That man has to stand his 裁判，公判.

But as a 支配する the 黒人／ボイコットs like to bury their dead quickly, because the spirit haunts their neighbourhood or its late （軍の）野営地，陣営 until the 団体／死体 is buried. Mysterious lights are said to be seen at night, and there is a general 脅す in （軍の）野営地，陣営-land until a 死体 is 安全に buried.

There are variations in the funeral 儀式s of nearly every tribe. Even in our 地区 the dead were いつかs placed in hollow trees. I know of 骸骨／概要s in trees on the 辛勝する／優位 of the 山の尾根 on which the home 駅／配置する was built. These are said to be for the most part the 団体／死体s of worthless women or babies.

In the 沿岸の 地区s there are 壇・綱領・公約s in trees on which dead 団体／死体s were laid. In some places 死体s are tied up in a sitting posture. The tying, they say, is to keep them 安全な・保証する when spirits come about, or 団体／死体-ひったくりs for 毒（薬） bones.

In some places the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大なs are covered with a sort of emu egg-形態／調整d and sized lumps of copi; and also, when a 未亡人’s 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of 嘆く／悼むing was over, she would take the 未亡人’s cap—which was a sort of copi or gypsum covering put on wet to her 長，率いる—and place it on the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な of her husband.

On the Narran the 未亡人s plaster their 長，率いるs with copi or bidyi, as they call it, but so thinly that it cakes off. They 新たにする it, and keep their 長，率いるs covered with it for the allotted 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of 嘆く／悼むing, then just let it 徐々に all wear off.

Those 未亡人s’ caps, having the imprint of 逮捕するs inside them, are very old; for hair 逮捕するs have been out of fashion for very many years in （軍の）野営地，陣営-land, so such 階級 as antique curios.

I don’t think the small girl who thought when she grew up she’d choose to be a 未亡人, would have thought so if she had been born 黒人／ボイコット.

When a 黒人／ボイコット woman’s husband dies she has to cover herself with mud, and sleep beside a smouldering smoke all night. Three days afterwards, 黒人／ボイコット fellows go and make a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 by the creek. They chase the 未亡人 and her sisters, who might have been her husband’s wives, 負かす／撃墜する to the creek. The 未亡人 catches 持つ／拘留する of the smoking bush, puts it under her arm, and jumps into the middle of the creek; as the smoking bush is going out she drinks some of the smoky water. Then out she comes, is smoked at the 解雇する／砲火／射撃; she then calls to those in the （軍の）野営地，陣営, and looks に向かって her husband’s 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and calls again; his spirit answers, and the 黒人／ボイコットs call to her that they have heard him.

After that she is 許すd to speak; she had been doomed to silence since his death, but for lamentations. She goes to the new （軍の）野営地，陣営, where another big smoke is made. She puts on her 未亡人’s cap, which, as it wears out, has to be 新たにするd for many months; for some months, too, she keeps her 直面する daubed with white.

Every time a stranger comes to the （軍の）野営地，陣営 the 未亡人 has to make a smoke and smoke the （軍の）野営地，陣営 again. The nearest of 肉親，親類 to her husband has a 権利 to （人命などを）奪う，主張する her as wife when her 嘆く／悼むing is over.

Should a woman be left a 未亡人 two or three times there are 悪意のある whisperings about her. She is spoken of as having a ‘white heart’; and no man can live long, they say, with a woman having a ‘white heart.’

The 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大なs in some parts of Australia are 示すd by carved trees; only a few painted upright 地位，任命するs 示すd them on the Narran.

A タブーd （軍の）野営地，陣営 has always a 示すd tree—just a piece of bark 削減（する） off and some red 場内取引員／株価s made on the 支持を得ようと努めるd, which 示す that the place is gummarl.

Any 所有／入手s of the dead not buried with them are burnt, except the sacred 石／投石するs; they are left to the wirreenun nearest of 肉親，親類 to the dead person.

Lately a 事例／患者 （機の）カム under my notice of the タブー 延長するd to the 所有／入手s of dead people.

A 黒人／ボイコット man having two horses died. Neither his 未亡人 nor her mother would use those horses, even when he had been dead over a year. They would walk ten or twelve miles for their rations and carry them 支援する, rather than use those horses before the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 of 嘆く／悼むing was over.

The 未亡人 was one of my particular friends, but she would not come to see me because her husband had been at the house の直前に he died. She （軍の）野営地，陣営d nearly a mile away, and I went to see her there. After he had been dead about a year, she （機の）カム to see me; but before she did so her mother walked all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the out-buildings, garden, yards, etc., with a bunch of smoking Budtha, crooning little spirit songs.

一時期／支部 11
Something About 星／主役にするs And Legends

Venus in the Summer evenings is a striking 反対する in the western sky. Our Venus they call the Laughing 星／主役にする, who is a man. He once said something very 妥当でない, and has been laughing at his joke ever since. As he scintillates you seem to see him grinning still at his Rabelais-like witticism, seeing which the {aborigines} say:

‘He’s a rude old man, that Laughing 星／主役にする.’

The 乳の Way is a warrambool, or water 洪水; the 星／主役にするs are the 解雇する／砲火／射撃s, and the dusky 煙霧 the smoke from them, which spirits of the dead have lit on their 旅行 across the sky. In their 解雇する／砲火／射撃s they are cooking the mussels they gather where they （軍の）野営地，陣営.

There is one old man up there who was once a 広大な／多数の／重要な rainmaker, and when you see that he has turned 一連の会議、交渉／完成する as the position of the 乳の Way is altered, you may 推定する／予想する rain; he never moves except to make it.

A waving dark 影をつくる／尾行する that you will see along the same course is Kurreah, the crocodile.

To get to the Warrambool, the Wurrawilberoo, two dark 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs in Scorpio, have to be passed. They are devils who try to catch the spirits of the dead; いつかs even coming to earth, when they animate whirlwinds and strike terror into the 黒人／ボイコットs. The old men try to keep them from racing through the （軍の）野営地，陣営 by throwing their spears and boomerangs at them.

The Pleiades are seven sisters, as usual, the dimmed ones having been dulled because on earth Wurrunnah 掴むd them and tried to melt the 水晶 off them at a 解雇する／砲火／射撃; for, beautiful as they were with their long hair, they were ice-maidens. But he was 不成功の beyond dulling their brightness, for the ice as it melted put out the 解雇する／砲火／射撃. The two ice-maidens were 哀れな on earth with him, and 結局 escaped by the 援助（する） of one of their ‘multiplex totems,’ the pine-tree. Wurrunnah had told them to get him pine bark. Now the Meamei—Pleiades—belong to the Beewee totem, so does the pine-tree. They chopped the pine bark, and as they did so the tree telescoped itself to the sky where the five other Meamei were, whom they now joined, and with whom they have remained ever since. But they who were 汚染するd by their 施行するd 住居 with the earth-man never shone again with the brightness of their sisters. This legend was told 強調ing the beauty of chastity.

Men had 願望（する）d all the sisters when once they travelled on earth, but they kept themselves unspotted from the world, with the exception of the two Wurrunnah 逮捕（する）d by stratagem.

Orion’s Sword and Belt are the Berai-Berai—the boys—who best of all loved the Meamei, for whom they used to 追跡（する）, bringing their offerings to them; but the ice-maidens were obdurate and 冷淡な, disdaining lovers, as might be 推定する／予想するd from their 血統／生まれ. Their father was a rocky mountain, their mother an icy mountain stream. But when they were translated to the sky the Berai-Berai were inconsolable. They would not 追跡（する）, they would not eat, they pined away and died. The spirits pitied them and placed them in the sky within sound of the singing of the Meamei, and there they are happy. By day they 追跡（する）, and at night light their corroboree 解雇する／砲火／射撃s, and dance to the singing in the distance. just to remind the earth-people of them, the Meamei 減少（する） 負かす／撃墜する some ice in the winter, and they it is who make the winter 雷雨s.

Castor and Pollux, in some tribes, are two hunters of long ago.

Canopus is Womba, the Mad 星／主役にする, the wonderful Weedah of long ago, who, on losing his loves, went mad, and was sent to the sky that they might not reach him; but they followed, and are travelling after him to this day, and after them the wizard Beereeun, their evil genius, who made the しん気楼 on the plains ーするために deceive them, that they and Weedah might be 誘惑するd on by it and 死なせる／死ぬ of かわき.

When they escaped him Beereeun threw a barbed spear into the sky, and 麻薬中毒の one spear on to another until he made a ladder up which he climbed after them; and across the sky he is still 追求するing them.

The Clouds of Magellan are the Bralgah, or Native Companions, mother and daughter, whom the Wurrawilberoo chased ーするために kill and eat the mother and keep the daughter, who was the 広大な／多数の／重要な ダンサー of the tribes. They almost caught her, but her tribe 追求するd them too quickly; when, 決定するd that if they lost her so should her people, they 詠唱するd an incantation and changed her from Bralgah, the dancing-girl, to Bralgah, the dancing-bird, then left her to wander about the plains. They translated themselves on beefwood trees into the sky, and there they are still.

Gowargay, the featherless emu, is a debbil-debbil of water-穴を開けるs; he drags people who bathe in his 穴を開けるs 負かす／撃墜する and 溺死するs them, but goes every night to his sky-（軍の）野営地，陣営, the Coalpit, a dark place by the Southern Cross, and there he crouches. Our Corvus, the crow, is the kangaroo.

The Southern 栄冠を与える is Mullyan, the eagle-強硬派. The Southern Cross was the first Minggah, or spirit tree a 抱擁する Yaraan, which was the medium for the translation of the first man who died on earth to the sky. The white cockatoos which used to roost in this tree when they saw it moving skywards followed it, and are に引き続いて it still as Mouyi, the pointers. The other Yaraan trees wailed for the sadness that death brought into the world, weeping 涙／ほころびs of 血. The red gum which crystallises 負かす／撃墜する their trunks is the 涙／ほころびs.

Some tribes say it was by a woman’s fault that death （機の）カム into the world.

This legend avers that at first the tribes were meant to live for ever. The women were told never to go 近づく a 確かな hollow tree. The bees made a nest in this tree; the women coveted the honey, but the men forbade them to go 近づく it. But at last one woman 決定するd to get that honey; chop went her tomahawk into that hollow trunk, and out flew a 抱擁する bat. This was the spirit of death which was now let 解放する／自由な to roam the world, （人命などを）奪う，主張するing all it could touch with its wings.

Of （太陽，月の）食／失墜s there are さまざまな accounts. Some say it is Yhi, the sun, the wanton woman, who has overtaken at last her enemy the moon, who 軽蔑（する）d her love, and whom now she tries to kill, but the spirits 介入する, dreading a return to a dark world. Some say the enemies have managed to get evil spirits into each other which are destroying them. The wirreenuns 詠唱する incantations to 追い出す these spirits of evil, and when the （太陽，月の）食／失墜 is over （人命などを）奪う，主張する a 勝利 of their 魔法.

Another account says that Yhi, the sun, after many lovers, tried to ensnare Bahloo, the moon; but he would have 非，不，無 of her, and so she chases him across the sky, telling the spirits who stand 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the sky 持つ／拘留するing it up, that if they let him escape past them to earth, she will throw 負かす／撃墜する the spirit who sits in the sky 持つ／拘留するing the ends of the Kurrajong ropes which they guard at the other end, and if that spirit 落ちるs the earth will be 投げつけるd 負かす／撃墜する into everlasting 不明瞭.

So poor Bahloo, when he wants to get to earth and go on with the 創造 of baby girls, has to こそこそ動く 負かす／撃墜する as an emu past the spirits, hurrying off as soon as the sun 沈むs 負かす／撃墜する too.

Bahloo is a very important personage in legends.

When the 黒人／ボイコットs see a halo 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the moon they say,

‘Hullo! Going to be rain. Bahloo building a house to keep himself 乾燥した，日照りの.’

All sorts of 捨てるs of folk-lore used to 刈る out from the little girls I took from the （軍の）野営地，陣営 into the house to domesticate. When 嵐／襲撃するs were 脅すing, some of the clouds have a netted sort of look, something like a mackerel sky, only with a dusky green tinge, they would say: ‘See the old man with the 逮捕する on his 支援する; he’s going to 減少（する） some hailstones.’

Meteors always mean death; should a 追跡する follow them, the dead person has left a large family.

惑星s are a spirit of evil supposed to drink up the rain-clouds, so 原因（となる）ing a 干ばつ; their tails 存在 抱擁する families all thirsty, so thirsty that they draw the river up into the clouds.

Every natural feature in any way pronounced has a mythical 推論する／理由 for its 存在, every peculiarity in bird life, every peculiarity in the trees and 石／投石するs. Besides there are many mythical bogies still 捕まらないで, （許可，名誉などを）与えるing to native lore, making the bush a gnome-land.

Even the 勝利，勝つd carry a legend in their breath.

You hear people say they could have ‘burst with 激怒（する）,’ but it is left to a 黒人／ボイコット’s legend to tell of a whole tribe bursting with 激怒（する）, and so 起こる／始まるing the 勝利，勝つd.

There was once an invisible tribe called Mayrah. These people, men and women, though they talked and 追跡（する）d with them, could never be seen by the other tribes, to whom were only 明白な their accoutrements for 追跡（する）ing. They would hear a woman’s 発言する／表明する speak to them, see perhaps a goolay in 中央の-空気／公表する and hear from it an invisible baby’s cry; they would know then a Mayrah woman was there. Or a man would speak to them. Looking up they would see a belt with 武器s in it, a forehead 禁止（する）d too, perhaps, but no waist nor forehead, a water-大型船 invisibly held: a man was there, an invisible Mayrah. One of these Mayrah men chummed with one of the Doolungaiyah tribe; he was a splendid mate, a 広大な／多数の／重要な hunter, and all that was 望ましい, but for his invisibility. The Doolungaiyah longed to see him, and began to worry him on the 支配する until at last the Mayrah became enraged, went to his tribe, and told them of the curiosity of the other tribes as to their bodily forms. The others became as furious as he was; they all burst with 激怒（する） and 急ぐd away roaring in six different directions, and ever since have only returned as formless 勝利，勝つd to be heard but never seen. So savagely the Mayrah howled 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the Doolungaiyah’s （軍の）野営地，陣営 that he burrowed into the sand to escape, and his tribe have burrowed ever since.

Three of the 勝利，勝つd are masculine and three feminine. The Crow, （許可，名誉などを）与えるing to legend, 支配（する）／統制するs Gheeger Gheeger, and keeps her in a hollow スピードを出す／記録につける. The Eagle-強硬派 owns Gooroongoodilbaydilbay, and 飛行機で行くs with her in the 形態／調整 of high clouds. Yarragerh is a man, and he has for wives the Budtha, Bibbil, and Bumble trees, and when he breathes on them they burst into new shoots, buds, flowers, and fruits, telling the world that their lover Yarragerh, the spring, has come.

Douran Doura 支持を得ようと努めるs the Coolabah, and Kurrajong, who flower after the hot north 勝利，勝つd has kissed them.

The women 勝利，勝つd have no 力／強力にする to make trees 実りの多い／有益な. They can but moan through them, or 涙／ほころび them in 激怒（する） for the lovers they have stolen, whom they can only 会合，会う twice a year at the 広大な／多数の／重要な corroboree of the 勝利，勝つd, when they all come together, heard but never seen; for Mayrah, the 勝利，勝つd, are invisible, as were the Mayrah, the tribe who in bursting gave them birth.

Yarragerh and Douran Doura are the most honoured 勝利，勝つd as 存在 the surest rain-bringers. In some of the 黒人／ボイコットs’ songs Mayrah is sung of as the mother of Yarragerh, the spring, or as a woman kissed into life by Yarragerh putting such warmth into her that she blows the winter away. But these are poetical licences, for Yarragerh is ordinarily a man who 支持を得ようと努めるs the trees as a spring 勝利，勝つd until the flowers are born and the fruit formed, then 支援する he goes to the heaven whence he （機の）カム.

Then there are the historical 目印s: Byamee’s 跡をつけるs in 石／投石する, and so on, and the 戦う／戦い-fields, too, of old 部族の fights. just in 前線 of our 駅／配置する 蓄える／店 was a gnarled old Coolabah tree covered with warty excrescences, which are supposed to be seats for spirits, so showing a spirit haunt.

In this particular tree are the spirits of the Moungun, or armless women, and when the 勝利，勝つd blows you could hear them wailing. Their cruel husband chopped their 武器 off because they could not get him the honey he 手配中の，お尋ね者, and their spirits have wailed ever since.

Across the creek is another very old tree, having one hollow part in which is said to be secreted a 爆撃する which old Wurrunnah, the traveller of the tribes, and the first to see the sea, brought 支援する. No one would dare to touch the 爆撃する. The tribe of a 隣人ing creek, when we were first at the 駅／配置する, used to 脅す to come and get it, but the men of the 地元の tribe used to 召集（する） to 保護する it from desecration even at the expense of their lives.

The Minggah by the garden I have told you of before. その上の 負かす／撃墜する the creek are others.

At Weetalibah was the tree from which Byamee 削減（する） the first Gayandi. This tree was burnt by travellers a few years ago. The 黒人／ボイコットs were furious: the sacred tree of Byamee burnt by the white devils! There are trees, too, considered sacred, from which Byamee 削減（する） honey and 示すd them for his own, just as a man even now, on finding a bee’s nest and not 存在 able to stay and get it, 示すs a tree, which for any one else to touch is 窃盗.

A little way from the 長，率いる 駅／配置する was an outcrop of white 石／投石するs. These are said to be fossilised bones of Boogoodoogahdah’s 犠牲者s. She was a cannibal woman who had hundreds of dogs; with them she used to 一連の会議、交渉／完成する up 黒人／ボイコットs and kill them, and she and her dogs ate them. At last she was outwitted and killed herself, and her spirit flew out as a bird from her heart. This bird haunts burial grounds, and if in a 干ばつ any one can run it 負かす／撃墜する and make it cry out, rain will 落ちる.

During a 干ばつ one of these birds （機の）カム into my garden, 審理，公聴会 which the 黒人／ボイコットs said rain would come soon, and it did. In another 干ばつ when the rainmakers had failed, some of the old 黒人／ボイコットs saw a rain-bird and 追跡（する）d it, but could not get it to call out.

Geologists say there should be diamonds along some of the old water-courses of the Moorilla 山の尾根s. Perhaps the white 石／投石する that the 黒人／ボイコットs talk about, which shows a light at night, and has, they say, a devil in it, is a diamond. Ruskin rather thought there was a devil in diamonds, making women do all sorts of evil to 所有する them. The 黒人／ボイコットs told me that a Queensland tribe had a marvellous 石／投石する which at 広大な／多数の／重要な 集会s they show. Taking those who are 特権d to see it into the dark, there they suddenly produce it, and it glows like a 星／主役にする, though when looked closely at in daylight seems only like a large 減少（する） of rain solidified. This 石／投石する, they said, has to be 井戸／弁護士席 guarded, as it has the 力／強力にする of self-movement, or rather, the devil in it can move it.

The greatest of 地元の 目印s is at Brewarrina; this is the work of Byamee and his 巨大（な） sons, the 石／投石する 漁業s made in the bed of the Barwon.

At Boogira, on the Narran Lake, is an imprint in 石／投石する of Byamee’s 手渡す and foot, which shows that in those days were 巨大（な）s. There it was that Byamee brought to bay the crocodiles who had swallowed his wives, from which he 回復するd them and 回復するd them to life.

At Mildool is a scooped-out 激しく揺する which Byamee made to catch and 持つ／拘留する water; beside it he hollowed out a smaller 石／投石する, that his dog might have a drinking-place too. This 再発 of the について言及する of dogs in the legends touching Byamee looks as if 黒人／ボイコットs at all events believed dogs to have been in Australia as long as men.

At Dooyanweenia are two 激しく揺するs where Byamee and Birrahgnooloo 残り／休憩（する）d, and to these 激しく揺するs are still sticking the hairs he pulled from his 耐えるd, after rubbing his 直面する with gum to make them come out easily.

At Guddee, a spring in the Brewarrina 地区, every now and then come up 抱擁する bones of animals now extinct. Legends say that these bones are the remains of the 犠牲者s of Mullyan, the eagle-強硬派, whose （軍の）野営地，陣営 was in the tree at the foot of which was the spring. This tree was a tree of trees; first, a 広範囲にわたって spreading gum, then another 肉親，親類d, next a pine, and lastly a midgee, in which was Mullyan’s （軍の）野営地，陣営, out of which the relations of his 犠牲者s burnt him and his wives, and they now form the Northern 栄冠を与える 星座. The roots of this gigantic tree travelled for miles, forming 地下組織の water-courses. At Eurahbah and どこかよそで are hollowed-out 洞穴s like 石／投石するs; in these places Birrahgnooloo slept, and 近づく them, before the 在庫／株 trampled them out, were always to be 設立する springs made at her instigation for her refreshment; she is the patroness of water.

At Toulby and どこかよそで are mud springs. It is said that long ago there were no springs there, nor in the Warrego 地区, and in the 干ばつs the water-courses all 乾燥した，日照りのd up and the 黒人／ボイコットs 死なせる／死ぬd in hundreds. Time, after time this happened, until at last it seemed as if the tribes would be 皆殺しにするd. The Yanta—spirits—saw what was happening and felt grieved, so they 決定するd to come and live on the earth again to try and bring 救済 to the 干ばつ-stricken people. 負かす／撃墜する they （機の）カム and 始める，決める to work to excavate springs. They scooped out earth and dug, deeper and deeper, until at length after many of them gave in from exhaustion, those that were left were rewarded by seeing springs 泡 up.

The first of those that they made was at Yantabulla, which 耐えるs their 指名する to this day.

The 黒人／ボイコットs were delighted at having watering-places which neither a 干ばつ nor the fiercest sun could 乾燥した，日照りの up. The Yantas were not contented with this nor with the other springs they made. They 決定するd to excavate a whole plain, and turn it into a lake so 深い that the sun could never 乾燥した，日照りの it, and which would be 十分な of fish for the tribes.

They went to Kinggle and there began their work. On they toiled unceasingly, but work as they would they could not 完全にする their 計画／陰謀, for one after another 疲れた／うんざりしたd and died, until at last nothing was left on the plain but the mud springs under the surface and the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大なs of the Yantas on 最高の，を越す. No 黒人／ボイコットs will cross Kinggle plains lest some of these spirits arise through the 開始s of their 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大なs.

This legend shows what a disheartening country the West is in a 干ばつ. When even the spirits gave in, how can ordinary men 後継する? But indeed it is not ordinary men who do, but our ‘Western heroes,’ as Will Ogilvie calls them, who wear their cross of bronze on neck and cheek in the country where ‘the green fades into grey.’

一時期／支部 12
The Trapping Of Game

Some of the 黒人／ボイコットs’ methods of catching game I have seen practised, some have long since died out of use.

Of course the sportsmen knew the favourite watering-穴を開けるs of the game. At such a place they made a rough break at each 味方する, leaving an 開始 where the 跡をつける was. Along this 跡をつける they would lay a 逮捕する with one end on the 辛勝する／優位 of the water; in the water they put sticks on the ends of which the birds 残り／休憩（する） to drink, the other ends are out in the 罠（にかける）. They would make a 穴を開ける low 負かす／撃墜する on each 味方する of the 逮捕する, and a man would hide in each.

A bird’s watering-place, where the 黒人／ボイコットs 罠（にかける） them, is called Dheelgoolee. When the Dheelgoolee trapping begins, on the first day those who go out 追跡（する）ing must bring home their game alive to give the man at the Dheelgoolee luck. Then they never try to catch an emu or kangaroo, only iguana, opossum, piggiebillah, 米，稲 melon, or bandicoot, all of which could be brought home alive. But after the first day they can kill as they go along.

All day some birds come to the Dheelgoolee-pigeons, gilahs, young crows, and others, and the man watching catches them. When the game was 厚い on the 逮捕する, the men in the 穴を開けるs would catch 持つ／拘留する of the ends of the sticks in the 逮捕する and quickly turn them over the lower ends, thus entrapping all on the 逮捕する. In the evening turkeys and such things as water at night-time, amongst which are opossums and 米，稲 melons, would be 罠にかける.

Ducks were 罠にかける, too, by making bough breaks across the shallow part of the creek, with a 逮捕する across the 深い part from break to break. A couple of the men would go up stream to 追跡（する） the ducks 負かす／撃墜する, and some would stay each 味方する of the 逮捕する 武装した with pieces of bark. The two hunters up stream 脅すd the ducks off the water, and sent them 飛行機で行くing 負かす／撃墜する stream to the 罠（にかける）. Should they seem 飛行機で行くing too high as if to pass, the 黒人／ボイコットs would throw the pieces of bark high in the 空気／公表する, imitating, as they did so, the cry of 強硬派s. 負かす／撃墜する the ducks would 飛行機で行く turning 支援する; some of the men would whistle like ducks, others would throw bark again, giving the 強硬派’s cry, which would 脅す the birds, making them 二塁打 支援する into the 逮捕する, where they were quickly despatched by those waiting.

Murrahgul is another 罠（にかける）. This is a yard made all 一連の会議、交渉／完成する a waterhole with one 開始; about this 開始 they will fasten, from stumps or スピードを出す／記録につけるs, strong strings with a slipping knot. The game, emu or kangaroo, would probably step into one of these string nooses, would try to pull its 脚 out; the harder it pulled the tighter the knot. Or the 黒人／ボイコットs might have put a sort of cross-妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 総計費 at the 入り口, with hanging strings having a slip knot; in would go an emu’s 長，率いる, the bird would 急ぐ on and be strangled.

Boobeen is a 原始の cornet, a hollowed piece of Bibbil 支持を得ようと努めるd, one end 部分的に／不公平に filled up with pine gum, and ornamented outside with carvings. To blow through it is an art, and the result rather like a big horn. The noise is said to be very like an emu’s cry, and this emu bugle will certainly, they say, draw に向かって it a gundooee, or 独房監禁 emu.

The 黒人／ボイコットs used on the sandhills to make a 深い 穴を開ける to hide themselves in, usually only one though. From this 穴を開ける they would run out a drain for about thirty yards. The man with the Boobeen would have a little break of bushes 一連の会議、交渉／完成する him; scattered over the leaves he’d have emu feathers, and then he would have a strong string, on the end of which he would have a small 支店 with this he would place about 中途の emu feathers on it; 負かす／撃墜する the drain.

When the emu answers the Boobeen’s call, the bugler gets lower and slower with his call. The emu sees the feathered thing in the drain, comes inquisitively up and 匂いをかぐs at it. The man in the 穴を開ける pulls in the string slowly; the emu follows, on, on, until heedlessly he steps on a Murrahgul, or string 罠（にかける）, and is caught. The hunters would いつかs stalk kangaroo, 持つ／拘留するing in 前線 of them boughs of trees or bushy young saplings, の近くにing silently in and in, until at last the kangaroo were so closely surrounded by men 武装した with boondees and spears that there was no escape for them.

For catching emu they had a 逮捕する made of string as 厚い as a 着せる／賦与するs-line. These 逮捕するs were made either of Kurrajong (Noongah) bark, or of Burraungah grass. The Kurrajong bark is stripped off the trees, beaten, chewed, and then teased. Then it was taken and rubbed, principally by the women on their 脚s, into 立ち往生させるs.

The grass was used preferably to Kurrajong bark, as it was easier to work. The 過程 of 準備 was as follows:—

A 穴を開ける was dug in the ground, some 解雇する／砲火／射撃 put in it, a 量 of ordinary grass was put on the 最高の，を越す of the coals, and on 最高の，を越す of that a heap of Burraungah grass, that topped with ordinary grass.

Water was ぱらぱら雨d over it all and the 穴を開ける earthed up.

When it had been in long enough the earth was （疑いを）晴らすd away, and the grass, which was やめる soft, taken out. It was then chewed and worked like the Kurrajong bark, than which it was much more pliable.

String was made of さまざまな thicknesses によれば what it was 要求するd for.

Fishing 逮捕するs were always smoked before 存在 used, and all 逮捕するs had little charm songs sung over them. In netting, their only 器具／実施する was a piece of 支持を得ようと努めるd to 勝利，勝つd their string on. An emu 逮捕する was about five feet high, and between two and three hundred yards long.

When any one discovered a setting emu, they used not to 乱す her at once and get her eggs, but returned to the （軍の）野営地，陣営, singing as they 近づくd it a song known as the Noorunglely, or setting emu song; those in （軍の）野営地，陣営 would recognise it, and sing 支援する the reply. The 黒人／ボイコット fellows having learnt where the nest was, would get their 逮捕する and go out to （軍の）野営地，陣営 近づく it. All that evening they would have an emu-追跡（する）ing corroboree. The next morning at daylight they would 築く their 逮捕する into a sort of triangular-形態／調整d yard, one 味方する open. 黒人／ボイコット fellows would be 駅／配置するd at each end of the 逮捕する, and at 明言する／公表するd intervals along the mirroon, as the 逮捕する was called. When the others were all ready some of the 黒人／ボイコットs would make a wide circle 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the emu, leaving open the 味方する に向かって the 逮捕する; they would の近くに in 徐々に until they 脅すd the emu off her nest; she would run in the direction where she saw no 黒人／ボイコット fellows and where the 逮捕する was; the 黒人／ボイコット fellows の近くにing in behind, followed quickly. Poor Noorunglely floundered into the 逮捕する, up 急ぐd a 黒人／ボイコット fellow and, 掴むing her, wrung her neck. Having 安全な・保証するd her, they would next 安全な・保証する her eggs; that they might be a trifle stale was a 事柄 of 無関心／冷淡 to them.

Another old method was by making sort of 小衝突 yards and catching the emus in these.

One modern way is to run them 負かす／撃墜する with kangaroo dogs, the same way with kangaroo; but at one time still another method 得るd. A 黒人／ボイコット fellow would get a long spear and fasten on the end a bunch of emu feathers. When he sighted an emu he would climb a tree, break some boughs to place beneath him, if the trees were thinly foliaged, to hide him from the emu, then he would let his spear dangle 負かす／撃墜する. The emu, a most inquisitive bird, seeing the emu feathers, would 調査／捜査する. 直接／まっすぐに the bird was underneath the tree, the 黒人／ボイコット fellow would 支配する his spear tightly and throw it at the emu, rarely, if ever, failing to 攻撃する，衝突する it, though the emu might run 負傷させるd for a short distance, but the 黒人／ボイコット fellow would be quickly after it to give it happy despatch.

If the emu got a good start even, it was easily 跡をつけるd by the 追跡する of 血. It has happened that a 黒人／ボイコット fellow has not 設立する his emu until the next day, when it was dead and the spear still in it; but usually very soon after the 負傷させるd birds start running the spear is shaken out.

いつかs the 黒人／ボイコットs killed birds with their boomerangs, ducks in particular. I fancy this 殺人，大当り of ducks by a 井戸／弁護士席-thrown boomerang is one of the feats that 黒人／ボイコット fellows 許す themselves to blow about. Every man has usually one 支配する, a speciality he considers of his own, and on that 支配する he waxes eloquent.

Pigeons, gilahs, and plains turkeys are also killed with boomerangs. 黒人／ボイコットs’ fishing-逮捕するs are about ten feet by five, a stick run through each end, for choice of Eurah 支持を得ようと努めるd. Eurah is a pretty drooping shrub with bell-形態／調整d spotted flowers, having a horrible smell. The 支持を得ようと努めるd is very pliable. It is いつかs used instead of the sacred Dheal at funerals.

Two of the fishermen take the 逮捕する into the creek, one at each end; they stand in a rather shallow place, 持つ／拘留するing the 逮捕する upright in the water. Some other 黒人／ボイコットs go up stream and splash about, 脅すing the fish 負かす／撃墜する に向かって the 逮捕する. When those 持つ／拘留するing the 逮捕する feel the fish in it, they 倍の the two sticks together and bring the 逮捕する out.

To catch fish they also make small weirs and dams of 石／投石するs, with 狭くする passages of 石／投石するs 主要な to them. The fish are swept by the 現在の into these yards, and there either caught by the 黒人／ボイコットs with their 手渡すs, or speared. The most celebrated of these 石／投石する fish-罠（にかける）s is at Brewarrina on the Barwon. It is said to have been made by Byamee, the god and culture-hero of these people, and his 巨大（な） sons. He it was who 設立するd the 支配する that there should be a （軍の）野営地，陣営ing-ground in ありふれた for the さまざまな tribes where, during the fishing festival, peace should be 厳密に kept, all 会合 to enjoy the fish, to do their 株 に向かって 保存するing the 漁業s.

Each tribe has its particular yards; for another to take fish from these is 窃盗. Each tribe keeps its yards in 修理, 取って代わるing 石／投石するs 除去するd by floods, and so on.

These stony fish mazes are fully two hundred yards in length, 大幅に built; some 抱擁する 玉石s are amongst the 石／投石するs which form these most intricate labyrinthine fish yards, which as 罠（にかける）s are eminently successful, many thousands of Murray cod and other fish 存在 caught in them.

Dingo pups, in the days when dingoes were plentiful, were a most esteemed delicacy. To eat dog is dangerous for a woman, as 原因（となる）ing 増加するd birth-pangs; that 示唆するs dog must be rather good eating, some epicure wirreenun 脅すing women off it by making that 主張.

Ant larvae, a special gift from some spirit in the 星／主役にするs, and frogs, are also thought good by （軍の）野営地，陣営 epicures.

The 黒人／ボイコットs smear themselves over with the fat of fish or of almost any game they catch. It is supposed to keep their 四肢s supple, and give the admired ebony gloss to their 肌s which, by the way, are very 罰金 穀物d. After a flood, when the water is running out of the 支流s of the creek, the 黒人／ボイコットs make a bough break beginning on each bank and almost 会合 in the middle; across the gap they place a fishing-逮捕する which 倍のs in like a 捕らえる、獲得する, thus forming a fish-罠（にかける） in which are caught any number of fish. Crayfish and mussels they caught by digging 負かす／撃墜する their 穴を開けるs in the mud for them. Their 方式 of catching shrimps was very (with all 陳謝s to scientists for using the word) 原始の. やめる nude, the women sit 負かす／撃墜する in the water, let the shrimps bite them; as they 阻止する, 掴む them.

Iguanas burrow into the soft sand 山の尾根s and there remain during the winter, only coming out after the Curreequinquins—butcher birds—one of their sub-totems, sing their loudest to 警告する them that the winter is gone, calling Dooloomai, the 雷鳴, to their 援助（する） lest their singing is not heard by their relations, who after the 嵐／襲撃するs come out again in as good 条件 as when they disappeared.

黒人／ボイコット men do not 認可する of women cooks. At least the old men, under the アイロンをかける 支配する of 古代の custom, will not eat bread made by gins, nor would they eat iguana, fish, piggiebillah, or anything like that if the inside were 除去するd by a woman, though after themselves having 用意が出来ている such things, they 許す the gins to cook them—that is, if they have not young children or are enceinte; under those 条件s they are unclean.

一時期／支部 13
Foraging And Cooking

It is very strange to me to hear the 普通の／平均（する） white person speak of the 黒人／ボイコットs collectively as having no individuality, for really they are as diverse in 特徴 as possible; no two girls I had in the house but were 全く different.

There has been too much generalisation about the 黒人／ボイコットs. For instance, you hear some people 主張する all 黒人／ボイコットs are trackers and good bushmen. That there are some whose 跡をつけるing 力／強力にする is marvellous is true, but they are not the 支配する, and a 黒人／ボイコット fellow off his own （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 is often useless as a bushman.

So with their eyesight; what they have been trained to look out for they see in a marvellously quick way, or so it seems to us who have not in their lines the same aptitude. Of course, for seeing things at a distance a 黒人／ボイコット has the advantage, unless the white has had the same open-空気／公表する life. Some white bushmen are as good as any 黒人／ボイコットs.

Nimmaylee, a little 黒人／ボイコット girl who lived in the house, used to tell me all sorts of bush wonders, as we went in the 早期に summer mornings for a swim in the river. She was a 広大な／多数の／重要な water-baby, with rather a contempt for my aquatic 制限s. Then she thought it too idiotic to want to 乾燥した，日照りの yourself with a towel,—just like a mad white woman!

White people were an 巨大な joke to Nimmaylee. She 適合するd to their 支配するs as one playing a new game. She has a little brother as 黒人／ボイコット as herself. She has a 相当な pair of 脚s, but his are so thin and his little 団体／死体 so 一連の会議、交渉／完成する that he looks like a little 黒人／ボイコット spider.

Nimmaylee is やめる an 当局 on corroborees, knowing ever so many different steps, from the serpentile 追跡する of the codfish to the mimic fight. The songs she knows too. She used, when she lived in the （軍の）野営地，陣営, to 保安官 in a little （人が）群がる of （軍の）野営地，陣営 children, and put them through a 変化させるd 業績／成果 for my 利益.

These 業績／成果s were of daily occurrence when the fruit was 熟した, for Nimmaylee’s capacity for water-melon was 事実上 制限のない.

Nimmaylee was a wonderful little fisherwoman; she delighted in a fishing 探検隊／遠征隊 with me. Off we used to go with our lines, worms or frogs for bait, or perhaps shrimps or mussels if we were after cod. If we were successful, Nimmaylee would string the fish on a stick in a most professional manner, and carry them with an 空気／公表する of pride to the cook. She せいにするs her fishing successes to a charm having been sung over her to that end as a baby.

…を伴ってd by some reliable old ‘gins’ and ever so many piccaninnies, I used to take long walks through the ‘bush.’

How 利益／興味ing those 黒人／ボイコットs made my bush walks for me! Every 山の尾根, plain, and bend had its 指名する and probably legend; each bird a past, every excrescence of nature a 推論する／理由 for its 存在.

Those walks certainly at least 修正するd my conceit. I was always the dunce of the party—the smallest child knew more of woodcraft than I did, and had something to tell of everything. Seeing Oogahnahbayah, a small eagle-強硬派, 飛行機で行くing over, they would say, ‘He eats the emu eggs.’ He 飛行機で行くs over where the emu is sitting on her eggs and makes a noise hoping to 脅す the bird off; having done so, he will 減少（する） a 石／投石する on the eggs. If the emu is not startled off the nest, the 強硬派 will 飛行機で行く on, alight at some distance, and walk up like a 黒人／ボイコット fellow, still with the 石／投石する in his beak, to the nest; off the emu will go, then the 強硬派 bangs the eggs with the 石／投石する until he breaks them. He throws the 石／投石する on one 味方する, has a 料金d of emu eggs, and goes off, leaving poor Moorunglely, the sitting emu, to come 支援する and find her eggs all destroyed. As the narrative ended, the little {aborigines} would look やめる sad, and say ‘Nurragah!’ ‘Poor thing!’ at the thought of the 国内の 悲劇 in bird life.

I had to hear the stingless little native bees humming before I could see them; and as to knowing which tree had honey in it, unless I saw the bees, that was やめる beyond me, while a mere toddler would point triumphantly to a ‘sugar-捕らえる、獲得する’ tree, recognising it as such by the wax on its fork, 黒人／ボイコット before rain, yellowish afterwards.

This honey is good 緊張するd, but as the 黒人／ボイコットs get it, it is all mixed up with dirty wax and dead bees.

I 嘆き悲しむd the sacrifice of the bees one day, but was told it was all 権利. Whoever had chopped the nest out would take home the waxy stick they had used to help get the honey out; they would throw the stick in the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, then all the dead bees would go to a 楽園 in the skies, whence next season they would send Yarragerh Mayrah, the Spring 勝利，勝つd, to blow the flowers open, and then 負かす／撃墜する they would come to earth again. One year the manna just streamed 負かす／撃墜する the Coolabah and Bibbil trees; it ran 負かす／撃墜する like liquid honey, crystallising where it dropped.

The old 黒人／ボイコットs said, ‘It is a 干ばつ now, but it will be worse. Byamee has sent the manna by the little Dulloorah birds and the 黒人／ボイコット ants, because there will be no flowers for the bees to get honey from, so he has sent this manna.’ Each time he has done so, a 広大な／多数の／重要な 干ばつ has followed, and indeed it was followed by one of the worst 干ばつs Australia has ever known. Byamee, it is said, first sent them the manna because their children were crying for honey, of which there was 非，不，無 except in the trees that Byamee, when on earth, had 示すd for his own. The women had murmured that they were not 許すd to get this; but the men were 会社／堅い, and would neither touch it nor let them touch it, which so pleased Byamee that he sent the manna, and said he always would when a long 干ばつ 脅すd.

A 広大な／多数の／重要な chorus of ‘My Jerhs’ would tell something was sighted.

It might be the 跡をつける of a piggiebillah porcupine. This 跡をつける was followed to a hollow スピードを出す／記録につける; then （機の）カム the difficulty, how to get it out, for porcupines 粘着する tightly with their sharp claws, and all a dog can do where a piggiebillah is 関心d is to bark, their spines are too much to 取り組む at の近くに ４半期/4分の1s. But the old gins are equal to the occasion: a tomahawk to chop the スピードを出す／記録につける, and a yam-stick to dislodge the porcupine, who takes a good 取引，協定 of 殺人，大当り before he is vanquished.

They say a fully 始めるd man can sing a charm which will make a piggiebillah relax his 支配する and be taken 捕虜 without any trouble. The piggiebillahs burrow into the sand and leave their young there as soon as the faintest feel of a spine appears. The baby piggiebillahs look like little indiarubber toys.

The opossums all disappeared from our 地区. When we were first there they were very 非常に／多数の and used to make （警察の）手入れ，急襲s at night to my rose-bushes—広大な／多数の／重要な havoc the result. It is said a very 広大な／多数の／重要な wirreenun—wizard—willed them away so that his enemy, whose yunbeai, or personal totem, the opossum was, should die. This design was 失望させるd by 反対する 魔法; two powerful wizards appeared and, 事実上の／代理 in concert, put a new yunbeai into the dying man; he 回復するd.

When the opossums were about the 黒人／ボイコットs used to see their scratched 跡をつけるs on the trees, and chop or 燃やす them out. They 行方不明になる the opossums very much, for not only were they a prized food, but their 肌s made rugs, their hair was woven into cords of which were made amulets worn on the forearm or 長，率いる against sickness, and with no modern 器具 can they so 井戸／弁護士席 carve their 武器s, as with an opossum tooth. 自然に their 願望（する） is to see Moodai, the opossum, return; to that end a wirreenun is now singing incantations to charm him 支援する.

Opossum hunters had a way of bringing them home strung 一連の会議、交渉／完成する their necks; very disagreeable, I should think, but custom, that tyrant, 支配するs it so. The old gins dug out yams vigorously; some were eaten raw, others were kept for cooking.

To cook them they dug out a 穴を開ける, made a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 in it, put some 石／投石するs on the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, then, when the 石／投石するs were heated and the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 burnt 負かす／撃墜する, they laid some leaves and grass on the 石／投石するs, ぱらぱら雨d some water, then put on the yams, on 最高の，を越す of them more grass, ぱらぱら雨d more water, then more grass and a 厚い 塗装 of earth, leaving the yams to cook.

Several other roots they cooked and ate. Raw they ate thistle 最高の，を越すs, pigweed, and crowfoot, with 広大な／多数の／重要な relish. Their game they cooked as follows. Kangaroo were first singed, cleaned out, and filled with hot 石／投石するs, then put on the 最高の，を越す of a burnt-負かす／撃墜する 解雇する／砲火／射撃, hot ashes heaped all over them. The 黒人／ボイコットs like their meats with the gravy in, very distinctly red gravy. Emu were plucked, the insides taken out, and the birds filled up with hot 石／投石するs, box leaves, and some of their own feathers. A 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was made in a 穴を開ける; when it was burnt 負かす／撃墜する, leaves and emu feathers were put in it, on 最高の，を越す of these the bird, on 最高の，を越す of it leaves and feathers again, then a good 層 of hot ashes, and over all some earth.

The piggiebillahs were first smoked so that their quills might be easily knocked off. This done, the insides were taken out, then the piggiebillahs were put in little 穴を開けるs made beside the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, and covered over with hot ashes, as were also opossums, ducks and other birds, iguanas and fish.

Ducks were plucked by our tribe, but in some places they were encased thickly in mud, buried in the ashes to cook, and, when done, the plaster of mud would be knocked off, and with it would come all the feathers.

The insides of iguanas and fish are taken out all in one piece. Each fish carries in its inside a 代表 of its Minggah—spirit tree; by 乾燥した，日照りのing the inside and 圧力（をかける）ing it you can plainly see the imprint of the tree.

When we go bathing, the 黒人／ボイコットs tell me that the 穴を開けるs in the creek filled with gum leaves are codfish nests. They say too, that when they （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 the river to 運動 the fish out に向かって the 逮捕する waiting for them, that they hear the startled cod sing out.

Mussels and crayfish are cooked in the ashes.

The seagulls, which occasionally we used to see inland, are said to have brought the first mussels to the 支援する creeks.

Emu eggs the 黒人／ボイコットs roll in hot ashes, shake, roll again; shake once more, and then bury them in the ashes, where they are left for about an hour until they are baked hard, when they are eaten with much relish and 明らかに no 傷つける to digestion, though one egg is by no means considered enough for a meal in spite of its 存在 equal to several eggs of our 国内の 女／おっせかい屋.

Not only are the 黒人／ボイコットs very particular in the way their game is carved or divided, but also in the 配当 of the 部分s allotted to each person. The 権利 to a particular part is an 相続するd one. No polite 申し込む／申し出ing of a choice to an honoured guest, no suggestion of the 脚 or wing. You may loathe the 脚 of a bird as food, but at a 黒人／ボイコット fellow’s feast, if 条約 任命するs that as your 部分, have it you must; just as each 階級 in society had its invariable 共同の in 早期に mediaeval Ireland.

The seeds of Noongah—a sterculia—and Dheal, were ground on their flat dayoorl-石／投石するs and made into cakes, which they baked, first on pieces of bark beside the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 to harden them, then in the ashes. These dayoorl, or grinding-石／投石するs, are 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する from 世代 to 世代, 存在 kept each in the family to whom it had first belonged. Should a member of any other use it without 許可, a fight would 続いて起こる. Some of these 石／投石するs are said to have spirits in them; those are self-moving, and at times have the 力／強力にする of speech. I have neither seen them move nor heard them speak, though I have a couple in my 所有／入手. I suppose the 声明 must be taken on 約束; and as 約束 can move mountains, why not a dayoorl-石／投石する?

The いわゆる improvident 黒人／ボイコットs 現実に used to have a 収穫 time, and a 収穫 home too. When the doonburr, or seed, was 厚い on the yarmmara, or barley-grass, the tribes gathered this grass in 量s.

First, they made a little space （疑いを）晴らす of everything, 一連の会議、交渉／完成する which they made a 小衝突-yard. Each fresh 供給（する） of yarmmara, as it was brought in by the harvesters, was put in this yard. When enough was gathered, the 小衝突-yard was thrown on one 味方する, and 解雇する／砲火／射撃 始める，決める to the grass, which was in 十分な ear though yet green. While the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was 燃やすing, the 黒人／ボイコットs kept turning the grass with sticks all the time to knock the seeds out. When this was done, and the 解雇する／砲火／射撃 burnt out, they gathered up the seed into a big opossum-肌 rug, and carried it to the （軍の）野営地，陣営.

There, the next day, they made a 一連の会議、交渉／完成する 穴を開ける like a bucket, and a square 穴を開ける の近くに to it. These they filled with grass seed. One man trampled on the seed in the square 穴を開ける to thresh it out with his feet; another man had a boonal, or stick, about a yard long, 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd at one end, and nearly a foot 幅の広い; with this he worked the grass in the 一連の会議、交渉／完成する 穴を開ける, and as he worked the husks flew away.

It took all one day to do this. The next day they took the large bark wirrees, canoe-形態／調整d 大型船s, which when big like these are called yubbil. They put some 穀物 in these, and shook it up; one end of the yubbils 存在 held much higher than the other, thus all the dust and dirt 精査するd to one end, whence it was blown off. When the 穀物 was 十分に clean, it was put away in 肌 捕らえる、獲得するs to be used as 要求するd, 存在 then ground on the large flat dayoorl-石／投石するs, with a smaller flat 石／投石する held in both 手渡すs by the one grinding; this 石／投石する was rubbed up and 負かす／撃墜する the dayoorl, grinding the seed on it, on which, from time to time, water was thrown to 軟化する it.

When ground, the 穀物 was made into little flat cakes, and cooked as the tree-seed cakes were. When the 収穫ing of the yarmmara was done, a 広大な／多数の／重要な 追跡（する） took place, a big feast was 用意が出来ている, and a big corroboree held night after night for some time.

The two 主要な／長／主犯 drinks were gullendoorie—that is, water sweetened with honey; and another made of the collarene, or flowers of the Coolabah (grey-leaved box), or Bibbil (poplar-leaved box) flowers, soaked all night in binguies (canoe-形態／調整d 木造の 大型船s) of water. Just about Christmas time the collarene is at its best; and then, in the olden days, there were 広大な／多数の／重要な feasts and corroborees held.

The flat dayoorl-石／投石するs on which the seeds are ground with the smaller 石／投石する, are like the ‘saddle-石／投石する querns’ occasionally 設立する in 古代の British 場所／位置s. These 原始の 器具s に先行するd the circular rotatory querns in 進化, and as the monuments 証明する were used in 古代の Egypt. I cannot say whether, amongst the Euahlayi, there was a recognised licence as to 交流 of wives on these festal occasions, or at boorahs. If the custom 存在するd, I was not told of it by the 黒人／ボイコットs; but it is やめる possible that, unless I made 調査s on the 支配する, I would not be told.

一時期／支部 14
衣装s And 武器s

I have seen a coloured king 簡単に smirking with pride, in what he considered modern 十分な dress—a short shirt and an old tall hat.

And I suppose, as far as actual 着せる／賦与するing went, it was an 前進する on the old-time 衣装 of paint and feathers. A 黒人／ボイコット woman’s needle was a little bone from the 脚 of an emu, pointed. Her thread was sinews of opossums, kangaroos, and emus; that was all that was necessary for her plain sewing, which was plain indeed.

Her fancy work consisted of netting dillee, goolays, or miniature hammocks to sling her baby across her 支援する, or, failing a baby, her mixed 所有／入手s, from food to feathers; her larder and wardrobe in one.

Her 衣装 存在 simple in the extreme did not 要求する much room. It consisted of a goomillah, which was a string 負傷させる 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the waist, made of opossum sinews, and in 前線, hanging 負かす／撃墜する for about a foot, were 新たな展開d 立ち往生させるs of opossum hair. A bone, or on 明言する／公表する occasions a green twig, stuck through the cartilage of her nose, a string 逮捕する over her hair, or perhaps only a fillet, or a kangaroo’s tooth fastened to her 前線 lock, gum balls 乾燥した，日照りのd on 味方する-locks, an opossum’s hair armlet, and perhaps a reed bead necklet and a polished 黒人／ボイコット 肌, toilette 完全にする, unless for 確かな 儀式s a その上の decoration of flowers or 負かす／撃墜する feathers was 要求するd.

The 主要な／長／主犯 article of the man’s dress was called waywah. It was a belt, about six インチs wide, made of 新たな展開d sinews and hair, with four tufts about eighteen インチs long hanging 支援する and 前線 and at each 味方する from it, made of 狭くする （土地などの）細長い一片s of kangaroo or 米，稲 melon 肌s.

For warmth in winter they would 包む themselves in their opossum-肌 rugs. いつかs both sexes adorned themselves with strings of kangaroo teeth 直す／買収する，八百長をするd into gum, in which a little 穴を開ける was made, 一連の会議、交渉／完成する their 長，率いるs and necks—yumbean they called them; or forehead 禁止（する）d with hanging kangaroo teeth, which were called gnooloogail.

Pine gum they rolled into small egg-形態／調整d balls, warmed them and stuck them in dozens all over their 長，率いるs, where they would be left until they wore off, hairdressings 存在 only an 時折の 義務. The gum they used for sticking the kangaroo’s teeth was that of the Mubboo, or beefwood tree.

いつかs wongins were worn; they consisted of cords 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the neck and under the 武器, crossing the chest with a 爆撃する pendant at the centre of the cross. A 爆撃する is still a most prized ornament.

The corroboree dress is one of paint; the feature of it 存在 its design, a man can 伸び（る） やめる a 部族の 評判 for 存在 an originator of decorative designs.

Their 初めの paint colourings were white, red, and yellow; occasionally they said they got some sort of blue by 物々交換する, but very occasionally, as it （機の）カム from very far. White was from Gidya ash, or gypsum; red and yellow, ochre clay; but they also got both red and yellow from 燃やすing at a 確かな 行う／開催する／段階 確かな trees, gooroolay for red; the charcoal, instead of 存在 黒人／ボイコット, having red and yellow tinges. But since the white people （機の）カム the blue 捕らえる、獲得する has put yellow out of fashion, and raddle is used for the red.

Their opossum rugs used to have designs scratched on the 肌 味方するs and also painted patterns, some say 部族の 示すs, others just to look pretty and distinguish each their own.

Feathers tied into little bunches and fastened on to small 木造の skewers were stuck upright in the hair at corroborees, also swansdown fluffed in puff balls over the 長，率いるs.

The Gooumoorh, or corroboree, is a sort of 黒人／ボイコット fellow’s オペラ; as to the musical part, rather, as some one 設立する an oratorio, a thing of high 公式文書，認めるs and vain repetition.

The 行う／開催する／段階 影響s of corroborees are いつかs 抱擁する sheets of bark fastened on to 政治家s; these sheets of bark are painted in different designs and colours, something like Moorish embroideries. いつかs there is a 抱擁する imitation of an alligator made of スピードを出す／記録につけるs plastered over with earth and painted in （土地などの）細長い一片s of different colours, a piece of 支持を得ようと努めるd 削減（する） open stuck in at one end as a gaping mouth. This alligator corroboree is 一般に indicative of a Boorah, or initiation 儀式, 存在 近づく at 手渡す. いつかs the 行う／開催する／段階 影響s are high painted 政治家s 単に.

At the 支援する of the goomboo, or 行う／開催する／段階, are large 解雇する／砲火／射撃s; in the 前線, in a semicircle, sit the women as orchestra, and the audience; a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 at each end of the semicircle, as a sort of footlights. The music of the orchestra is made by some （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing time on rolled-up opossum rugs, and some clicking two boomerangs together. The time is faultless. The tunes are monotonous, but rhythmical and musical, curiously 井戸／弁護士席 ふさわしい to the 行う／開催する／段階 and players. These last have a very weird look as they steal out of the 厚い scrub, out of the 不明瞭, quickly one after another, dancing 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the goomboo in time to the music, their grotesquely painted 人物／姿／数字s and feather-decorated 長，率いるs lit up by the flickering lights of the 解雇する／砲火／射撃s around.

As the dancing gets faster the singing gets louder, every muscle of the ダンサーs seems 緊張するd, and the wonder is the 発言する／表明するs do not 割れ目. Just as you think they must, the dancing slows again; the 発言する／表明するs die away, to swell out once more with 新たにするd vigour when the 解雇する／砲火／射撃s are built up again and again; the same dance is gone through, time after time—one night one dance, or, for that 事柄, many nights one dance.

The ダンサーs いつかs make dumb-show of 追跡（する）s, fights, 虐殺（する）s, the women いつかs translating the 活動／戦闘s in the songs; いつかs the words seem to have nothing to do with them, and the dances only a 一連の steps illustrating nothing.

Corroborees seem to fit in with the indescribable mystery of the bush. That the spirit of the bush is mystery makes it so difficult to 述べる beyond bald realism, さもなければ it seems an 成果／努力 to 掴む the intangible. Poor Barcroft Boake got something of the mystery into words.

If an Australian Wagner could be born we might hope for a musical adaptation of corroborees. Wagner was essentially the exponent of folk-lore music, wherein must be 表明するd the 根底となるs of human passion unrefined.

The most celebrated 武器 is probably the boomerang the most celebrated 肉親，親類d to whites, though not most useful to 黒人／ボイコットs, is the Bubberab, or returning boomerang. These are made 主として of Gidya and Myall. Here these ‘Come 支援するs’ are never carved, are more curved than the ordinary boomerang, and were greased, rubbed with charred grass, and warmed before 存在 used, so that the slightest warp would be straightened. It is marvellous the 正確 with which an adept can throw one of these 武器s, 位置を示すing it on the exact place to which he wishes it to return.

Gidya is the favourite 支持を得ようと努めるd for boomerangs. They are first 概略で 形態／調整d, then thrown into water and soaked for two or three days; taken out and made into the proper 形態／調整, rubbed with charred grass, greased 井戸／弁護士席, and carved in さまざまな designs with an opossum’s tooth.

Boomerangs have many uses—in peace two clicked together as a musical 器具, as a war 武器, and as a 武器 in the chase. Its last and 速く approaching use will be as a curio for collectors.

Billah, or spears, are made of Belah (押し寄せる／沼地 oak) or Gidya. These too are 削減（する） 概略で first and thrown into water, then 削減（する） a little more, thrown into water again, and so day after day until finished. いつかs they are carved with a running featherstitch-like pattern from end to end, いつかs have bingles, or barbs, 削減（する） 負かす／撃墜する one or both 味方するs; some barbarous things with barbs pointing both ways, so that they could be neither 押し進めるd out nor drawn through a 負傷させる; some are plain, painted at each end or darkened with 毒（薬） tips.

Billah are war 武器s; a larger 肉親，親類d called Moornin are used for spearing emu.

Woggarahs, the hatchet-形態／調整d 武器s, were made of Myall, Gidya, and other 支持を得ようと努めるd, carved as were boomerangs, each carver usually having a favourite design by which his 武器s were recognised.

Booreens, or 保護物，者s, were of three 肉親，親類d: a 狭くする 肉親，親類d made of hardwood, a 幅の広い flat 肉親，親類d of Kurrajong, and a medium-sized one of Birah, or whitewood, all painted in coloured designs. It is wonderful the way a man can defend himself 選び出す／独身-手渡すd against a number of men, he having only a 狭くする 保護物，者, the only defence he is 許すd when he has to stand his 裁判，公判 for a 違反 of the 法律s.

Their tomahawks, or Cumbees, were of dark-green 石／投石する, of which there is 非，不，無 in this 地区, so it must have been 得るd by 物々交換する, as in the first instance were the flat, light Booreens from the Queensland 味方する, and the grass-tree gum from the Narrabri mountains 味方する, for which Gidya boomerangs were given in 交流.

The 石／投石する tomahawks have a 扱う put over one end of the 石／投石する, gummed on with beefwood gum, then drawn together under the 石／投石する, crossed, and the two ends tied together as a 扱う, with sinews of emus, opossums, or kangaroos.

Muggils, or 石／投石する knives, are just sharpened pieces of 石／投石する.

Moorooleh are plain waddies used in war and for 殺人，大当り game; a smaller 肉親，親類d called Boodthul are thrown for amusement.

Boondees are 激しい-長，率いるd clubs used in war.

The 黒人／ボイコット fellow won’t 許す his womenkind a heaven of 残り／休憩（する）, for the spirit women are supposed to make 武器s which the wirreenuns 旅行 に向かって the sunset clouds to get—the women’s heaven is in the west—giving in 交流 animal food and opossum rugs, no animals 存在 there.

For carrying water they used to make 捕らえる、獲得するs of opossum 肌s. To 準備する the 肌s they would pluck the hair off, and, after 洗浄するing them 井戸／弁護士席, sew up the 肌s with sinews, leaving only the neck open. They would fill this 大型船 with 空気／公表する and hang it out to 乾燥した，日照りの.

As, a water 大型船, to mix their drinks and 薬／医学s in, they used Binguies or Coolamons, a 深い, canoe-形態／調整d 大型船 削減（する） out of solid 支持を得ようと努めるd, carved いつかs and painted, a string 扱う to it. They used little bark 大型船s to drink out of, like shallow 水盤／入り江s, 削減（する） from excrescences on eucalyptus trees; these were called wirree. A larger bark 大型船 they used for 持つ／拘留するing water, honey, or anything liquid.

While on the 支配する of personal decoration I forgot the Moobir, or 削減（する）s on the 団体／死体s, some of which are 部族の 示すs, some 示すs of 嘆く／悼むing, some 単に of ornamentation. Both men and women are seen with these 示すs in the Narran 地区; some 抱擁する むちの跡s on the 肌 from the shoulders half-way 負かす／撃墜する the 支援する, some on the chest and the forepart of the 武器. They are 削減（する） with a 石／投石する knife, licked along by the 薬／医学 man, filled in with charcoal, and the 肌 let grow over.

さまざまな 推論する／理由s are given for these 示すs: some say they are to give strength, others as a 部族の 調印する, others just to look pretty. Some give the final 推論する／理由 for everything, ‘Because Byamee say so.’

In summer the 黒人／ボイコットs are 広大な／多数の／重要な bathers, and play all sorts of games in the water. Their soap is clay; they rub themselves with that, the women plastering it under their 武器 again and again; the little children rub themselves all over with it, then 宙返り／暴落する into the water to wash it off.

In winter they forgo bathing, and rub themselves with 自由主義の 使用／適用s of grease.

The old 黒人／ボイコットs used to have very good teeth; they never ate without afterwards rinsing out their mouths, and いつかs munched up charcoal to purify them. But the younger 世代 have discarded the mouth-rinsing habit, and not yet 達成するd to a tooth-小衝突: result, 漸進的な 悪化／低下 in teeth, a 悪化／低下 probably helped by the drinking of hot liquids. 黒人／ボイコットs of the old time drank nothing hot. Perhaps, too, their 堅い meats gave muscular strength to their jaws.

To 黒人／ボイコットs, kissing is a ‘white foolishness,’ also handshaking; in olden times even to smell a stranger was considered a 危険.

一時期／支部 15
The Amusements Of 黒人／ボイコットs

A very favourite game of the old men was skipping—Brambahl, they called it.

They had a long rope, a man at each end to swing it. When it is in 十分な swing in goes the 船長／主将. After skipping in an ordinary way for a few 一連の会議、交渉／完成するs, he begins the variations, which consist, amongst other things, of his taking thorns out of his feet, digging as if for larvae of ants, digging yams, grinding grass-seed, jumping like a frog, doing a sort of cobbler’s dance, striking an 態度 as if looking for something in the distance, running out, snatching up a child, and skipping with it in his 武器, or lying flat 負かす／撃墜する on the ground, 手段ing his 十分な length in that position, rising and letting the rope slip under him; the rope going the whole time, of course, never 変化させるing in pace nor pausing for any of the variations.

The one who can most 首尾よく 変化させる the 業績／成果 is 勝利者. Old men of over seventy seemed the best at skipping.

There is 広大な／多数の／重要な excitement over Bubberah, or come-支援する boomerang throwing.

Every 候補者 has a little 解雇する／砲火／射撃, where, after having rubbed his bubberah with charred grass and fat, he warms it, 注目する，もくろむs it up and 負かす／撃墜する to see that it is true, then out he comes, 武器 in 手渡す. He looks at the winning 位置／汚点／見つけ出す, and with a 科学の 繁栄する of his arm sends his bubberah 前へ／外へ on its circular flight; you would think it was going into the Beyond, when it curves 一連の会議、交渉／完成する and comes gyrating 支援する to the given 位置／汚点／見つけ出す. Here again the old ones 得点する／非難する／２０.

Wungoolay is another old game.

A number of 黒人／ボイコット fellows arm themselves with a number of spears, or rather pointed sticks, between four and five feet long, called widyu-widyu. Two men take the wungoolays, which are pieces of bark, either squared or 概略で 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd, about fifteen インチs in 直径. These men go about fifty yards from each other; first one and then another throws the wungoolays, which roll 速く along the ground past the men with the spears, who are 駅／配置するd 中途の between the other two a few yards from the path of the wungoolays, which, as they come rolling 速く past, the men try to spear with their widyu-widyu; he who 攻撃する，衝突するs the most, 勝利，勝つs the game. It looks 平易な enough, but here again the old men 得点する／非難する／２０d.

For Gurril Boodthul, if a bush is not at 手渡す, a bushy 支店 of a tree is stuck up. The men arm themselves with small boodthuls, or miniature waddies, then stand a few feet behind the bush, which 変化させるs from five to eight feet or so in 高さ at 競争s. They throw their boodthuls in turn; these have to skim through the 最高の，を越す of the bush, which seems to give them fresh impetus instead of slackening them. The distance they go beyond is the 実験（する） of a good 投げる人; over three hundred yards is not unusual. As practice in this game is kept up, the young men 持つ／拘留する their own.

There is another throwing stick somewhat larger than the gurril boodthul, which only 重さを計るs about three ounces, and is about a foot in length. The other stick is thrown to touch the ground, then bound on, いつかs making one high long leap, いつかs a 一連の jumps, as a flat pebble does when thrown along the water in the game children call ‘ducks and drakes.’

Yahweerh is a sort of sham 裁判，公判 fight. One man has a bark 保護物，者, and he has to defend himself with it from the bark toy boomerangs the others throw. Here again the old men 勝利，勝つ. Their games, which old and young alike play, are distinctly childish.

Boogalah, or ball, is one. In playing this all of one Dhé, or totem, are partners. The ball, made of sewn-up kangaroo 肌, is thrown in the 空気／公表する; whoever catches it goes with his or her 分割—for women join in this game—into a group in the middle, the other circling 一連の会議、交渉／完成する. The ball is thrown in the 空気／公表する, and if one of the circle outside the centre （犯罪の）一味 catches it, then his 味方する すなわち, all his totem—go into the middle, the others circling 一連の会議、交渉／完成する, and so on. The totem keeping it longest 勝利，勝つs.

Goomboobooddoo, or 格闘するing, is a 広大な／多数の／重要な Boorah-time entertainment. Family 一族／派閥 against 一族／派閥. Kubbee against Hippi, and so on. A Hippi, for example, will go into a （犯罪の）一味 and 工場／植物 there a mudgee, or painted stick with a bunch of feathers at the 最高の，を越す. In will run a Kubbee and try to make off with the stick; Hippi will grapple with him, and a 格闘するing match comes off. Into the （犯罪の）一味 will go others of each 味方する 格闘するing in their turn. The 味方する that finally throws the most men, and gets the mudgee, 勝利，勝つs. Before 格闘するing matches, there is much greasing of 団体／死体s to make them slippery.

Wimberoo was a favourite fireside game. A big 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was made of leafy 支店s. Each player got a 乾燥した，日照りの Coolabah leaf, warmed it until it bent a little, then placed it on two fingers and 攻撃する，衝突する it with one into where the 現在の of 空気／公表する, 原因（となる）d by the 炎上, caught it and bore it aloft. They all jerked their leaves together, and anxiously watched whose would go the highest. Each watched his leaf descend, caught it, and began again. So on until tired.

Woolbooldarn is an 絶対 infantile game. A low, overhanging 支店 of a tree is chosen, and as many as it will 耐える, old and young, men and women, またがる it; and, 持つ／拘留するing on to the higher overhanging 支店s, they swing up and 負かす／撃墜する with as much spring as they can get out of the 支店 they are on.

Whagoo is just like our ‘hide and 捜し出す.’

Gooumoorhs, or corroborees, are of course their greatest entertainment, their オペラ, ballet, and the 残り／休憩（する）; only they 逆転する the usual order of things 得るing どこかよそで. The women form the orchestra, the men are the ダンサーs, as a 支配する, though women do on occasions take part too. The ダンサーs rarely sing while 成し遂げるing their 進化s, though they will 結局最後にはーなる a 手段 at times with a loud ‘Ooh! Ooh!’ or ‘Wahl Wah!’

There are two dances they think very clever: one a sort of in and out movement with the 膝s, while keeping the feet の近くに together. Another, which they called ‘shivering of the chest,’ a sort of 製図／抽選 in and out of their breath, 原因（となる）ing a vibratory 動議.

Then they give a sort of Sandow 業績／成果 all in time to the music. They first start the muscles of their 脚s showing, then the 武器, and 負かす／撃墜する the 味方するs of the chest. I am afraid I was not educated up to be appreciative of any of these special wonders, though Matah and others said their muscular training was marvellous.

From a みごたえのある point of 見解（をとる） I thought much more 利益／興味ing a corroboree illustrating the coming of the first steamer up the Barwon.

The steamer was made—for the corroboree, I mean—of スピードを出す／記録につけるs with mud 層d over them, painted up, a hollow スピードを出す／記録につける for a funnel in the middle. There was a little 開始 in the far 味方する of the steamer in which a 解雇する／砲火／射撃 was made, the smoke 問題／発行するing through the hollow スピードを出す／記録につける in the most 現実主義の fashion. The 黒人／ボイコットs who first （機の）カム on the 行う／開催する／段階 were all supposed to 代表する さまざまな birds 乱すd by this strange sight—cranes, pelicans, 黒人／ボイコット swans, and ducks. The peculiarities of each bird were 井戸／弁護士席 imitated; and as each section in turn was startled, their cries were realistically given. 審理，公聴会 which, on the scene （機の）カム some 武装した 黒人／ボイコット fellows, who, seeing what the birds had seen, started 支援する in astonishment, seemed to have a 広大な／多数の／重要な dumb-show palaver, then one by one, clutching their 武器s, they （機の）カム 今後 to more closely 診察する the new ‘debbil debbil.’ Here some one would stoke the 解雇する／砲火／射撃, out would belch through the funnel a big smoke and a lapping 炎上, away went the 黒人／ボイコットs into the bush as if too terrified to stay. But you can’t 述べる a corroboree, it wants the scenic 影響s of the grim bush: 次第に減少するing, dark Belahs, Coolabahs contorted into quaint 形態／調整s and excrescences by extremes of flood and 干ばつ, and their grotesqueness lit up by the flickering 解雇する／砲火／射撃s, until the trees themselves look like demons of the night, and the painted 黒人／ボイコット fellows their attendant spirits stealing into the firelight from what seems a 広大な, dark, unknown Beyond.

The sing-song seems to 控訴 it, and the 井戸／弁護士席-timed clicking of the boomerangs and thudding of the rolled-up rugs. The 黒人／ボイコットs are 広大な／多数の／重要な patrons of art, and encourage native talent in the most praiseworthy way; although, 裁判官ing from one of their legends, you might think they were not.

This legend tells how Goolahwilleel had the soul of an artist, and when his family sent him out to 追跡（する） their daily dinner, he forgot his 追求（する），探索（する） and perfected his art, which was the modelling of a kangaroo in gum. When his work was finished, with the pride of a successful artist he returned for 賞賛.

His family 需要・要求するd of him meat; he showed his kangaroo.

His masterpiece was unappreciated. Even as did Palissy’s—of pottery fame—wife, so did Goolahwilleel’s family revile him.

His freedom to wander at will, 捜し出すing inspiration and giving it form, was taken from him. He was driven out: daily to 殺す, that his family might 料金d, and never again was he let go alone—a （人が）群がる of relations went with him!

人物／姿／数字 to yourself what a damper to inspiration must have been that （人が）群がる of relations; how it must have 殺害された the artist in Goolahwilleel.

How the old legend repeats itself, and now as then, how often the artist is woman—殺害された that she by the caterer may live. Surely in the 利益／興味s of intellect was the 祈り made: ‘Give us our daily bread.’

Perhaps the old legend of Goolahwilleel was 初めは told with a moral, and that may be: why 黒人／ボイコット artists are so 井戸／弁護士席 扱う／治療するd now.

A 製造者 of new songs or corroborees is always kept 井戸／弁護士席 供給（する）d with the 高級なs of life; it may be that such an one is a little 恐れるd as 存在 supposed to have direct communication with the spirits who teach him his art. A 罰金 frenzy is said to 掴む some of their poets and 脚本家s, who, for the time 存在, are やめる under the 支配 of the spirits—所有するd of devils, in fact. When the period of mental incubation is over and the song hatched out, the 所有するd ones return to their normal 条件, the devils are cast out, and the songs are all that remain in 証拠 that the artist was ever 所有するd.

Some songs do not 要求する this 過程 of 罰金 frenzy they come along in the course of 物々交換する, 手渡すd from tribe to tribe.

Ghiribul, or riddles, play a 広大な／多数の／重要な part in their social life, and he who knows many is much sought after.

Most of these ghiribul are not translatable, 存在 little songs 述べるing the things to be guessed, whose peculiarities the singer 行為／法令／行動するs as he sings—a sort of one-man show, pantomime in miniature, with a riddle running through it.

Some which I will give 示す the nature of others.

What is it that says to the flood-water, ‘I am too strong for you; you can not 押し進める me 支援する’? Ans. Goodoo, the codfish.

What is it that says, ‘You cannot help yourself; you will have to go and let me take your place; you cannot stay when I come’? Ans. The grey hairs in a man’s 耐えるd to the 黒人／ボイコット ones.

‘If a man hide himself so that his wife could not see him, and he 手配中の，お尋ね者 her to know where he was, yet had 約束d not to speak, laugh, cry, sneeze, cough, nor move his 手渡すs nor feet, how could he do so?’ Ans. Whistle.

‘The strongest man cannot stand against me. I can knock him 負かす／撃墜する, yet I do not 傷つける him. He feels better for my having knocked him 負かす／撃墜する. What am I?’ Ans. Sleep.

‘I am not water, yet all who are thirsty, seeing me, come toward me to drink, though I am no liquid. What am I?’ Ans. しん気楼.

‘What is it that goes along the creek, across the creek, underneath it, and along it again, and yet has left neither 味方する?’ Ans. The yellow-flowering creeping water-少しのd.

‘Here I am, just in 前線 of you. I can’t move; but if you kick me, I will knock you 負かす／撃墜する, though I will not move to do it. Who says this?’ Ans. A stump that any one 落ちるs over.

‘You cannot walk without me, yet you grease your 団体／死体 and forget me and let me 割れ目, even though but for me you could neither walk nor run. Who says that?’ Ans. A 黒人／ボイコット fellow’s feet, which he neglects to grease when doing the 残り／休憩（する） of his 団体／死体.

With riddles ends, I think, the 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） of the 黒人／ボイコットs’ amusements, unless you count fights. The 黒人／ボイコットs are a bit Celtic in that way; some are real 解雇する／砲火／射撃-eaters, always spoiling for a 列／漕ぐ／騒動. But in most everyday 列／漕ぐ／騒動s the feelings are more 損失d than the 団体／死体s.

An old gin in a 激怒（する） will say more in a given time, without taking breath, than any human 存在 I have ever seen; it is 簡単に physiologically marvellous. From the noise you would think 殺人 at least would result. You listen in dread of a 悲劇; you hear the totem and multiplex totems of her 対抗者 存在 scoffed at, strung out one after another, deadly 侮辱 after deadly 侮辱. The 侮辱d returns 侮辱 for 侮辱; result, a lively cross 解雇する／砲火／射撃.

It なぎs 負かす／撃墜する; the 侮辱s are exhausted, quietude 統治するs. Some one makes a joke, all are laughing together in 友好. From 差し迫った 悲劇 to comedy the work of a few minutes. A 水銀の race indeed, but not a forgetful one. A 黒人／ボイコット fellow never 許すs a broken 約束, and he can 心にいだく a grudge from 世代 to 世代 同様に as remember a 親切.

Though, when high pitched in quarrels, their 発言する／表明するs lose their natural トンs, as a 支配する those of the 黒人／ボイコットs are remarkably 甘い and soft, やめる musical; their language noticeable for its freedom from 厳しい sounds.

一時期／支部 16
Bush Bogies And Finis

Weeweemul is a big spirit that 飛行機で行くs in the 空気／公表する; he takes the 団体／死体s of dead people away and eats them. That is why the dead are so closely watched before burial.

Gwaibooyanbooyan is the hairless red devil of the scrubs, who kills and eats any one he 会合，会うs, unless they are quick enough to get away before he sees them, as one woman of this tribe is said to have done on the Eurahbah 山の尾根. It would really seem as if there were a debbil debbil on that 山の尾根; every 境界 rider who lives there takes to drink. I think the red spirit must be rum.

Marahgoo are man-形態／調整d devils, to be recognised by the white swansdown cap they wear, and the red rugs they carry. Red is a 広大な／多数の／重要な devil’s colour amongst 黒人／ボイコットs some will never wear it on that account.

These Marahgoo always have with them a mysterious drink, which they 申し込む／申し出 to any one they 会合，会う. It is like drinking dirt, and makes the drinker dream dreams and see 見通しs, in which he is taken 負かす／撃墜する to the 地下組織の spirit-world of the Marahgoo, where anything he wishes for appears at once. The 入り口 to this world is said to be 近づく a never-乾燥した，日照りのing waterhole, in a 抱擁する scrub, 近づく Pilliga. If a man drinks the draught, unless he is made Marahgoo, he dies.

Each totem is 警告するd by its bird sub-totems of the coming of Marahgoo, and after such a 警告 tribes take care, if wise, to stay in （軍の）野営地，陣営; or should a man go out, he will smear his 直面する with 黒人／ボイコット, and put （犯罪の）一味s of 黒人／ボイコット 一連の会議、交渉／完成する his wrists and ankles, and probably have a little charm song sung over him.

Birrahmulgerhyerh are 黒人／ボイコットs with devils in them, who, 武装した with 捕らえる、獲得するs 十分な of 毒（薬）-sticks, or bones—called gooweera—are invisible to all but wirreenuns or wizards. Others are 警告するd of their coming by 審理，公聴会 the 動揺させる of the gooweeras knocking together. When the Birrahmulgerhyerh are about, all are 警告するd not to carry firesticks, which at other times after dark they are never without ーするために 脅す off spirits, but now such a light would show the Birrahmulgerhyerh where to point their gooweeras. They are said only to point these 毒（薬）-sticks at 法律-breakers, and even then only against persons in a strange country. Their own land is 負かす／撃墜する Brewarrina way, but there they make no 刑罰の 探検隊／遠征隊s, travelling up the Narran and どこかよそで for that 目的.

The Euloowayi, or long-nailed devils, are spirits which live where the sun 始める，決めるs. Just as the afterglow dies in the sky, they come out 犠牲者-追跡（する）ing. These Euloowayi 需要・要求する a 尊敬の印 of young 黒人／ボイコット men from the （軍の）野営地，陣営, to recoup their own 階級s.

When this 尊敬の印 has to be paid, the old men get some ten or so young ones, and march them off to a Minggah at about ten or fifteen miles from the （軍の）野営地，陣営. There they make them climb into the Minggah, to sit there all day. They must not move, not even so much as wink an eyelid. At night time they are 許すd to come 負かす／撃墜する, and are given some meat, which they must eat raw.

The old men from the （軍の）野営地，陣営 go 支援する leaving their 犠牲者s with the Euloowayi, who keep the boys up the tree for some days, bringing them raw meat at night. At last they say:

‘Come and try if your nails are long and strong enough. See who can best 涙／ほころび this bark off with them.’

They all try, and if all are 平等に good, the old Euloowayi say:

‘You are 権利. How do you feel?’

‘Strong,’ they answer.

They are kept on the tree about a month, then taken into the bush to 追跡（する） human 存在s, to deceive whom they take new forms at times. A couple of 黒人／ボイコットs may be 追跡（する）ing—one will be after honey, another after opossums. The one after opossums will go to a tree, see an opossum, chop into the tree, 掴む the opossum by the tail as usual. He cannot move him. He’ll 掴む him by the hind 脚s, still he cannot move him. Then he will hear a 発言する／表明する say, ‘Leave him alone, you can’t move him.’

The hunter will look 負かす／撃墜する, see nothing but a rainbow at the foot of the tree. Wonderingly he’ll come 負かす／撃墜する, and すぐに the Euloowayi, who have been in the form of the opossum in the tree and the rainbow on the ground, 掴む him, 涙／ほころび him open with their long nails, take out all his fat, stuff him up again with grass and leaves, and send him 支援する to the （軍の）野営地，陣営. When he reaches there, he starts scolding every one. Probably they guess by his violent words and 活動／戦闘s that he is a 犠牲者 of the Euloowayi. If so, they are careful not to answer him; were they to do so he would 減少（する） dead. Any way, he will die that night. When the magpies and butcher-birds sing much it is a 調印する the Euloowayi are about.

Gineet Gineet, so called from his cry, is the bogy that 黒人／ボイコット children dread. He is a 黒人／ボイコット man who goes about with a goolay or 逮捕する across his shoulders, into which he pops any children he can steal.

Several waterholes are タブー as bathing-places. They are said to be haunted by Kurreah, which swallow their 犠牲者s whole, or by Gowargay, the featherless emu, who sucks 負かす／撃墜する in a whirlpool any one who dares to bathe in his 穴を開けるs.

Nahgul is the 拒絶するd Gayandil who was 設立する by Byamee too destructive to 行為／法令／行動する as 大統領，／社長 of the Boorahs.

He principally haunts Boorah grounds. He still has a Boorah gubberrah, a sacred 石／投石する, inside him, hence his strength.

He 始める，決めるs string 罠（にかける）s for men, touching which they feel ill, and suddenly 減少（する） 負かす／撃墜する never to rise again. The wirreenuns know then that Nahgul is about. They find out where he is. Circling, at a good distance, the 位置／汚点／見つけ出す he is on, they corroboree 一連の会議、交渉／完成する it. 審理，公聴会 them, Nahgul comes out. They の近くに in and 掴む him, kill him, drink his 血, and eat him; by so doing 伸び（る）ing 巨大な 付加 strength.

Marmbeyah are tree spirits, somewhat akin to the Nats of Burmah. One, a 抱擁する, fat spirit—if you can imagine a fat spirit—carried a green boondee, or waddy, with which he tapped people on the 支援するs of their necks: result, heat apoplexy. A few years ago, an old 黒人／ボイコット fellow laid wait for him and ‘flattened him out,’ since which there has been no heat apoplexy. We think it is because the bad times have made people too poor to overheat themselves with bad spirits of a liquid 肉親，親類d. The 黒人／ボイコットs 異なる, and certainly there were some 事例／患者s of even total abstainers 落ちるing 犠牲者s to the 熱波.

Hatefully たびたび（訪れる） devil 訪問者s are those who animate the boolees, or whirlwinds. If these whirl 近づく the house they smother everything with 破片 and dust.

The 黒人／ボイコット-but-Comelys say, as they （疑いを）晴らす the dirt away: ‘I wish whoever in this house those boolees are after would go out when they come, not let ’em 追跡（する） after ’em here and make this mess.’

The Wurrawilberos 主として animate these. But いつかs the wirreenuns use whirlwinds as mediums of 輸送 for their Mullee Mullees, or dream spirits, sent in 追跡 of some enemy, to 逮捕（する） a woman, or incarnate child spirit; women dread boolees, more even than men, on this account. 広大な／多数の／重要な wirreenuns are said to get rid of evil spirits by eating the form in which they appear. I’m sure we all swallowed a good 株 of the dust devils, but still they （機の）カム; evidently we were not wizards or witches.

The plain of Weawarra is haunted. Once long ago there was a fight there. Two young 軍人s but lately married were 殺害された. As their 団体／死体s were never 回復するd, they were supposed to have been stolen and eaten by the enemy. Their young 未亡人s spent days searching for them, after the tribe had given up hope of finding them. At last the 未亡人s—who had 辞退するd to marry again, 宣言するing their husbands yet lived, and that one day they would find them—disappeared.

Time passed; they did not return, so were supposed to be dead too. Then arose the rumour that their ghosts had been seen, and to this day it is said the plain of Weawarra is haunted by them.

Should men （軍の）野営地，陣営 there at night, these women spirits silently steal into the （軍の）野営地，陣営. The men, thinking they are women from some tribe they do not know, speak to them; but silently there they sit, making no answer, and 消える again before the 夜明け of day, to 新たにする their search night after night.

The high 山の尾根s above Warrangilla are haunted by two women, who tradition says were buried alive. Their spirits have never 残り／休憩（する）d, but come out at all times from the 抱擁する fissure in the 山の尾根s where their 団体／死体s were put. Their anguished cries as the 石／投石するs and earth fell on them are still to be heard echoing through the scrub there; and いつかs it is said one, keener sighted than his fellows, sees their spirit forms flitting through the Budtha bushes, and hears again their 悲劇の cries, as they disappear once more into the fathomless fissure.

There is a tradition—ありふれた, I believe, to many 黒人／ボイコット tribes, even outside Australia—that, long before the coming of the white people into this country, two beautiful white girls lived with the 黒人／ボイコットs. They had long hair to their waists. They were called Bungebah, and were killed as devils by an 外国人 tribe somewhere between Noorahwahgean and Gooroolay. Where their 血 was 流出／こぼすd two red-leaved trees have grown, and that place is still haunted by their spirits.

まっただ中に the Cookeran Lake still wanders the woman who arrived late at the big Boorah, having lost her children one by one on the 跡をつける, arriving at last with only her dead baby in the 逮捕する at her 支援する. As she died she 悪口を言う／悪態d the tribes who had 砂漠d her, and turned them into trees. Some of the 黒人／ボイコットs were in groups a little way off; those, too, she 悪口を言う／悪態d, and they were changed into forests of Belah, which look dark and funereal as you 運動 through them; and the murmuring sound, as the 勝利，勝つd wails through their 最高の，を越すs, has a very sad sound. She wanders through these forests and 一連の会議、交渉／完成する the lake, the dead baby still in the goolay on her 支援する, and いつかs her 発言する／表明する is heard mingling with the 発言する／表明するs of the forest; and as the 影をつくる／尾行するs 落ちる, she may be seen flitting past, they say.

Noorahgogo is a very handsome bronze and peacock-blue beetle, said to 具体的に表現する a spirit which always answers the cry of a Noongahburrah in the bush. The 有望な orange-red fungi on the fallen trees are devils’ bread, and should a child touch any he will be spirited away.

Very mournful are the bush nights if you happen to be alone on your verandah. Away on the flat sound the cries of curlews; past 飛行機で行くs a night heron; then the discordant 発言する／表明する of a plover is heard. In all these birds are 具体的に表現するd the spirits of men of the past; each has its legend.

Perhaps some passing swans will cry ‘Biboh, biboh,’ reminding in vain the （軍の）野営地，陣営 wizards that they too were once men, and long to be again. Poor enchanted swans! to whose enchantment we 借りがある the lovely flannel flowers of New South むちの跡s, and the red epacris bells.

But in spite of their sadness the bush nights are lovely, when the landscapes are glorified by the 魔法 of the moon. Even the gum leaves are transmuted into silver as the moonlight laves them, making the 黒人／ボイコットs say the leaves laugh, and the shimmer is like a smile.

No wonder trees have such a place in the old 宗教s of the world, and wirreenuns, even as do Buddhists, love to ぐずぐず残る beneath their 支店s—the one 持つ／拘留するing converse with his spirit friends, the other cultivating the perfect peace.

There would not be much perfect peace about a wirreenun’s communing with the spirits if it happened to be in mosquito time. The 黒人／ボイコットs say a little grey-speckled bird 支配するs the mosquitoes, and calls them from their 押し寄せる／沼地-homes to attack us. In the mythological days this bird—a woman—was 不正に 扱う／治療するd by a man who translated her sons to the sky; having 復讐d herself on him, she 公約するd vengeance on all men, and in the form of the mosquito bird wreaks that vengeance. Her mosquito slaves have just the same 位置／汚点／見つけ出すs on their wings as she has.

I dare say little with an 空気／公表する of finality about 黒人／ボイコット people; I have lived too much with them for that. To be 肯定的な, you should never spend more than six months in their neighbourhood; in fact, if you want to keep your anthropological ideas やめる 会社／堅い, it is safer to let the 黒人／ボイコットs remain in inland Australia while you stay a few thousand miles away. さもなければ, your preconceived notions are almost sure to totter to their 創立／基礎s; and nothing is more annoying than to have elaborately built-up, delightfully 論理（学）の theories, played ninepins with by an old greybeard of a 黒人／ボイコット, who 明らかに 反対するs to his beliefs 存在 分類するd, docketed, and pigeon-穴を開けるd, until he has had his say.

After all, when we consider their marriage 制限s, their totems, and the 残り／休憩（する）, what becomes of the freedom of the savage? As with us, as Montague says, ‘Our 法律s of 良心, which we pretend to be derived from Nature, proceed from custom.’

I have often thought the 失敗 of the generality of missionaries lay in the fact that they began at the wrong end. Not recognising the tyranny of custom, though themselves 犠牲者s to it, they ignore, as a 支配する, the 宗教 into which the 黒人／ボイコット is born, and by which he lived, in much closer obedience to its 法律s than we of this latter-day Christendom. It seems to me, if we cannot 尊敬（する）・点 the 宗教 of others we 否定する our own. If we are 権力のない to see the theism behind the 極端にing animism, we argue a strange ignorance of what crept over other 約束s, in the way of legends and superstitions やめる foreign to the 簡単 of the beginnings.

To be a success, a missionary, I think, should—as many do, happily—before he goes out to teach, 熟知させる himself with the making of the world’s 宗教s, and 特に with the one he is going to 取って代わる. He will probably find that 排除／予選 of some savageries is all that is 要求するd, leaving enough good to form a workable 宗教 understanded of his congregation.

If he ignores their 約束, thrusting his own, with its mysteries which puzzle even theologians, upon them, they will be but as whited sepulchres, or, at best, parrots.

Glossary

Bahloo, moon (masculine)
Bibbil, poplar-leaved box-tree. An Eucalyptus
Byamee, their god; culture hero ‘広大な／多数の／重要な One.’
Boorak, initiation 儀式
Boonal, a sort of flail
Boobeen, 木造の cornet
Bootha, woman’s 指名する; divisional family 指名する
Boahdee, sister
Beealahdee, father and mother’s sisters’ husbands
Bargie, grandmother on mother’s 味方する
Boothan, last possible child of a woman
Beewun, motherless girl, Boomerang, 武器
Bubberah, a ‘come-支援する’ boomerang
Billah, spear
Belah, 押し寄せる／沼地 oak
Booreen, 保護物，者
Birah, whitewood tree
Boodthul, toy waddy
Boondee, 激しい-長，率いるd club
Binguie, Coolamon; canoe-形態／調整d 木造の 大型船
Beewee, brown and yellow iguana
Bunbul, little boorah （犯罪の）一味
Boormool, shrimps
Boolooral, a night フクロウ
Byahmul, a 黒人／ボイコット swan
Beerwon, bird like a swallow
Bunnyal, 飛行機で行くs
Binnantayah, big saltbush
Bohrah, kangaroo
Boogodoogadah, rainbird
Buln Buln, green parrot
Boogahroo, a tree where 毒（薬）-sticks are kept
Boondurr, wizard’s 捕らえる、獲得する of charms
Budtha, shrub Eremophila
Bumble, shrub Capparis Mitchelliensis
Brambahl, skipping
Boogalah, ball
Bayarrh, green-長，率いる ants
Bingahwingul, shrub needlebush
Boondoon, kingfisher
Bilber, sandhill ネズミ
Boothagullagulla, bird like seagull
Booroorerh, bulrushes
Burrengeen, peewee; white and 黒人／ボイコット bird
Bouyoudoorimmillee, grey cranes
Bouyougah, centipede
Bubburr, large brown and yellow snake
Beeargah, crane
Buggiloo, girl’s 指名する; little yam
Boolee, whirlwind
Boogurr, things belonging to a dead person
Bullimah, sky-（軍の）野営地，陣営; heaven
Bulleerul, breath
Boorboor, come 負かす／撃墜する
Boyjerh, father, or relation of father
Brigalow, an acacia
Birroo Birroo, bird; sand-建設業者s
Booloon, white crane
Boonburr, 毒（薬） tree
Boorgoolbean, a shrub with creamy flowers
Birrahlee, baby
Bahnmul, betrothal of babies
Boomayahmayahmul, a 支持を得ようと努めるd lizard
Brewarrina, 指名する of place; place of Myall trees
Boorool, big, 広大な／多数の／重要な, many
Birrahgnooloo, woman’s 指名する meaning hatchet-直面するd
Booloowah, two emus
Bibbilah, belonging to the Bibbil country
Barahgurree, girl’s 指名する; a 肉親，親類d of lizard
Bogginbinnia, girl’s 指名する; a 肉親，親類d of lizard
Billai, crimson-wing parrot
Birriebunger, small diver-bird
Burrahwahn, a ネズミ now extinct
Bralgah, bird; native companion
Bean, Myall tree; a weeping acacia
Beebuyer, yellow flowering broom, shrub
Beeleer, 黒人／ボイコット cockatoo
Bibbee, キツツキ
Bullah Bullah, バタフライ
Beeweerh, bony bream
Buggila, ヒョウ 支持を得ようと努めるd
Bunbundoolooey, a little brown bird
Brumboorah, boorah song
Boorahbayyi, boy を受けるing initiation
Boodther, a 会合 where 現在のs are 交流d
Berai Berai, the boys; Orion’s sword and belt
Beereeun, lizard
Birrahmulgerhyerh, devils with 毒（薬）-sticks
Byjerh, 表現 of surprise
Buckandee, native cat

Coolabah, flooded box; Eucalyptus
Curreequinquin, butcher-bird; 麻薬を吸うing shrike
Cumbee, 石／投石する tomahawk
Cocklerina, a rose and yellow crested cockatoo (Major Mitchell.)
Carbeen, an Eucalyptus
Collarene, Coolabah blossom
Cûggil, ugly, 汚い, bad
Cunnumbeillee, woman’s 指名する meaning pigweed root

Dhé, hereditary totem
Dheal, sacred tree
Dayoorl, grinding-石／投石する
Doonburr, grass seed
Dheelgoolee, a bird-trapping place
Dardurr, a （軍の）野営地，陣営 避難所 of bark
Dheala, girl’s 指名する
Dayadee, half-brother
Dadadee, grandfather on mother’s 味方する
Doore-oothai, a lover
Dillahga, an 年輩の man of same totem as person speaking of or to him
Dooloomai, 雷鳴
Dillee, treasure 捕らえる、獲得する
Deenyi, ironbark
Doowee, any one’s dream-spirit
Dinahgurrerhlowah, death-取引，協定ing 石／投石する
Dumerh Dumerh, smallpox
Dumerh, brown pigeon
Doolungaiyah, sandhill ネズミ, bilber
Douyougurrah, earthworms
Deereeree, willy wagtail
Durrooee, spirit-bird
Dinewan, emu
Dunnia, wattle tree
Deenbi, diver
Deegeenboyah, 兵士-bird
Dayahminyah, small carpet snake
Douyouie, ants
Dulibah, bald
Dulleerin, a lizard
Douran Douran, north 勝利，勝つd
Dunnee Bunbun, a very large green parrot
Dibbee, sort of sandpiper
Durrahgeegin, green frog
Dooroongul, hairy caterpillar
Durramunga, little boorah
Doolooboorah, boorah message-stick
Dulloorah, tree manna-bringing birds

Eerin, little night フクロウ
Euloowayi, long-nailed devils
Euahlayi, 指名する of the Narran tribe
Euloowirree, rainbow
Eeramooun, uninitiated boy
Eleanbah wundah, spirits of the lower world

Gullendooree, a drink; water sweetened with honey.
Gundooee, a 独房監禁 emu.
Gurrooghee, uncle.
Gnahgnahdee, grandmother on father’s 味方する.
Gurroomi, a son-in-法律, or one who could be a son-in-法律.
Goonooahdee, a daughter-in-法律, or one who could be a daughter-in-法律.
Gooleerh, husband or wife, or one who might be so.
Gowun, fatherless girl.
Goolay, a miniature netted hammock for carrying babies in.
Goomillah, a woman's 衣装; a belt.
Gnooloogail, forehead 禁止（する）d.
Gidya, an acacia.
Gooroolay, an acacia.
Gooumoorh, corroboree; native オペラ.
Goomboo, 行う／開催する／段階.
Gunnai, yam stick.
Gubberah, sacred 石／投石する.
Goodoo, codfish.
Gumbarl, silver bream.
Gowargay, water emu spirit.
Guatha, quandong, wild peach.
Goodooroo, river box. An Eucalyptus.
Guie, tree, Owenia acidula.
Goolahwilleel, topknot pigeon.
Gilah, pink-breasted grey parrot.
Gidgerreegah, small green parrot.
Gooweera, 毒（薬）-stick or bone.
Guddeegooree, 毒（薬）-stick or bone, smaller than gooweera, used against women.
Goomarh, spirit-haunted 石／投石する.
Gailie, タブーd woman’s （軍の）野営地，陣営.
Goorewon, タブーd woman.
Guiebet, wild passion fruit; a Capparis.
Goomil, an armlet.
Gurroo, fur boa.
Gurril, leaf.
Gurrilboodthul, a game.
Goomboobooddoo, 格闘するing.
Gheeger Gheeger, 冷淡な west 勝利，勝つd.
Gibbon, yam.
Guineeboo, redbreast bird.
Guiggah, ant-hill.
Goomblegubbon, plains turkey; a bustard.
Gargooloo, yam.
Gunyahmoo, east 勝利，勝つd.
Ghiribul, riddle.
Goohnai, a dirge.
Gahreemai, a （軍の）野営地，陣営, or nest.
Goohnai-wurrai, funeral dirge.
Gummarl, a タブーd （軍の）野営地，陣営.
Gullee, water.
Guiggahboorool, largest ant-hills.
Gnoel, sandalwood shrub.
Gaigai, catfish.
Gourgourgahgah, laughing jackass.
Goborrai, 星／主役にするs.
Gulghureer, pink lizard.
Goori, pine.
Gundooday, stockman’s 支持を得ようと努めるd
Guddeeboondee, bitter bark; a quinine.
Gouyou, bandicoot.
Gunnoognoo oonah, give to all.
Gooloo, magpie.
Gheerlayi ghilayer, 肉親，親類d be.
Goobean gilaygoo, a swimmer be.
Gkurranbul daygoo, strong to stop you.
Gayandi, men’s 指名する for boorah spirit.
Gurraymi, women’s 指名する for boorah spirit.
Gooyeanawannah, boorah messenger.
Gayyahgnai, five or six emus.
Gonurrun, fourteen or fifteen emus.
Gwaigulleah, light 血d.
Gwaimudthen, dark 血d.
Ghurreeburrah, belonging to the orchid country
Gooboothoo, doves.
Gulbarlee, shingleback lizard.
Goodoogah, yam.
Garwah, river.
Goolayyahlee, pelican.
Gunundar, white diver.
Gooroondoodilbaydilbay, south 勝利，勝つd.
Gaen gaen, wild lime.
Gubbah, good, pretty.
Gwaibooyanbooyan, a hairless red devil.

Hippi, man's divisional family 指名する
Hippitha, woman's divisional family 指名する.

Inga, crayfish.
Innerah, a woman with a （軍の）野営地，陣営 of her own.
Illay, hop bush.

Kumbo, man's divisional family 指名する
Kubbee, man's divisional family 指名する
Kubbootha, woman's divisional family 指名する.
Kummean, father's sister.
Kurreah, crocodile.
Kumbuy, sister-in-法律.
Kamilaroi, 指名する of a tribe.
Kurrajong, tree; a sterculia.

Moodai, an opossum.
Minggah, spirit tree.
Murrahgul, a bird string 罠（にかける）.
Murree, man's divisional family 指名する.
Matha, woman's divisional family 指名する
Mullayerh, a 一時的な companion.
Moothie, a friend of childhood in afterlife.
Mirroon, emu 逮捕する.
Mubboo, beefwood tree.
Myall, a drooping acacia; violet-scented 支持を得ようと努めるd.
Moornin, emu spears.
Muggil, 石／投石する knife.
Moorooleh, plain waddy.
Moogul, only child.
Mah, 手渡す or totem.
Moograbah, big 黒人／ボイコット and white magpie.
Mirrieh, poligonum.
Mullee Mullee, dream spirit of a wizard.
Mullowil, 影をつくる／尾行する spirit.
Moolee, death-取引，協定ing 石／投石する.
Moondoo, wasps.
Murgahmuggui, spider.
Mayamah, 石／投石するs.
Munggheewurraywurraymul, seagulls.
Matah, 汚職 of master.
Mooroobeaigunnil, spirits on the sacred mountain.
Midjeer, an acacia.
Mulga, an acacia.
Mooregoo Mooregoo, 黒人／ボイコット ibis.
Mooloowerh, a shrub with cream coloured flowers.
Muddurwerderh, west 勝利，勝つd.
Mungghee, mussels.
Millanboo, the first again.
Moobil, stomach.
Mouyerh, bone through nose.
Moonaibaraban, spirit sister-in-法律.
Mayamerh, Gayandi's （軍の）野営地，陣営.
Mullyan, eagle-強硬派.
Mirriehburrah, belonging to poligonum country.
Millan, small water yam.
Mooregoo, 押し寄せる／沼地 oak; belah,
Mouyi, white cockatoo.
Maira, a 米，稲 melon.
Mouninguggahgul, mosquito bird.
Maira, wild currant bush.
Mungoongarlee, Largest iguana.
Mooregoo, mopoke.
Mounin, mosquito.
Mungahran, 強硬派.
Mien, dingo.
Munthdeegun, man in 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of 始める at boorah.
Meamei, the girls; Pleiades.
Mayrah, 勝利，勝つd.
Marahgoo, man-形態／調整d devil.
Marmbeyah, tree spirits.
Moorilla, pebbly 山の尾根.
Mahmee, old woman.

Nimmaylee, girl's 指名する; young porcupine.
Nurragah, an exclamation of pity.
Noongah, Kurrajong.
Numbardee, mother and mother's sisters.
Niune, wild melon.
Noongahburrah, belonging to the country of the Noongah.
Noorumbah, hereditary 追跡（する）ing ground.
Noodul Noodul, whistling duck.
Nummaybirrah, wild grape; Namoi.
Narahdarn, bat.
Noorunglely, a setting emu.
Nahgul, a devil haunting boorah grounds.

Oganahbayah, a small eagle-強硬派.
Ooboon, blue-tongued lizard.
Oobi Oobi, sacred mountain.
Oonahgnai, give to me.
Oonahgnoo, give to her or him.
Oonahmillangoo, give to one.
Oogowahdee goobelaygoo, flood to swim against.
Oogle oogle, four emus.
Oonaywah, 黒人／ボイコット diver.
Ouyan, curlew.

Piggiebillah, porcupine.

Quarrian, yellow and red breasted grey parrot.

Tuckandee, a young man of the same totem reckoned a 肉親，親類d of brother.
Tekel barain, large white amaryllis.
Tekkul, hair.
Talingerh, native fuchsia.
Tucki, a 肉親，親類d of bream.

Wirreenun, 薬／医学 man, wizard.
Wunnarl, food タブー.
Wirreebeeun, young woman.
Wirree, canoe-形態／調整d bark 大型船 for drinking from, or 持つ／拘留するing things in.
Wambaneah, 十分な brother.
Wulgundee, uncle's wife.
Woormerh, a boorah boy messenger.
Waywah, man's belt.
Wongin, a string breastplate.
Wogarrah, hatchet-形態／調整d 武器,
Wi, clever.
Weedah, bower-bird.
Wundah, white devil.
Wi-mouyan, 魔法 stick.
Wungoolay, a game with レコードs and spears.
Widyu Widyu, toy-spear.
Wahl, no.
Wa-ah, 爆撃するs.
Woggoon, scrub turkey.
Wimberoo, game with leaf and 解雇する／砲火／射撃.
Woolbooldarn, game; riding on bent 支店.
Whagoo, game; hide-and-捜し出す.
Wahn, crow.
Wurrawilberoo, the whirlwind devils.
Waddahgudjaelwon, a birth-統括するing spirit.
Wahl nunnoomahdayer, do not steal
Wahl goonundoo, no water.
Weedegah, bachelor's （軍の）野営地，陣営.
Wir djuri, 指名する of a tribe.
Waggestmul, 肉親，親類d of ネズミ.
Wungghee, white night フクロウ.
Willerhderh, north 勝利，勝つd.
Wi, small fish.
Wayarah, wild grapes.
Womba, mad, deaf.
Weeweemul, a 団体／死体-snatching spirit.
Wayambah, 海がめ.

Yhi, the sun (feminine).
Yarragerh, spring 勝利，勝つd, north-east.
Yunbeai, individual totem.
Yarmmara, barley grass.
Yubbil, large bark 大型船.
Yungawee, sacred 解雇する／砲火／射撃.
Yumbean, kangaroo teeth 直す／買収する，八百長をするd in gum, ornaments.
Yumbui, fatherless boy.
Yaraan, an Eucalyptus.
Yowee, a soul 同等（の）.
Yahweerh, sham fight.
Youayah, frogs.
Yelgayerdayer deermuldayer, leave all such alone.
Yudthar, feather.
Yubbah, carpet snake.
Yelgidyi, fully 始めるd young man.
Yowee bulleerul, spirit breath.

End of The Euahlayi Tribe—A 熟考する／考慮する of Aboriginal Life in Australia by K Langloh Parker

THE END

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