IT IS IN THE MODEL of the 君主 and 統括するing part of this new 共和国 that we should 推定する／予想する their grand 陳列する，発揮する. Here they were to 証明する their 肩書を与える to their proud 需要・要求するs. For the 計画（する） itself 捕まらないで, and for the 推論する／理由s on which it is grounded, I 言及する to the 定期刊行物s of the 議会 of the 29th of September, 1789, and to the その後の 訴訟／進行s which have made any alterations in the 計画（する）. So far as in a 事柄 somewhat 混乱させるd I can see light, the system remains 大幅に as it has been 初めは でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れるd. My few 発言／述べるs will be such as regard its spirit, its 傾向, and its fitness for でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れるing a popular 連邦／共和国, which they profess theirs to be, ふさわしい to the ends for which any 連邦／共和国, and 特に such a 連邦／共和国, is made. At the same time I mean to consider its consistency with itself and its own 原則s.

Old 設立s are tried by their 影響s. If the people are happy, 部隊d, 豊富な, and powerful, we 推定する the 残り／休憩（する）. We 結論する that to be good from whence good is derived. In old 設立s さまざまな correctives have been 設立する for their aberrations from theory. Indeed, they are the results of さまざまな necessities and expediencies. They are not often 建設するd after any theory; theories are rather drawn from them. In them we often see the end best 得るd where the means seem not perfectly reconcilable to what we may fancy was the 初めの 計画／陰謀. The means taught by experience may be better ふさわしい to political ends than those contrived in the 初めの 事業／計画（する）. They again 反応する upon the 原始の 憲法, and いつかs 改善する the design itself, from which they seem to have 出発／死d. I think all this might be curiously exemplified in the British 憲法. At worst, the errors and deviations of every 肉親，親類d in reckoning are 設立する and 計算するd, and the ship proceeds in her course. This is the 事例／患者 of old 設立s; but in a new and 単に theoretic system, it is 推定する／予想するd that every contrivance shall appear, on the 直面する of it, to answer its ends, 特に where the projectors are no way embarrassed with an 努力する to 融通する the new building to an old one, either in the 塀で囲むs or on the 創立／基礎s.

The French 建設業者s, （疑いを）晴らすing away as mere rubbish whatever they 設立する and, like their ornamental gardeners, forming everything into an exact level, 提案する to 残り／休憩（する） the whole 地元の and general 立法機関 on three bases of three different 肉親，親類d: one geometrical, one arithmetical, and the third 財政上の; the first of which they call the basis of 領土; the second, the basis of 全住民; and the third, the basis of 出資／貢献. For the 業績／成就 of the first of these 目的s they divide the area of their country into eighty-three pieces, 定期的に square, of eighteen leagues by eighteen. These large 分割s are called Departments. These they 部分, 訴訟／進行 by square 測定, into seventeen hundred and twenty 地区s called Communes. These again they subdivide, still 訴訟／進行 by square 測定, into smaller 地区s called Cantons, making in all 6400.

At first 見解（をとる） this geometrical basis of theirs 現在のs not much to admire or to 非難する. It calls for no 広大な／多数の／重要な 法律を制定する talents. Nothing more than an 正確な land surveyor, with his chain, sight, and theodolite, is requisite for such a 計画（する） as this. In the old 分割s of the country, さまざまな 事故s at さまざまな times and the ebb and flow of さまざまな 所有物／資産／財産s and 裁判権s settled their bounds. These bounds were not made upon any 直す／買収する，八百長をするd system, undoubtedly. They were 支配する to some inconveniences, but they were inconveniences for which use had 設立する 治療（薬）s, and habit had 供給（する）d accommodation and patience. In this new pavement of square within square, and this organization and 半分-organization, made on the system of Empedocles and Buffon, and not upon any politic 原則, it is impossible that innumerable 地元の inconveniences, to which men are not habituated, must not arise. But these I pass over, because it 要求するs an 正確な knowledge of the country, which I do not 所有する, to 明示する them.

When these 明言する／公表する surveyors （機の）カム to take a 見解（をとる） of their work of 測定, they soon 設立する that in politics the most fallacious of all things was geometrical demonstration. They had then 頼みの綱 to another basis (or rather buttress) to support the building, which tottered on that 誤った 創立／基礎. It was evident that the goodness of the 国／地域, the number of the people, their wealth, and the largeness of their 出資／貢献 made such infinite variations between square and square as to （判決などを）下す mensuration a ridiculous 基準 of 力／強力にする in the 連邦／共和国, and equality in geometry the most unequal of all 対策 in the 配当 of men. However, they could not give it up. But dividing their political and civil 代表 into three parts, they allotted one of those parts to the square 測定, without a 選び出す／独身 fact or 計算／見積り to ascertain whether this 領土の 割合 of 代表 was 公正に／かなり 割り当てるd, and ought upon any 原則 really to be a third. Having, however, given to geometry this 部分 (of a third for her dower) out of compliment, I suppose, to that sublime science, they left the other two to be scuffled for between the other parts, 全住民 and 出資／貢献.

When they （機の）カム to 供給する for 全住民, they were not able to proceed やめる so 滑らかに as they had done in the field of their geometry. Here their arithmetic （機の）カム to 耐える upon their juridical metaphysics. Had they stuck to their metaphysic 原則s, the arithmetical 過程 would be simple indeed. Men, with them, are 厳密に equal and are する権利を与えるd to equal 権利s in their own 政府. Each 長，率いる, on this system, would have its 投票（する）, and every man would 投票（する） 直接／まっすぐに for the person who was to 代表する him in the 立法機関. "But soft- by 正規の／正選手 degrees, not yet". This metaphysic 原則 to which 法律, custom, usage, 政策, 推論する／理由 were to 産する／生じる is to 産する／生じる itself to their 楽しみ. There must be many degrees, and some 行う／開催する／段階s, before the 代表者／国会議員 can come in 接触する with his 選挙権を持つ／選挙人. Indeed, as we shall soon see, these two persons are to have no sort of communion with each other. First, the 投票者s in the Canton, who compose what they call "最初の／主要な 議会s", are to have a 資格. What! a 資格 on the indefeasible 権利s of men? Yes; but it shall be a very small 資格. Our 不正 shall be very little oppressive: only the 地元の valuation of three days' labor paid to the public. Why, this is not much, I readily 収容する／認める, for anything but the utter subversion of your equalizing 原則. As a 資格 it might 同様に be let alone, for it answers no one 目的 for which 資格s are 設立するd; and, on your ideas, it 除外するs from a 投票（する） the man of all others whose natural equality stands the most in need of 保護 and 弁護- I mean the man who has nothing else but his natural equality to guard him. You order him to buy the 権利 which you before told him nature had given to him gratuitously at his birth, and of which no 当局 on earth could 合法の 奪う him. With regard to the person who cannot come up to your market, a tyrannous aristocracy, as against him, is 設立するd at the very 手始め by you who pretend to be its sworn 敵.

The gradation proceeds. These 最初の／主要な 議会s of the Canton elect 副s to the Commune; one for every two hundred qualified inhabitants. Here is the first medium put between the 最初の／主要な elector and the 代表者／国会議員 立法議員; and here a new turnpike is 直す／買収する，八百長をするd for 税金ing the 権利s of men with a second 資格; for 非，不，無 can be elected into the Commune who does not 支払う／賃金 the 量 of ten days' labor. Nor have we yet done. There is still to be another gradation.* These Communes, chosen by the Canton, choose to the Department; and the 副s of the Department choose their 副s to the 国家の 議会. Here is a third 障壁 of a senseless 資格. Every 副 to the 国家の 議会 must 支払う／賃金, in direct 出資／貢献, to the value of a 示す of silver. Of all these qualifying 障壁s we must think alike- that they are impotent to 安全な・保証する independence, strong only to destroy the 権利s of men.

* The 議会, in 遂行する／発効させるing the 計画（する） of their 委員会, made some alterations. They have struck out one 行う／開催する／段階 in these gradations; this 除去するs a part of the 反対; but the main 反対, すなわち, that in their 計画／陰謀 the first 選挙権を持つ／選挙人 投票者 has no 関係 with the 代表者／国会議員 立法議員, remains in all its 軍隊. There are other alterations, some かもしれない for the better, some certainly for the worse; but to the author the 長所 or demerit of these smaller alterations appears to be of no moment where the 計画／陰謀 itself is fundamentally vicious and absurd.

In all this 過程, which in its 根底となる elements 影響する／感情s to consider only 全住民 upon a 原則 of natural 権利, there is a manifest attention to 所有物／資産／財産, which, however just and reasonable on other 計画／陰謀s, is on theirs perfectly unsupportable.

When they come to their third basis, that of 出資／貢献, we find that they have more 完全に lost sight of their 権利s of men. This last basis 残り／休憩（する）s 完全に on 所有物／資産／財産. A 原則 全く different from the equality of men, and utterly irreconcilable to it, is その為に 認める; but no sooner is this 原則 認める than (as usual) it is subverted; and it is not subverted (as we shall presently see) to approximate the 不平等 of riches to the level of nature. The 付加 株 in the third 部分 of 代表 (a 部分 reserved 排他的に for the higher 出資／貢献) is made to regard the 地区 only, and not the individuals in it who 支払う／賃金. It is 平易な to perceive, by the course of their reasonings, how much they were embarrassed by their contradictory ideas of the 権利s of men and the 特権s of riches. The 委員会 of 憲法 do as good as 収容する／認める that they are wholly irreconcilable. "The relation with regard to the 出資／貢献s is without 疑問 null (say they) when the question is on the balance of the political 権利s as between individual and individual, without which personal equality would be destroyed and an aristocracy of the rich would be 設立するd. But this inconvenience 完全に disappears when the 比例する relation of the 出資／貢献 is only considered in the 広大な／多数の／重要な 集まりs, and is 単独で between 州 and 州; it serves in that 事例／患者 only to form a just 相互の 割合 between the cities without 影響する／感情ing the personal 権利s of the 国民s".

Here the 原則 of 出資／貢献, as taken between man and man, is reprobated as null and destructive to equality, and as pernicious, too, because it leads to the 設立 of an aristocracy of the rich. However, it must not be abandoned. And the way of getting rid of the difficulty is to 設立する the 不平等 as between department and department, leaving all the individuals in each department upon an exact par. 観察する that this parity between individuals had been before destroyed when the 資格s within the departments were settled; nor does it seem a 事柄 of 広大な／多数の／重要な importance whether the equality of men be 負傷させるd by 集まりs or 個々に. An individual is not of the same importance in a 集まり 代表するd by a few as in a 集まり 代表するd by many. It would be too much to tell a man jealous of his equality that the elector has the same franchise who 投票（する）s for three members as he who 投票（する）s for ten.

Now take it in the outer point of 見解（をとる） and let us suppose their 原則 of 代表 によれば 出資／貢献, that is, によれば riches, to be 井戸／弁護士席 imagined and to be a necessary basis for their 共和国. In this their third basis they assume that riches せねばならない be 尊敬（する）・点d, and that 司法（官） and 政策 要求する that they should する権利を与える men, in some 方式 or other, to a larger 株 in the 行政 of public 事件／事情／状勢s; it is now to be seen how the 議会 供給するs for the preeminence, or even for the 安全, of the rich by conferring, in virtue of their opulence, that larger 手段 of 力／強力にする to their 地区 which is 否定するd to them 本人自身で. I readily 収容する／認める (indeed I should lay it 負かす／撃墜する as a 根底となる 原則) that in a 共和国の／共和党の 政府 which has a democratic basis the rich do 要求する an 付加 安全 above what is necessary to them in 君主国s. They are 支配する to envy, and through envy to 圧迫. On the 現在の 計画／陰謀 it is impossible to divine what advantage they derive from the aristocratic preference upon which the unequal 代表 of the 集まりs is 設立するd. The rich cannot feel it, either as a support to dignity or as 安全 to fortune, for the aristocratic 集まり is 生成するd from 純粋に democratic 原則s, and the preference given to it in the general 代表 has no sort of 言及／関連 to, or 関係 with, the persons upon account of whose 所有物／資産／財産 this 優越 of the 集まり is 設立するd. If the contrivers of this 計画／陰謀 meant any sort of 好意 to the rich, in consequence of their 出資／貢献, they せねばならない have conferred the 特権 either on the individual rich or on some class formed of rich persons (as historians 代表する Servius Tullius to have done in the 早期に 憲法 of Rome), because the contest between the rich and the poor is not a struggle between 会社／団体 and 会社／団体, but a contest between men and men- a 競争 not between 地区s, but between descriptions. It would answer its 目的 better if the 計画／陰謀 wer e inverted: that the 投票（する） of the 集まりs were （判決などを）下すd equal, and that the 投票（する）s within each 集まり were 割合d to 所有物／資産／財産.

Let us suppose one man in a 地区 (it is an 平易な supposition) to 与える／捧げる as much as a hundred of his neighbors. Against these he has but one 投票（する）. If there were but one 代表者／国会議員 for the 集まり, his poor neighbors would outvote him by a hundred to one for that 選び出す／独身 代表者／国会議員. Bad enough. But 修正するs are to be made him. How? The 地区, in virtue of his wealth, is to choose, say, ten members instead of one; that is to say, by 支払う／賃金ing a very large 出資／貢献 he has the happiness of 存在 outvoted a hundred to one by the poor for ten 代表者／国会議員s, instead of 存在 outvoted 正確に／まさに in the same 割合 for a 選び出す／独身 member. In truth, instead of 利益ing by this superior 量 of 代表, the rich man is 支配するd to an 付加 hardship. The 増加する of 代表 within his 州 始める，決めるs up nine persons more, and as many more than nine as there may be democratic 候補者s, to cabal and intrigue, and to flatter the people at his expense and to his 圧迫. An 利益／興味 is by this means held out to multitudes of the inferior sort, in 得るing a salary of eighteen livres a day (to them a 広大な 反対する) besides the 楽しみ of a 住居 in Paris and their 株 in the 政府 of the kingdom. The more the 反対するs of ambition are multiplied and become democratic, just in that 割合 the rich are 危うくするd.

Thus it must fare between the poor and the rich in the 州 みなすd aristocratic, which in its 内部の relation is the very 逆転する of that character. In its 外部の relation, that is, its relation to the other 州s, I cannot see how the unequal 代表 which is given to 集まりs on account of wealth becomes the means of 保存するing the equipoise and the tranquillity of the 連邦／共和国. For if it be one of the 反対するs to 安全な・保証する the weak from 存在 鎮圧するd by the strong (as in all society undoubtedly it is), how are the smaller and poorer of these 集まりs to be saved from the tyranny of the more 豊富な? Is it by 追加するing to the 豊富な その上の and more systematical means of 抑圧するing them? When we come to a balance of 代表 between 法人組織の／企業の 団体／死体s, 地方の 利益／興味s, emulations, and jealousies are 十分な as likely to arise の中で them as の中で individuals; and their 分割s are likely to produce a much hotter spirit of dissension, and something 主要な much more nearly to a war.

I see that these aristocratic 集まりs are made upon what is called the 原則 of direct 出資／貢献. Nothing can be a more unequal 基準 than this. The indirect 出資／貢献, that which arises from 義務s on 消費, is in truth a better 基準 and follows and discovers wealth more 自然に than this of direct 出資／貢献. It is difficult, indeed, to 直す／買収する，八百長をする a 基準 of 地元の preference on account of the one, or of the other, or of both, because some 州s may 支払う／賃金 the more of either or of both on account of 原因（となる）s not intrinsic, but 起こる／始まるing from those very 地区s over whom they have 得るd a preference in consequence of their ostensible 出資／貢献. If the 集まりs were 独立した・無所属, 君主 団体／死体s who were to 供給する for a federative 財務省 by 際立った 次第で変わる／派遣部隊s, and that the 歳入 had not (as it has) many 課税s running through the whole, which 影響する／感情 men 個々に, and not corporately, and which, by their nature, confound all 領土の 限界s, something might be said for the basis of 出資／貢献 as 設立するd on 集まりs. But of all things, this 代表, to be 手段d by 出資／貢献, is the most difficult to settle upon 原則s of 公正，普通株主権 in a country which considers its 地区s as members of a whole. For a 広大な／多数の／重要な city, such as Bordeaux or Paris, appears to 支払う／賃金 a 広大な 団体／死体 of 義務s, almost out of all assignable 割合 to other places, and its 集まり is considered accordingly. But are these cities the true contributors in that 割合? No. The 消費者s of the 商品／必需品s 輸入するd into Bordeaux, who are scattered through all フラン, 支払う／賃金 the 輸入関税 of Bordeaux. The produce of the vintage in Guienne and Languedoc give to that city the means of its 出資／貢献 growing out of an 輸出（する） 商業. The landholders who spend their 広い地所s in Paris, and are その為に the creators of that city, 与える／捧げる for Paris from the 州s out of which their 歳入s arise. Very nearly the same arguments will 適用する to the 代表者／国会議員 株 given on account of dir ect 出資／貢献s, because the direct 出資／貢献 must be 査定する／（税金などを）課すd on wealth, real or 推定するd; and that 地元の wealth will itself arise from 原因（となる）s not 地元の, and which therefore in 公正，普通株主権 ought not to produce a 地元の preference.

It is very remarkable that in this 根底となる 規則 which settles the 代表 of the 集まり upon the direct 出資／貢献, they have not yet settled how that direct 出資／貢献 shall be laid, and how apportioned. Perhaps there is some latent 政策 toward the continuance of the 現在の 議会 in this strange 手続き. However, until they do this, they can have no 確かな 憲法. It must depend at last upon the system of 課税, and must 変化させる with every variation in that system. As they have contrived 事柄s, their 課税 does not so much depend on their 憲法 as their 憲法 on their 課税. This must introduce 広大な／多数の／重要な 混乱 の中で the 集まりs, as the variable 資格 for 投票（する）s within the 地区 must, if ever real contested 選挙s take place, 原因（となる） infinite 内部の 論争s.

To compare together the three bases, not on their political 推論する／理由, but on the ideas on which the 議会 作品, and to try its consistency with itself, we cannot 避ける 観察するing that the 原則 which the 委員会 call the basis of 全住民 does not begin to operate from the same point with the two other 原則s called the bases of 領土 and of 出資／貢献, which are both of an aristocratic nature. The consequence is that, where all three begin to operate together, there is the most absurd 不平等 produced by the 操作／手術 of the former on the two latter 原則s. Every canton 含む／封じ込めるs four square leagues, and is 概算の to 含む／封じ込める, on the 普通の／平均（する）, 4000 inhabitants or 680 投票者s in the 最初の／主要な 議会s, which 変化させる in numbers with the 全住民 of the canton, and send one 副 to the commune for every 200 投票者s. Nine cantons make a commune.

Now let us take a canton 含む／封じ込めるing a seaport town of 貿易（する）, or a 広大な／多数の／重要な 製造業の town. Let us suppose the 全住民 of this canton to be 12,700 inhabitants, or 2193 投票者s, forming three 最初の／主要な 議会s, and sending ten 副s to the commune.

…に反対する to this one canton two others of the remaining eight in the same commune. These we may suppose to have their fair 全住民 of 4000 inhabitants and 680 投票者s each, or 8000 inhabitants and 1360 投票者s, both together. These will form only two 最初の／主要な 議会s and send only six 副s to the commune.

When the 議会 of the commune comes to 投票（する） on the basis of 領土, which 原則 is first 認める to operate in that 議会, the 選び出す／独身 canton which has half the 領土 of the other two will have ten 発言する／表明するs to six in the 選挙 of three 副s to the 議会 of the department chosen on the 表明する ground of a 代表 of 領土.

This 不平等, striking as it is, will be yet 高度に 悪化させるd if we suppose, as we 公正に／かなり may, the several other cantons of the commune to 落ちる proportionably short of the 普通の／平均（する） 全住民, as much as the 主要な／長／主犯 canton 越えるs it. Now as to the basis of 出資／貢献, which also is a 原則 認める first to operate in the 議会 of the commune. Let us again take one canton, such as is 明言する／公表するd above. If the whole of the direct 出資／貢献s paid by a 広大な／多数の／重要な 貿易（する）ing or 製造業の town be divided 平等に の中で the inhabitants, each individual will be 設立する to 支払う／賃金 much more than an individual living in the country によれば the same 普通の／平均（する）. The whole paid by the inhabitants of the former will be more than the whole paid by the inhabitants of the latter- we may 公正に／かなり assume one-third more. Then the 12,700 inhabitants, or 2193 投票者s of the canton, will 支払う／賃金 as much as 19,050 inhabitants, or 3289 投票者s of the other cantons, which are nearly the 概算の 割合 of inhabitants and 投票者s of five other cantons. Now the 2193 投票者s will, as I before said, send only ten 副s to the 議会; the 3289 投票者s will send sixteen. Thus, for an equal 株 in the 出資／貢献 of the whole commune, there will be a difference of sixteen 発言する／表明するs to ten in 投票（する）ing for 副s to be chosen on the 原則 of 代表するing the general 出資／貢献 of the whole commune.

By the same 方式 of computation we shall find 15,875 inhabitants, or 2741 投票者s of the other cantons, who 支払う／賃金 one-sixth LESS to the 出資／貢献 of the whole commune, will have three VOICES MORE than the 12,700 inhabitants, or 2193 投票者s of the one canton.

Such is the fantastical and 不正な 不平等 between 集まり and 集まり in this curious repartition of the 権利s of 代表 arising out of 領土 and 出資／貢献. The 資格s which these 会談する are in truth 消極的な 資格s, that give a 権利 in an inverse 割合 to the 所有／入手 of them.

In this whole contrivance of the three bases, consider it in any light you please, I do not see a variety of 反対するs reconciled in one 一貫した whole, but several contradictory 原則s reluctantly and irreconcilably brought and held together by your philosophers, like wild beasts shut up in a cage to claw and bite each other to their 相互の 破壊.

I am afraid I have gone too far into their way of considering the 形式 of a 憲法. They have much, but bad, metaphysics; much, but bad, geometry; much, but 誤った, proportionate arithmetic; but if it were all as exact as metaphysics, geometry, and arithmetic せねばならない be, and if their 計画／陰謀s were perfectly 一貫した in all their parts, it would make only a more fair and sightly 見通し. It is remarkable that, in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 協定 of mankind, not one 言及／関連 どれでも is to be 設立する to anything moral or anything politic, nothing that relates to the 関心s, the 活動／戦闘s, the passions, the 利益／興味s of men. Hominem 非，不，無 sapiunt.

You see I only consider this 憲法 as 選挙（人）の, and 主要な by steps to the 国家の 議会. I do not enter into the 内部の 政府 of the departments and their genealogy through the communes and cantons. These 地元の 政府s are, in the 初めの 計画（する）, to be as nearly as possible composed in the same manner and on the same 原則s with the elective 議会s. They are each of them 団体／死体s perfectly compact and 一連の会議、交渉／完成するd in themselves.

You cannot but perceive in this 計画／陰謀 that it has a direct and 即座の 傾向 to 切断する フラン into a variety of 共和国s, and to （判決などを）下す them 全く 独立した・無所属 of each other without any direct 憲法の means of coherence, 関係, or subordination, except what may be derived from their acquiescence in the 決意s of the general congress of the 外交官／大使s from each 独立した・無所属 共和国. Such in reality is the 国家の 議会, and such 政府s I 収容する／認める do 存在する in the world, though in forms infinitely more suitable to the 地元の and habitual circumstances of their people. But such 協会s, rather than 団体／死体s politic, have 一般に been the 影響 of necessity, not choice; and I believe the 現在の French 力／強力にする is the very first 団体／死体 of 国民s who, having 得るd 十分な 当局 to do with their country what they pleased, have chosen to dissever it in this barbarous manner.

It is impossible not to 観察する that, in the spirit of this geometrical 配当 and arithmetical 協定, these pretended 国民s 扱う／治療する フラン 正確に／まさに like a country of conquest. 事実上の／代理 as 征服者／勝利者s, they have imitated the 政策 of the harshest of that 厳しい race. The 政策 of such barbarous 勝利者s, who contemn a subdued people and 侮辱 their feelings, has ever been, as much as in them lay, to destroy all 痕跡s of the 古代の country, in 宗教, in polity, in 法律s, and in manners; to confound all 領土の 限界s; to produce a general poverty; to put up their 所有物／資産／財産s to auction; to 鎮圧する their princes, nobles, and pontiffs; to lay low everything which had 解除するd its 長，率いる above the level, or which could serve to 連合させる or 決起大会／結集させる, in their 苦しめるs, the 解散するd people under the 基準 of old opinion. They have made フラン 解放する／自由な in the manner in which those sincere friends to the 権利s of mankind, the Romans, 解放する／自由なd Greece, Macedon, and other nations. They destroyed the 社債s of their union under color of 供給するing for the independence of each of their cities.

When the members who compose these new 団体／死体s of cantons, communes, and departments- 手はず／準備 purposely produced through the medium of 混乱- begin to 行為／法令／行動する, they will find themselves in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 手段 strangers to one another. The electors and elected throughout, 特に in the 田舎の cantons, will be frequently without any civil habitudes or 関係s, or any of that natural discipline which is the soul of a true 共和国. 治安判事s and collectors of 歳入 are now no longer 熟知させるd with their 地区s, bishops with their dioceses, or curates with their parishes. These new 植民地s of the 権利s of men 耐える a strong resemblance to that sort of 軍の 植民地s which Tacitus has 観察するd upon in the 拒絶する／低下するing 政策 of Rome. In better and wiser days (whatever course they took with foreign nations) they were careful to make the elements of methodical subordination and 解決／入植地 to be coeval, and even to lay the 創立／基礎s of civil discipline in the 軍の.* But when all the good arts had fallen into 廃虚, they proceeded, as your 議会 does, upon the equality of men, and with as little judgment and as little care for those things which make a 共和国 tolerable or 持続する. But in this, 同様に as almost every instance, your new 連邦／共和国 is born and bred and fed in those 汚職s which 示す degenerated and worn-out 共和国s. Your child comes into the world with the symptoms of death: the facies Hippocratica forms the character of its physiognomy, and the prognostic of its 運命／宿命.

* 非，不，無, ut olim, universae legiones deducebantur cum tribunis, et centurionibus, et sui cujusque ordinis militibus, ut consensu et caritate rempublicam afficerent; sed ignoti の間の se, diversis manipulis, sine rectore, sine affectibus mutuis, quasi ex alio genere mortalium, repente in unum collecti, numerus magis quam colonia. Tac. Annal. 1. 14, sect. 27. All this will be still more applicable to the unconnected, rotatory, biennial 国家の 議会s, in this absurd and senseless 憲法.

The 立法議員s who でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れるd the 古代の 共和国s knew that their 商売／仕事 was too arduous to be 遂行するd with no better apparatus than the metaphysics of an undergraduate, and the mathematics and arithmetic of an exciseman. They had to do with men, and they were 強いるd to 熟考する／考慮する human nature. They had to do with 国民s, and they were 強いるd to 熟考する／考慮する the 影響s of those habits which are communicated by the circumstances of civil life. They were sensible that the 操作／手術 of this second nature on the first produced a new combination; and thence arose many 多様制s amongst men, によれば their birth, their education, their professions, the periods of their lives, their 住居 in towns or in the country, their several ways of acquiring and of 直す／買収する，八百長をするing 所有物／資産／財産, and によれば the 質 of the 所有物／資産／財産 itself- all which （判決などを）下すd them as it were so many different 種類 of animals. From hence they thought themselves 強いるd to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる their 国民s into such classes, and to place them in such 状況／情勢s in the 明言する／公表する, as their peculiar habits might qualify them to fill, and to 割り振る to them such appropriated 特権s as might 安全な・保証する to them what their 明確な／細部 occasions 要求するd, and which might furnish to each description such 軍隊 as might 保護する it in the 衝突 原因（となる）d by the 多様制 of 利益／興味s that must 存在する and must 競う in all コンビナート／複合体 society; for the 立法議員 would have been ashamed that the coarse husbandman should 井戸／弁護士席 know how to assort and to use his sheep, horses, and oxen, and should have enough of ありふれた sense not to abstract and equalize them all into animals without 供給するing for each 肉親，親類d an appropriate food, care, and 雇用, whilst he, the 経済学者, disposer, and shepherd of his own kindred, subliming himself into an airy metaphysician, was 解決するd to know nothing of his flocks but as men in general. It is for this 推論する／理由 that Montesquieu 観察するd very 正確に，正当に that in their 分類 of the 国民s the 広大な／多数の／重要な 立法議員s of antiquity made the greatest d isplay of their 力／強力にするs, and even 急に上がるd above themselves. It is here that your modern 立法議員s have gone 深い into the 消極的な series, and sunk even below their own nothing. As the first sort of 立法議員s …に出席するd to the different 肉親，親類d of 国民s and 連合させるd them into one 連邦／共和国, the others, the metaphysical and alchemistical 立法議員s, have taken the direct contrary course. They have 試みる／企てるd to confound all sorts of 国民s, 同様に as they could, into one homogeneous 集まり; and then they divided this their amalgama into a number of incoherent 共和国s. They 減ずる men to loose 反対するs, 単に for the sake of simple telling, and not to 人物／姿／数字s whose 力／強力にする is to arise from their place in the （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する. The elements of their own metaphysics might have taught them better lessons. The troll of their categorical （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する might have 知らせるd them that there was something else in the 知識人 world besides 実体 and 量. They might learn from the catechism of metaphysics that there were eight 長，率いるs more* in every コンビナート／複合体 審議 which they have never thought of, though these, of all the ten, are the 支配するs on which the 技術 of man can operate anything at all.

* Qualitas, relatio, actio, passio, ubi, quando, situs, habitus.

So far from this able disposition of some of the old 共和国の／共和党の 立法議員s, which follows with a solicitous 正確 the moral 条件s and propensities of men, they have leveled and 鎮圧するd together all the orders which they 設立する, even under the coarse unartificial 協定 of the 君主国, in which 方式 of 政府 the classing of the 国民s is not of so much importance as in a 共和国. It is true, however, that every such 分類, if 適切に ordered, is good in all forms of 政府, and composes a strong 障壁 against the 超過s of 先制政治, 同様に as it is the necessary means of giving 影響 and permanence to a 共和国. For want of something of this 肉親，親類d, if the 現在の 事業／計画（する） of a 共和国 should fail, all 安全s to a 穏健なd freedom fail along with it; all the indirect 抑制s which mitigate 先制政治 are 除去するd, insomuch that if 君主国 should ever again 得る an entire ascendancy in フラン, under this or under any other 王朝, it will probably be, if not 任意に tempered at setting out by the wise and virtuous counsels of the prince, the most 完全に 独断的な 力／強力にする that has ever appeared on earth. This is to play a most desperate game.

The 混乱 which …に出席するs on all such 訴訟／進行s they even 宣言する to be one of their 反対するs, and they hope to 安全な・保証する their 憲法 by a terror of a return of those evils which …に出席するd their making it. "By this," say they, "its 破壊 will become difficult to 当局, which cannot break it up without the entire disorganization of the whole 明言する／公表する." They 推定する that, if this 当局 should ever come to the same degree of 力／強力にする that they have acquired, it would make a more 穏健な and chastised use of it, and would piously tremble 完全に to disorganize the 明言する／公表する in the savage manner that they have done. They 推定する／予想する, from the virtues of returning 先制政治, the 安全 which is to be enjoyed by the offspring of their popular 副／悪徳行為s.

I WISH, Sir, that you and my readers would give an attentive perusal to the work of M. de Calonne on this 支配する. It is, indeed, not only an eloquent, but an able and instructive, 業績／成果. I 限定する myself to what he says 親族 to the 憲法 of the new 明言する／公表する and to the 条件 of the 歳入. As to the 論争s of this 大臣 with his 競争相手s, I do not wish to pronounce upon them. As little do I mean to hazard any opinion 関心ing his ways and means, 財政上の or political, for taking his country out of its 現在の disgraceful and deplorable 状況／情勢 of servitude, anarchy, 破産, and beggary. I cannot 推測する やめる so sanguinely as he does; but he is a Frenchman, and has a closer 義務 親族 to those 反対するs, and better means of 裁判官ing of them, than I can have. I wish that the formal avowal which he 言及するs to, made by one of the 主要な／長／主犯 leaders in the 議会 関心ing the 傾向 of their 計画／陰謀 to bring フラン not only from a 君主国 to a 共和国, but from a 共和国 to a mere confederacy, may be very 特に …に出席するd to. It 追加するs new 軍隊 to my 観察s, and indeed M. de Calonne's work 供給（する）s my 欠陥／不足s by many new and striking arguments on most of the 支配するs of this letter.*

* See l'Etat de la フラン, p. 363.

It is this 決意／決議, to break their country into separate 共和国s, which has driven them into the greatest number of their difficulties and contradictions. If it were not for this, all the questions of exact equality and these balances, never to be settled, of individual 権利s, 全住民, and 出資／貢献 would be wholly useless. The 代表, though derived from parts, would be a 義務 which 平等に regarded the whole. Each 副 to the 議会 would be the 代表者／国会議員 of フラン, and of all its descriptions, of the many and of the few, of the rich and of the poor, of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 地区s and of the small. All these 地区s would themselves be subordinate to some standing 当局, 存在するing 独立して of them, an 当局 in which their 代表, and everything that belongs to it, 起こる／始まるd, and to which it was pointed. This standing, unalterable, 根底となる 政府 would make, and it is the only thing which could make, that 領土 truly and 適切に a whole. With us, when we elect popular 代表者／国会議員s, we send them to a 会議 in which each man 個々に is a 支配する and submitted to a 政府 完全にする in all its ordinary 機能（する）／行事s. With you the elective 議会 is the 君主, and the 単独の 君主; all the members are therefore integral parts of this 単独の 主権，独立. But with us it is 全く different. With us the 代表者／国会議員, separated from the other parts, can have no 活動／戦闘 and no 存在. The 政府 is the point of 言及／関連 of the several members and 地区s of our 代表. This is the 中心 of our まとまり. This 政府 of 言及／関連 is a trustee for the whole, and not for the parts. So is the other 支店 of our public 会議, I mean the House of Lords. With us the king and the lords are several and 共同の 安全s for the equality of each 地区, each 州, each city. When did you hear in 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain of any 州 苦しむing from the 不平等 of its 代表, what 地区 from having no 代表 at all? Not only our 君主国 and our peerage 安全な・保証する the equality on which our まとまり depends, but it is the spirit of the House of ありふれたs itself. The very 不平等 of 代表, which is so foolishly complained of, is perhaps the very thing which 妨げるs us from thinking or 事実上の／代理 as members for 地区s. Cornwall elects as many members as all Scotland. But is Cornwall better taken care of than Scotland? Few trouble their 長，率いるs about any of your bases, out of some giddy clubs. Most of those who wish for any change, upon any plausible grounds, 願望（する） it on different ideas.

Your new 憲法 is the very 逆転する of ours in its 原則; and I am astonished how any persons could dream of 持つ／拘留するing out anything done in it as an example for 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain. With you there is little, or rather no, 関係 between the last 代表者／国会議員 and the first 選挙権を持つ／選挙人. The member who goes to the 国家の 議会 is not chosen by the people, nor accountable to them. There are three 選挙s before he is chosen; two 始める，決めるs of magistracy 介入する between him and the 最初の／主要な 議会, so as to （判決などを）下す him, as I have said, an 外交官／大使 of a 明言する／公表する, and not the 代表者／国会議員 of the people within a 明言する／公表する. By this the whole spirit of the 選挙 is changed, nor can any corrective which your 憲法-mongers have 工夫するd （判決などを）下す him anything else than what he is. The very 試みる／企てる to do it would 必然的に introduce a 混乱, if possible, more horrid than the 現在の. There is no way to make a 関係 between the 初めの 選挙権を持つ／選挙人 and the 代表者／国会議員, but by the circuitous means which may lead the 候補者 to 適用する in the first instance to the 最初の／主要な electors, in order that by their 権威のある 指示／教授／教育s (and something more perhaps) these 最初の／主要な electors may 軍隊 the two 後継するing 団体／死体s of electors to make a choice agreeable to their wishes. But this would plainly subvert the whole 計画／陰謀. It would be to 急落（する），激減（する） them 支援する into that tumult and 混乱 of popular 選挙 which, by their interposed gradation of 選挙s, they mean to 避ける, and at length to 危険 the whole fortune of the 明言する／公表する with those who have the least knowledge of it and the least 利益／興味 in it. This is a perpetual 窮地 into which they are thrown by the vicious, weak, and contradictory 原則s they have chosen. Unless the people break up and level this gradation, it is plain that they do not at all 大幅に elect to the 議会; indeed, they elect as little in 外見 as reality.

What is it we all 捜し出す for in an 選挙? To answer its real 目的s, you must first 所有する the means of knowing the fitness of your man; and then you must 保持する some 持つ／拘留する upon him by personal 義務 or dependence. For what end are these 最初の／主要な electors complimented, or rather mocked, with a choice? They can never know anything of the 質s of him that is to serve them, nor has he any 義務 どれでも to them. Of all the 力／強力にするs unfit to be 委任する／代表d by those who have any real means of 裁判官ing, that most peculiarly unfit is what relates to a personal choice. In 事例／患者 of 乱用, that 団体／死体 of 最初の／主要な electors never can call the 代表者／国会議員 to an account for his 行為／行う. He is too far 除去するd from them in the chain of 代表. If he 行為／法令／行動するs improperly at the end of his two years' 賃貸し（する）, it does not 関心 him for two years more. By the new French 憲法 the best and the wisest 代表者／国会議員s go 平等に with the worst into this Limbus Patrum. Their 底（に届く）s are supposed foul, and they must go into ドッキングする／減らす／ドックに入れる to be refitted. Every man who has served in an 議会 is ineligible for two years after. Just as these 治安判事s begin to learn their 貿易（する）, like chimney 掃海艇s, they are disqualified for 演習ing it. Superficial, new, petulant 取得／買収, and interrupted, dronish, broken, ill recollection is to be the 運命にあるd character of all your 未来 知事s. Your 憲法 has too much of jealousy to have much of sense in it. You consider the 違反 of 信用 in the 代表者／国会議員 so principally that you do not at all regard the question of his fitness to 遂行する／発効させる it.

This purgatory interval is not unfavorable to a faithless 代表者／国会議員, who may be as good a canvasser as he was a bad 知事. In this time he may cabal himself into a 優越 over the wisest and most virtuous. As in the end all the members of this elective 憲法 are 平等に 逃亡者／はかないもの and 存在する only for the 選挙, they may be no longer the same persons who had chosen him, to whom he is to be responsible when he solicits for a 再開 of his 信用. To call all the 第２位 electors of the Commune to account is ridiculous, impracticable, and 不正な; they may themselves have been deceived in their choice, as the third 始める，決める of electors, those of the Department, may be in theirs. In your 選挙s 責任／義務 cannot 存在する.

FINDING NO SORT OF PRINCIPLE of coherence with each other in the nature and 憲法 of the several new 共和国s of フラン, I considered what 固く結び付ける the 立法議員s had 供給するd for them from any extraneous 構成要素s. Their 連合s, their spectacles, their 市民の feasts, and their enthusiasm I take no notice of; they are nothing but mere tricks; but tracing their 政策 through their 活動／戦闘s, I think I can distinguish the 手はず／準備 by which they 提案する to 持つ／拘留する these 共和国s together. The first is the 没収, with the compulsory paper 通貨 別館d to it; the second is the 最高の 力／強力にする of the city of Paris; the third is the general army of the 明言する／公表する. Of this last I shall reserve what I have to say until I come to consider the army as a 長，率いる by itself.

As to the 操作／手術 of the first (the 没収 and paper 通貨) 単に as a 固く結び付ける, I cannot 否定する that these, the one depending on the other, may for some time compose some sort of 固く結び付ける if their madness and folly in the 管理／経営, and in the tempering of the parts together, does not produce a repulsion in the very 手始め. But 許すing to the 計画／陰謀 some coherence and some duration, it appears to me that if, after a while, the 没収 should not be 設立する 十分な to support the paper coinage (as I am morally 確かな it will not), then, instead of 固く結び付けるing, it will 追加する infinitely to the dissociation, distraction, and 混乱 of these confederate 共和国s, both with relation to each other and to the several parts within themselves. But if the 没収 should so far 後継する as to 沈む the paper 通貨, the 固く結び付ける is gone with the 循環／発行部数. In the 合間 its binding 軍隊 will be very uncertain, and it will straiten or relax with every variation in the credit of the paper.

One thing only is 確かな in this 計画／陰謀, which is an 影響 seemingly collateral, but direct, I have no 疑問, in the minds of those who 行為／行う this 商売／仕事, that is, its 影響 in producing an oligarchy in every one of the 共和国s. A paper 循環／発行部数, not 設立するd on any real money deposited or engaged for, 量ing already to forty-four millions of English money, and this 通貨 by 軍隊 代用品，人d in the place of the coin of the kingdom, becoming その為に the 実体 of its 歳入 同様に as the medium of all its 商業の and civil intercourse, must put the whole of what 力／強力にする, 当局, and 影響（力） is left, in any form どれでも it may assume, into the 手渡すs of the 経営者／支配人s and conductors of this 循環／発行部数.

In England, we feel the 影響（力） of the Bank, though it is only the 中心 of a voluntary 取引，協定ing. He knows little indeed of the 影響（力） of money upon mankind who does not see the 軍隊 of the 管理／経営 of a monied 関心 which is so much more 広範囲にわたる and in its nature so much more depending on the 経営者／支配人s than any of ours. But this is not 単に a money 関心. There is another member in the system inseparably connected with this money 管理／経営. It consists in the means of 製図／抽選 out at discretion 部分s of the 押収するd lands for sale, and carrying on a 過程 of continual transmutation of paper into land, and land into paper. When we follow this 過程 in its 影響s, we may conceive something of the intensity of the 軍隊 with which this system must operate. By this means the spirit of money-jobbing and 憶測 goes into the 集まり of land itself and 会社にする／組み込むs with it. By this 肉親，親類d of 操作／手術 that 種類 of 所有物／資産／財産 becomes (as it were) volatilized; it assumes an unnatural and monstrous activity, and その為に throws into the 手渡すs of the several 経営者／支配人s, 主要な／長／主犯 and subordinate, Parisian and 地方の, all the 代表者／国会議員 of money and perhaps a 十分な tenth part of all the land in フラン, which has now acquired the worst and most pernicious part of the evil of a paper 循環／発行部数, the greatest possible 不確定 in its value. They have 逆転するd the Latonian 親切 to the landed 所有物／資産／財産 of Delos. They have sent theirs to be blown about, like the light fragments of a 難破させる, oras et littora circum.

The new 売買業者s, 存在 all habitually adventurers and without any 直す／買収する，八百長をするd habits of 地元の predilections, will 購入（する） to 職業 out again, as the market of paper or of money or of land shall 現在の an advantage. For though a 宗教上の bishop thinks that 農業 will derive 広大な／多数の／重要な advantages from the "enlightened" usurers who are to 購入（する） the church 没収s, I, who am not a good but an old 農業者, with 広大な／多数の／重要な humility beg leave to tell his late lordship that usury is not a 教える of 農業; and if the word "enlightened" be understood によれば the new dictionary, as it always is in your new schools, I cannot conceive how a man's not believing in God can teach him to cultivate the earth with the least of any 付加 技術 or 激励. "Diis immortalibus sero", said an old Roman, when he held one 扱う of the plough, whilst Death held the other. Though you were to join in the （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 all the directors of the two 学院s to the directors of the Caisse d'Escompte, one old, experienced 小作農民 is 価値（がある） them all. I have got more （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） upon a curious and 利益／興味ing 支店 of husbandry, in one short conversation with an old Carthusian 修道士, than I have derived from all the Bank directors that I have ever conversed with. However, there is no 原因（となる） for 逮捕 from the 干渉 of money 売買業者s with 田舎の economy. These gentlemen are too wise in their 世代. At first, perhaps, their tender and susceptible imaginations may be captivated with the innocent and 無益な delights of a pastoral life; but in a little time they will find that 農業 is a 貿易（する） much more laborious, and much いっそう少なく lucrative, than that which they had left. After making its panegyric, they will turn their 支援するs on it like their 広大な／多数の／重要な precursor and 原型. They may, like him, begin by singing "Beatus ille" but what will be the end?

Haec ubi locutus foenerator Alphius,

Jam jam futurus rusticus

Omnem redegit idibus pecuniam;

Quaerit calendis ponere.

They will cultivate the Caisse d'Eglise, under the sacred 後援 of this prelate, with much more 利益（をあげる） than its vineyards and its とうもろこし畑／穀物畑s. They will 雇う their talents によれば their habits and their 利益／興味s. They will not follow the plough whilst they can direct 財務省s and 治める／統治する 州s.

Your 立法議員s, in everything new, are the very first who have 設立するd a 連邦／共和国 upon gaming, and infused this spirit into it as its 決定的な breath. The 広大な／多数の／重要な 反対する in these politics is to metamorphose フラン from a 広大な／多数の／重要な kingdom into one 広大な／多数の／重要な playtable; to turn its inhabitants into a nation of gamesters; to make 憶測 as 広範囲にわたる as life; to mix it with all its 関心s and to コースを変える the whole of the hopes and 恐れるs of the people from their usual channels into the impulses, passions, and superstitions of those who live on chances. They loudly 布告する their opinion that this their 現在の system of a 共和国 cannot かもしれない 存在する without this 肉親，親類d of gaming 基金, and that the very thread of its life is spun out of the 中心的要素 of these 憶測s. The old gaming in 基金s was mischievous enough, undoubtedly, but it was so only to individuals. Even when it had its greatest extent, in the Mississippi and South Sea, it 影響する／感情d but few, comparatively; where it 延長するs その上の, as in 宝くじs, the spirit has but a 選び出す／独身 反対する. But where the 法律, which in most circumstances forbids, and in 非，不，無 countenances, gaming, is itself debauched so as to 逆転する its nature and 政策 and expressly to 軍隊 the 支配する to this destructive （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する by bringing the spirit and symbols of gaming into the minutest 事柄s and engaging everybody in it, and in everything, a more dreadful 疫病／流行性の distemper of that 肉親，親類d is spread than yet has appeared in the world. With you a man can neither earn nor buy his dinner without a 憶測. What he receives in the morning will not have the same value at night. What he is compelled to take as 支払う／賃金 for an old 負債 will not be received as the same when he comes to 支払う／賃金 a 負債 契約d by himself, nor will it be the same when by 誘発する 支払い（額） he would 避ける 契約ing any 負債 at all. 産業 must wither away. Economy must be driven from your country. Careful 準備／条項 will have no 存在. Who will labor without knowing the 量 of his 支払う／賃金? Who will 熟考する／考慮する to 増加する wh at 非，不，無 can 見積（る）? Who will 蓄積する, when he does not know the value of what he saves? If you abstract it from its uses in gaming, to 蓄積する your paper wealth would be not the providence of a man, but the distempered instinct of a jackdaw.

The truly melancholy part of the 政策 of systematically making a nation of gamesters is this, that though all are 軍隊d to play, few can understand the game; and より小数の still are in a 条件 to avail themselves of the knowledge. The many must be the dupes of the few who 行為／行う the machine of these 憶測s. What 影響 it must have on the country people is 明白な. The townsman can calculate from day to day, not so the inhabitant of the country. When the 小作農民 first brings his corn to market, the 治安判事 in the towns 強いるs him to take the assignat at par; when he goes to the shop with his money, he finds it seven per cent the worse for crossing the way. This market he will not readily 訴える手段／行楽地 to again. The townspeople will be inflamed; they will 軍隊 the country people to bring their corn. 抵抗 will begin, and the 殺人s of Paris and St. Denis may be 新たにするd through all フラン.

What signifies the empty compliment paid to the country by giving it, perhaps, more than its 株 in the theory of your 代表? Where have you placed the real 力／強力にする over monied and landed 循環／発行部数? Where have you placed the means of raising and 落ちるing the value of every man's freehold? Those whose 操作／手術s can take form, or 追加する ten per cent to, the 所有／入手s of every man in フラン must be the masters of every man in フラン. The whole of the 力／強力にする 得るd by this 革命 will settle in the towns の中で the burghers and the monied directors who lead them. The landed gentleman, the yeoman, and the 小作農民 have, 非，不，無 of them, habits or inclinations or experience which can lead them to any 株 in this the 単独の source of 力／強力にする and 影響（力） now left in フラン. The very nature of a country life, the very nature of landed 所有物／資産／財産, in all the 占領／職業s, and all the 楽しみs they afford, （判決などを）下す combination and 協定 (the 単独の way of procuring and 発揮するing 影響（力）) in a manner impossible amongst country people. 連合させる them by all the art you can, and all the 産業, they are always 解散させるing into individuality. Anything in the nature of 合併／会社設立 is almost impracticable amongst them. Hope, 恐れる, alarm, jealousy, the ephemerous tale that does its 商売／仕事 and dies in a day- all these things which are the reins and 刺激（する）s by which leaders check or 勧める the minds of 信奉者s are not easily 雇うd, or hardly at all, amongst scattered people. They 組み立てる／集結する, they arm, they 行為／法令／行動する with the 最大の difficulty and at the greatest 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金. Their 成果／努力s, if ever they can be 開始するd, cannot be 支えるd. They cannot proceed systematically. If the country gentlemen 試みる／企てる an 影響（力） through the mere income of their 所有物／資産／財産, what is it to that of those who have ten times their income to sell, and who can 廃虚 their 所有物／資産／財産 by bringing their plunder to 会合，会う it at market? If the landed man wishes to mortgage, he 落ちるs the value of his land and raises the value of assignats. He augments the po wer of his enemy by the very means he must take to 競う with him. The country gentleman, therefore, the officer by sea and land, the man of 自由主義の 見解（をとる）s and habits, 大（公）使館員d to no profession, will be as 完全に 除外するd from the 政府 of his country as if he were legislatively proscribed. It is obvious that in the towns all things which conspire against the country gentleman 連合させる in 好意 of the money 経営者／支配人 and director. In towns combination is natural. The habits of burghers, their 占領／職業s, their 転換, their 商売／仕事, their idleness continually bring them into 相互の 接触する. Their virtues and their 副／悪徳行為s are sociable; they are always in 守備隊; and they come 具体的に表現するd and half disciplined into the 手渡すs of those who mean to form them for civil or 軍の 活動／戦闘.

All these considerations leave no 疑問 on my mind that, if this monster of a 憲法 can continue, フラン will be wholly 治める／統治するd by the agitators in 会社／団体s, by societies in the towns formed of directors of assignats, and trustees for the sale of church lands, 弁護士／代理人／検事s, スパイ／執行官s, money jobbers, 相場師s, and adventurers, composing an ignoble oligarchy 設立するd on the 破壊 of the 栄冠を与える, the church, the nobility, and the people. Here end all the deceitful dreams and 見通しs of the equality and 権利s of men. In the Serbonian bog of this base oligarchy they are all 吸収するd, sunk, and lost forever.

Though human 注目する，もくろむs cannot trace them, one would be tempted to think some 広大な／多数の／重要な 罪／違反s in フラン must cry to heaven, which has thought fit to punish it with a subjection to a vile and inglorious 支配 in which no 慰安 or 補償（金） is to be 設立する in any, even of those 誤った, splendors which, playing about other tyrannies, 妨げる mankind from feeling themselves dishonored even whilst they are 抑圧するd. I must 自白する I am touched with a 悲しみ, mixed with some indignation, at the 行為／行う of a few men, once of 広大な／多数の／重要な 階級 and still of 広大な／多数の／重要な character, who, deluded with specious 指名するs, have engaged in a 商売／仕事 too 深い for the line of their understanding to fathom; who have lent their fair 評判 and the 当局 of their high-sounding 指名するs to the designs of men with whom they could not be 熟知させるd, and have その為に made their very virtues operate to the 廃虚 of their country.

So far as to the first 固く結び付けるing 原則.

THE second 構成要素 of 固く結び付ける for their new 共和国 is the 優越 of the city of Paris; and this I 収容する／認める is 堅固に connected with the other 固く結び付けるing 原則 of paper 循環／発行部数 and 没収. It is in this part of the 事業／計画（する） we must look for the 原因（となる） of the 破壊 of all the old bounds of 州s and 裁判権s, ecclesiastical and 世俗的な, and the 解散 of all 古代の combinations of things, 同様に as the 形式 of so many small unconnected 共和国s. The 力／強力にする of the city of Paris is evidently one 広大な／多数の／重要な spring of all their politics. It is through the 力／強力にする of Paris, now become the 中心 and 焦点（を合わせる） of jobbing, that the leaders of this 派閥 direct, or rather 命令（する）, the whole 法律を制定する and the whole (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 政府. Everything, therefore, must be done which can 確認する the 当局 of that city over the other 共和国s. Paris is compact; she has an enormous strength, wholly disproportioned to the 軍隊 of any of the square 共和国s; and this strength is collected and condensed within a 狭くする compass. Paris has a natural and 平易な 関係 of its parts, which will not be 影響する／感情d by any 計画／陰謀 of a geometrical 憲法, nor does it much signify whether its 割合 of 代表 be more or いっそう少なく, since it has the whole 草案 of fishes in its 大捜査網. The other 分割s of the kingdom, 存在 hackled and torn to pieces, and separated from all their habitual means and even 原則s of union, cannot, for some time at least, confederate against her. Nothing was to be left in all the subordinate members but 証拠不十分, disconnection, and 混乱. To 確認する this part of the 計画（する）, the 議会 has lately come to a 決意／決議 that no two of their 共和国s shall have the same 指揮官-in-長，指導者.

To a person who takes a 見解（をとる） of the whole, the strength of Paris, thus formed, will appear a system of general 証拠不十分. It is 誇るd that the geometrical 政策 has been 可決する・採択するd, that all 地元の ideas should be sunk, and that the people should no longer be Gascons, Picards, Bretons, Normans, but Frenchmen, with one country, one heart, and one 議会. But instead of 存在 all Frenchmen, the greater 見込み is that the inhabitants of that 地域 will すぐに have no country. No man ever was 大（公）使館員d by a sense of pride, partiality, or real affection to a description of square 測定. He never will glory in belonging to the Chequer No. 71, or to any other badge-ticket. We begin our public affections in our families. No 冷淡な relation is a 熱心な 国民. We pass on to our 近隣s and our habitual 地方の 関係s. These are inns and 残り／休憩（する）ing places. Such 分割s of our country as have been formed by habit, and not by a sudden jerk of 当局, were so many little images of the 広大な／多数の／重要な country in which the heart 設立する something which it could fill. The love to the whole is not 消滅させるd by this subordinate partiality. Perhaps it is a sort of elemental training to those higher and more large regards by which alone men come to be 影響する／感情d, as with their own 関心, in the 繁栄 of a kingdom so 広範囲にわたる as that of フラン. In that general 領土 itself, as in the old 指名する of 州s, the 国民s are 利益／興味d from old prejudices and unreasoned habits, and not on account of the geometric 所有物／資産／財産s of its 人物／姿／数字. The 力／強力にする and pre-eminence of Paris does certainly 圧力（をかける） 負かす／撃墜する and 持つ／拘留する these 共和国s together as long as it lasts. But, for the 推論する／理由s I have already given you, I think it cannot last very long.

Passing from the civil creating and the civil 固く結び付けるing 原則s of this 憲法 to the 国家の 議会, which is to appear and 行為／法令／行動する as 君主, we see a 団体／死体 in its 憲法 with every possible 力／強力にする, and no possible 外部の 支配（する）／統制する. We see a 団体／死体 without 根底となる 法律s, without 設立するd maxims, without 尊敬（する）・点d 支配するs of 訴訟／進行, which nothing can keep 会社／堅い to any system どれでも. Their idea of their 力／強力にするs is always taken at the 最大の stretch of 法律を制定する competence, and their examples for ありふれた 事例／患者s from the exceptions of the most 緊急の necessity. The 未来 is to be in most 尊敬（する）・点s like the 現在の 議会; but, by the 方式 of the new 選挙s and the 傾向 of the new 循環／発行部数s, it will be 粛清するd of the small degree of 内部の 支配（する）／統制する 存在するing in a 少数，小数派 chosen 初めは from さまざまな 利益／興味s, and 保存するing something of their spirit. If possible, the next 議会 must be worse than the 現在の. The 現在の, by destroying and altering everything, will leave to their 後継者s 明らかに nothing popular to do. They will be roused by emulation and example to 企業s the boldest and the most absurd. To suppose such an 議会 sitting in perfect quietude is ridiculous.

Your all-十分な 立法議員s, in their hurry to do everything at once, have forgotten one thing that seems 必須の, and which I believe never has been before, in the theory or the practice, omitted by any projector of a 共和国. They have forgotten to 構成する a 上院 or something of that nature and character. Never before this time was heard of a 団体／死体 politic composed of one 法律を制定する and active 議会, and its (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officers, without such a 会議, without something to which foreign 明言する／公表するs might connect themselves; something to which, in the ordinary 詳細（に述べる） of 政府, the people could look up; something which might give a bias and steadiness and 保存する something like consistency in the 訴訟／進行s of 明言する／公表する. Such a 団体／死体 kings 一般に have as a 会議. A 君主国 may 存在する without it, but it seems to be in the very essence of a 共和国の／共和党の 政府. It 持つ／拘留するs a sort of middle place between the 最高の 力／強力にする 演習d by the people, or すぐに 委任する／代表d from them, and the mere (n)役員／(a)執行力のある. Of this there are no traces in your 憲法, and in 供給するing nothing of this 肉親，親類d your 議員s and Numas have, as much as in anything else, discovered a 君主 incapacity.

LET US NOW TURN OUR EYES to what they have done toward the 形式 of an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 力／強力にする. For this they have chosen a degraded king. This their first (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officer is to be a machine without any sort of deliberative discretion in any one 行為／法令／行動する of his 機能（する）／行事. At best he is but a channel to 伝える to the 国家の 議会 such 事柄 as it may 輸入する that 団体／死体 to know. If he had been made the 排除的 channel, the 力／強力にする would not have been without its importance, though infinitely perilous to those who would choose to 演習 it. But public 知能 and 声明 of facts may pass to the 議会 with equal authenticity through any other conveyance. As to the means, therefore, of giving a direction to 対策 by the 声明 of an 権限を与えるd reporter, this office of 知能 is as nothing.

To consider the French 計画／陰謀 of an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officer, in its two natural 分割s of civil and political.- In the first, it must be 観察するd that, によれば the new 憲法, the higher parts of judicature, in either of its lines, are not in the king. The king of フラン is not the fountain of 司法（官）. The 裁判官s, neither the 初めの nor the appellate, are of his 指名／任命. He neither 提案するs the 候補者s, nor has a 消極的な on the choice. He is not even the public 検察官，検事. He serves only as a notary to authenticate the choice made of the 裁判官s in the several 地区s. By his officers he is to 遂行する／発効させる their 宣告，判決. When we look into the true nature of his 当局, he appears to be nothing more than a 長，指導者 of bum （強制）執行官s, sergeants at mace, catchpoles, jailers, and hangmen. It is impossible to place anything called 王族 in a more degrading point of 見解（をとる）. A thousand times better had it been for the dignity of this unhappy prince that he had nothing at all to do with the 行政 of 司法（官）, 奪うd as he is of all that is venerable and all that is consolatory in that 機能（する）／行事, without 力／強力にする of 起こる／始まるing any 過程, without a 力／強力にする of 中断, mitigation, or 容赦. Everything in 司法（官） that is vile and 嫌悪すべき is thrown upon him. It was not for nothing that the 議会 has been at such 苦痛s to 除去する the stigma from 確かな offices when they are 解決するd to place the person who had lately been their king in a 状況／情勢 but one degree above the executioner, and in an office nearly of the same 質. It is not in nature that, 据えるd as the king of the French now is, he can 尊敬（する）・点 himself or can be 尊敬（する）・点d by others.

見解（をとる） this new (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officer on the 味方する of his political capacity, as he 行為／法令／行動するs under the orders of the 国家の 議会. To 遂行する／発効させる 法律s is a 王室の office; to 遂行する／発効させる orders is not to be a king. However, a political (n)役員／(a)執行力のある magistracy, though 単に such, is a 広大な／多数の／重要な 信用. It is a 信用 indeed that has much depending upon its faithful and diligent 業績／成果, both in the person 統括するing in it and in all its subordinates. Means of 成し遂げるing this 義務 せねばならない be given by 規則; and dispositions toward it せねばならない be infused by the circumstances attendant on the 信用. It せねばならない be environed with dignity, 当局, and consideration, and it せねばならない lead to glory. The office of 死刑執行 is an office of exertion. It is not from impotence we are to 推定する／予想する the 仕事s of 力／強力にする. What sort of person is a king to 命令（する） executory service, who has no means どれでも to reward it? Not in a 永久の office; not in a 認める of land; no, not in a 年金 of fifty 続けざまに猛撃するs a year; not in the vainest and most trivial 肩書を与える. In フラン, the king is no more the fountain of 栄誉（を受ける） than he is the fountain of 司法（官）. All rewards, all distinctions are in other 手渡すs. Those who serve the king can be actuated by no natural 動機 but 恐れる- by a 恐れる of everything except their master. His 機能（する）／行事s of 内部の coercion are as 嫌悪すべき as those which he 演習s in the department of 司法（官）. If 救済 is to be given to any municipality, the 議会 gives it. If 軍隊／機動隊s are to be sent to 減ずる them to obedience to the 議会, the king is to 遂行する／発効させる the order; and upon every occasion he is to be spattered over with the 血 of his people. He has no 消極的な; yet his 指名する and 当局 is used to 施行する every 厳しい 法令. Nay, he must 同意する in the butchery of those who shall 試みる／企てる to 解放する／自由な him from his 監禁，拘置 or show the slightest attachment to his person or to his 古代の 当局.

(n)役員／(a)執行力のある magistracy せねばならない be 構成するd in such a manner that those who compose it should be 性質の／したい気がして to love and to venerate those whom they are bound to obey. A 目的d neglect or, what is worse, a literal but perverse and malignant obedience must be the 廃虚 of the wisest counsels. In vain will the 法律 試みる／企てる to 心配する or to follow such 熟考する／考慮するd neglects and fraudulent attentions. To make them 行為／法令／行動する zealously is not in the competence of 法律. Kings, even such as are truly kings, may and せねばならない 耐える the freedom of 支配するs that are obnoxious to them. They may, too, without derogating from themselves, 耐える even the 当局 of such persons if it 促進するs their service. Louis the Thirteenth mortally hated the 枢機けい／主要な de Richelieu, but his support of that 大臣 against his 競争相手s was the source of all the glory of his 統治する and the solid 創立／基礎 of his 王位 itself. Louis the Fourteenth, when come to the 王位, did not love the 枢機けい／主要な Mazarin, but for his 利益／興味s he 保存するd him in 力／強力にする. When old, he detested Louvois, but for years, whilst he faithfully served his greatness, he 耐えるd his person. When George the Second took Mr. Pitt, who certainly was not agreeable to him, into his 会議s, he did nothing which could humble a wise 君主. But these 大臣s, who were chosen by 事件／事情／状勢s, not by affections, 行為／法令／行動するd in the 指名する of, and in 信用 for, kings, and not as their avowed, 憲法の, and ostensible masters. I think it impossible that any king, when he has 回復するd his first terrors, can cordially infuse vivacity and vigor into 対策 which he knows to be dictated by those who, he must be 説得するd, are in the highest degree ill 影響する／感情d to his person. Will any 大臣s who serve such a king (or whatever he may be called) with but a decent 外見 of 尊敬（する）・点 cordially obey the orders of those whom but the other day in his 指名する they had committed to the Bastille? Will they obey the orders of those whom, whilst they were 演習ing despotic 司法（官） upon them, they conceiv ed they were 扱う／治療するing with lenity, and from whom, in a 刑務所，拘置所, they thought they had 供給するd an 亡命? If you 推定する／予想する such obedience amongst your other 革新s and regenerations, you せねばならない make a 革命 in nature and 供給する a new 憲法 for the human mind. さもなければ, your 最高の 政府 cannot 調和させる with its executory system. There are 事例／患者s in which we cannot （問題を）取り上げる with 指名するs and abstractions. You may call half a dozen 主要な individuals, whom we have 推論する／理由 to 恐れる and hate, the nation. It makes no other difference than to make us 恐れる and hate them the more. If it had been thought 正当と認められる and expedient to make such a 革命 by such means, and through such persons, as you have made yours, it would have been more wise to have 完全にするd the 商売／仕事 of the fifth and sixth of October. The new (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officer would then 借りがある his 状況／情勢 to those who are his creators 同様に as his masters; and he might be bound in 利益／興味, in the society of 罪，犯罪, and (if in 罪，犯罪s there could be virtues) in 感謝 to serve those who had 促進するd him to a place of 広大な／多数の／重要な lucre and 広大な／多数の／重要な sensual indulgence, and of something more; for more he must have received from those who certainly would not have 限られた／立憲的な an aggrandized creature, as they have done a submitting antagonist.

A king circumstanced as the 現在の, if he is 全く stupefied by his misfortunes so as to think it not the necessity but the 賞与金 and 特権 of life to eat and sleep, without any regard to glory, can never be fit for the office. If he feels as men 一般的に feel, he must be sensible that an office so circumstanced is one in which he can 得る no fame or 評判. He has no generous 利益／興味 that can excite him to 活動／戦闘. At best, his 行為／行う will be passive and 防御の. To inferior people such an office might be 事柄 of 栄誉（を受ける）. But to be raised to it, and to descend to it, are different things and 示唆する different 感情s. Does he really 指名する the 大臣s? They will have a sympathy with him. Are they 軍隊d upon him? The whole 商売／仕事 between them and the 名目上の king will be 相互の counteraction. In all other countries, the office of 大臣s of 明言する／公表する is of the highest dignity. In フラン it is 十分な of 危険，危なくする, and incapable of glory. 競争相手s, however, they will have in their nothingness, whilst shallow ambition 存在するs in the world, or the 願望（する） of a 哀れな salary is an incentive to short-sighted avarice. Those competitors of the 大臣s are enabled by your 憲法 to attack them in their 決定的な parts, whilst they have not the means of repelling their 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s in any other than the degrading character of 犯人s. The 大臣s of 明言する／公表する in フラン are the only persons in that country who are incapable of a 株 in the 国家の 会議s. What 大臣s! What 会議s! What a nation!- But they are responsible. It is a poor service that is to be had from 責任／義務. The elevation of mind to be derived from 恐れる will never make a nation glorious. 責任／義務 妨げるs 罪，犯罪s. It makes all 試みる／企てるs against the 法律s dangerous. But for a 原則 of active and 熱心な service, 非，不，無 but idiots could think of it. Is the 行為／行う of a war to be 信用d to a man who may abhor its 原則, who, in every step he may take to （判決などを）下す it successful, 確認するs the 力／強力にする of those by whom he is oppr essed? Will foreign 明言する／公表するs 本気で 扱う／治療する with him who has no prerogative of peace or war? No, not so much as in a 選び出す／独身 投票（する） by himself or his 大臣s, or by any one whom he can かもしれない 影響（力）. A 明言する／公表する of contempt is not a 明言する／公表する for a prince; better get rid of him at once.

I know it will be said that these humors in the 法廷，裁判所 and (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 政府 will continue only through this 世代, and that the king has been brought to 宣言する the dauphin shall be educated in a 順応／服従 to his 状況／情勢. If he is made to 適合する to his 状況／情勢, he will have no education at all. His training must be worse, even, than that of an 独断的な 君主. If he reads - whether he reads or not- some good or evil genius will tell him his ancestors were kings. Thenceforward his 反対する must be to 主張する himself and to avenge his parents. This you will say is not his 義務. That may be; but it is nature; and whilst you pique nature against you, you do unwisely to 信用 to 義務. In this futile 計画／陰謀 of polity, the 明言する／公表する nurses in its bosom, for the 現在の, a source of 証拠不十分, perplexity, counteraction, inefficiency, and decay; and it 準備するs the means of its final 廃虚. In short, I see nothing in the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 軍隊 (I cannot call it 当局) that has even an 外見 of vigor, or that has the smallest degree of just correspondence or symmetry, or 友好的な relation with the 最高の 力／強力にする, either as it now 存在するs or as it is planned for the 未来 政府.

You have settled, by an economy as perverted as the 政策, two* 設立s of 政府- one real, one fictitious. Both 持続するd at a 広大な expense, but the fictitious at, I think, the greatest. Such a machine as the latter is not 価値（がある） the grease of its wheels. The expense is exorbitant, and neither the show nor the use deserve the tenth part of the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金. Oh! but I don't do 司法（官） to the talents of the 立法議員s: I don't 許す, as I せねばならない do, for necessity. Their 計画／陰謀 of (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 軍隊 was not their choice. This 野外劇／豪華な行列 must be kept. The people would not 同意 to part with it. 権利; I understand you. You do, in spite of your grand theories, to which you would have heaven and earth to bend- you do know how to 適合する yourselves to the nature and circumstances of things. But when you were 強いるd to 適合する thus far to circumstances, you せねばならない have carried your submission その上の, and to have made, what you were 強いるd to take, a proper 器具, and useful to its end. That was in your 力／強力にする. For instance, の中で many others, it was in your 力／強力にする to leave to your king the 権利 of peace and war. What! to leave to the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 治安判事 the most dangerous of all prerogatives? I know 非，不，無 more dangerous, nor any one more necessary to be so 信用d. I do not say that this prerogative せねばならない be 信用d to your king unless he enjoyed other auxiliary 信用s along with it, which he does not now 持つ／拘留する. But if he did 所有する them, 危険な as they are undoubtedly, advantages would arise from such a 憲法, more than 補償するing the 危険. There is no other way of keeping the several potentates of Europe from intriguing distinctly and 本人自身で with the members of your 議会, from intermeddling in all your 関心s, and fomenting, in the heart of your country, the most pernicious of all 派閥s- 派閥s in the 利益／興味 and under the direction of foreign 力／強力にするs. From that worst of evils, thank God, we are still 解放する／自由な. Your 技術, if you had any, would be 井戸／弁護士席 雇うd to find out ind irect correctives and 支配（する）／統制するs upon this perilous 信用. If you did not like those which in England we have chosen, your leaders might have 発揮するd their abilities in contriving better. If it were necessary to exemplify the consequences of such an (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 政府 as yours, in the 管理／経営 of 広大な／多数の／重要な 事件／事情／状勢s, I should 言及する you to the late 報告（する）／憶測s of M. de Montmorin to the 国家の 議会, and all the other 訴訟／進行s 親族 to the differences between 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain and Spain. It would be 扱う／治療するing your understanding with disrespect to point them out to you.

* In reality three, to reckon the 地方の 共和国の／共和党の 設立s.

I hear that the persons who are called 大臣s have 示す an 意向 of 辞職するing their places. I am rather astonished that they have not 辞職するd long since. For the universe I would not have stood in the 状況／情勢 in which they have been for this last twelvemonth. They wished 井戸／弁護士席, I take it for 認めるd, to the 革命. Let this fact be as it may, they could not, placed as they were upon an eminence, though an eminence of humiliation, but be the first to see collectively, and to feel each in his own department, the evils which have been produced by that 革命. In every step which they took, or forbore to take, they must have felt the degraded 状況／情勢 of their country and their utter incapacity of serving it. They are in a 種類 of subordinate servitude, in which no men before them were ever seen. Without 信用／信任 from their 君主, on whom they were 軍隊d, or from the 議会, who 軍隊d them upon him, all the noble 機能（する）／行事s of their office are 遂行する／発効させるd by 委員会s of the 議会 without any regard どれでも to their personal or their 公式の／役人 当局. They are to 遂行する／発効させる, without 力／強力にする; they are to be responsible, without discretion; they are to 審議する／熟考する, without choice. In their puzzled 状況／情勢s, under two 君主s, over neither of whom they have any 影響（力）, they must 行為／法令／行動する in such a manner as (in 影響, whatever they may ーするつもりである) いつかs to betray the one, いつかs the other, and always to betray themselves. Such has been their 状況／情勢, such must be the 状況／情勢 of those who 後継する them. I have much 尊敬（する）・点 and many good wishes for M. Necker. I am 強いるd to him for attentions. I thought, when his enemies had driven him from Versailles, that his 追放する was a 支配する of most serious congratulations- sed multae urbes et publica vota vicerunt. He is now sitting on the 廃虚s of the 財政／金融s and of the 君主国 of フラン.

A 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 more might be 観察するd on the strange 憲法 of the executory part of the new 政府, but 疲労，（軍の）雑役 must give bounds to the discussion of 支配するs which in themselves have hardly any 限界s.

AS little genius and talent am I able to perceive in the 計画（する） of judicature formed by the 国家の 議会. によれば their invariable course, the framers of your 憲法 have begun with the utter 廃止 of the 議会s. These venerable 団体／死体s, like the 残り／休憩（する） of the old 政府, stood in need of 改革（する）, even though there should be no change made in the 君主国. They 要求するd several more alterations to adapt them to the system of a 解放する／自由な 憲法. But they had particulars in their 憲法, and those not a few, which deserved approbation from the wise. They 所有するd one 根底となる excellence: they were 独立した・無所属. The most doubtful circumstance attendant on their office, that of its 存在 vendible, 与える／捧げるd however to this independence of character. They held for life. Indeed, they may be said to have held by 相続物件. 任命するd by the 君主, they were considered as nearly out of his 力／強力にする. The most 決定するd exertions of that 当局 against them only showed their 過激な independence. They composed 永久の 団体／死体s politic, 構成するd to resist 独断的な 革新; and from that 法人組織の／企業の 憲法, and from most of their forms, they were 井戸／弁護士席 calculated to afford both certainty and 安定 to the 法律s. They had been a 安全な 亡命 to 安全な・保証する these 法律s in all the 革命s of humor and opinion. They had saved that sacred deposit of the country during the 統治するs of 独断的な princes and the struggles of 独断的な 派閥s. They kept alive the memory and 記録，記録的な／記録する of the 憲法. They were the 広大な／多数の／重要な 安全 to 私的な 所有物／資産／財産 which might be said (when personal liberty had no 存在) to be, in fact, 同様に guarded in フラン as in any other country. Whatever is 最高の in a 明言する／公表する せねばならない have, as much as possible, its judicial 当局 so 構成するd as not only not to depend upon it, but in some sort to balance it. It せねばならない give a 安全 to its 司法（官） against its 力／強力にする. It せねばならない make its judicature, as it were, something exterior to the 明言する／公表する.

These 議会s had furnished, not the best certainly, but some かなりの corrective to the 超過s and 副／悪徳行為s of the 君主国. Such an 独立した・無所属 judicature was ten times more necessary when a 僕主主義 became the 絶対の 力／強力にする of the country. In that 憲法, elective 一時的な, 地元の 裁判官s, such as you have contrived, 演習ing their 扶養家族 機能（する）／行事s in a 狭くする society, must be the worst of all 法廷s. In them it will be vain to look for any 外見 of 司法（官） toward strangers, toward the obnoxious rich, toward the 少数，小数派 of 大勝するd parties, toward all those who in the 選挙 have supported 不成功の 候補者s. It will be impossible to keep the new 法廷s （疑いを）晴らす of the worst spirit of 派閥. All contrivances by 投票（する） we know 実験的に to be vain and childish to 妨げる a 発見 of inclinations. Where they may the best answer the 目的s of concealment, they answer to produce 疑惑, and this is a still more mischievous 原因（となる） of partiality.

If the 議会s had been 保存するd, instead of 存在 解散させるd at so ruinous a 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 to the nation, they might have served in this new 連邦／共和国, perhaps not 正確に the same (I do not mean an exact 平行の), but nearly the same, 目的s as the 法廷，裁判所 and 上院 of Areopagus did in Athens; that is, as one of the balances and correctives to the evils of a light and 不正な 僕主主義. Every one knows that this 法廷 was the 広大な／多数の／重要な stay of that 明言する／公表する; every one knows with what care it was upheld, and with what a 宗教的な awe it was consecrated. The 議会s were not wholly 解放する／自由な from 派閥, I 収容する／認める; but this evil was exterior and 偶発の, and not so much the 副／悪徳行為 of their 憲法 itself, as it must be in your new contrivance of sexennial elective judicatories. Several English commend the 廃止 of the old 法廷s, as supposing that they 決定するd everything by 贈収賄 and 汚職. But they have stood the 実験（する） of monarchic and 共和国の／共和党の scrutiny. The 法廷，裁判所 was 井戸／弁護士席 性質の／したい気がして to 証明する 汚職 on those 団体／死体s when the were 解散させるd in 1771. Those who have again 解散させるd them would have done the same if they could, but both inquisitions having failed, I 結論する that 甚だしい／１２ダース pecuniary 汚職 must have been rather rare amongst them.

It would have been 慎重な, along with the 議会s, to 保存する their 古代の 力／強力にする of 登録（する）ing, and of remonstrating at least upon, all the 法令s of the 国家の 議会, as they did upon those which passed in the time of the 君主国. It would be a means of squaring the 時折の 法令s of a 僕主主義 to some 原則s of general jurisprudence. The 副／悪徳行為 of the 古代の 僕主主義s, and one 原因（となる） of their 廃虚, was that they 支配するd, as you do, by 時折の 法令s, psephismata. This practice soon broke in upon the tenor and consistency of the 法律s; it abated the 尊敬（する）・点 of the people toward them, and 全く destroyed them in the end.

Your vesting the 力／強力にする of remonstrance, which, in the time of the 君主国, 存在するd in the 議会 of Paris, in your 主要な／長／主犯 (n)役員／(a)執行力のある officer, whom, in spite of ありふれた sense, you persevere in calling king, is the 高さ of absurdity. You ought never to 苦しむ remonstrance from him who is to 遂行する／発効させる. This is to understand neither 会議 nor 死刑執行, neither 当局 nor obedience. The person whom you call king ought not to have this 力／強力にする, or he せねばならない have more.

Your 現在の 協定 is 厳密に judicial. Instead of imitating your 君主国 and seating your 裁判官s on a （法廷の）裁判 of independence, your 反対する is to 減ずる them to the most blind obedience. As you have changed all things, you have invented new 原則s of order. You first 任命する 裁判官s, who, I suppose, are to 決定する によれば 法律, and then you let them know that, at some time or other, you ーするつもりである to give them some 法律 by which they are to 決定する. Any 熟考する／考慮するs which they have made (if any they have made) are to be useless to them. But to 供給（する） these 熟考する／考慮するs, they are to be sworn to obey all the 支配するs, orders, and 指示／教授／教育s which from time to time they are to receive from the 国家の 議会. These if they 服従させる／提出する to, they leave no ground of 法律 to the 支配する. They become 完全にする and most dangerous 器具s in the 手渡すs of the 治める／統治するing 力／強力にする which, in the 中央 of a 原因（となる） or on the prospect of it, may wholly change the 支配する of 決定／判定勝ち（する）. If these orders of the 国家の 議会 come to be contrary to the will of the people, who 地元で choose 裁判官s, such 混乱 must happen as is terrible to think of. For the 裁判官s 借りがある their places to the 地元の 当局, and the 命令（する）s they are sworn to obey come from those who have no 株 in their 任命. In the 合間 they have the example of the 法廷，裁判所 of Chatelet to encourage and guide them in the 演習 of their 機能（する）／行事s. That 法廷，裁判所 is to try 犯罪のs sent to it by the 国家の 議会, or brought before it by other courses of delation. They sit under a guard to save their own lives. They know not by what 法律 they 裁判官, nor under what 当局 they 行為／法令／行動する, nor by what 任期 they 持つ／拘留する. It is thought that they are いつかs 強いるd to 非難する at 危険，危なくする of their lives. This is not perhaps 確かな , nor can it be ascertained; but when they acquit, we know they have seen the persons whom they 発射する／解雇する, with perfect impunity to the actors, hanged at the door of their 法廷，裁判所.

The 議会 indeed 約束s that they will form a 団体／死体 of 法律, which shall be short, simple, （疑いを）晴らす, and so 前へ／外へ. That is, by their short 法律s they will leave much to the discretion of the 裁判官, whilst they have 爆発するd the 当局 of all the learning which could make judicial discretion (a thing perilous at best) deserving the 呼称 of a sound discretion.

It is curious to 観察する that the 行政の 団体／死体s are carefully 免除されたd from the 裁判権 of these new 法廷s. That is, those persons are 免除されたd from the 力／強力にする of the 法律s who せねばならない be the most 完全に submitted to them. Those who 遂行する／発効させる public pecuniary 信用s ought of all men to be the most 厳密に held to their 義務. One would have thought that it must have been の中で your earliest cares, if you did not mean that those 行政の 団体／死体s should be real, 君主, 独立した・無所属 明言する／公表するs, to form an awful 法廷, like your late 議会s, or like our king's （法廷の）裁判, where all 法人組織の／企業の officers might 得る 保護 in the 合法的な 演習 of their 機能（する）／行事s, and would find coercion if they trespassed against their 合法的な 義務. But the 原因（となる） of the 控除 is plain. These 行政の 団体／死体s are the 広大な／多数の／重要な 器具s of the 現在の leaders in their 進歩 through 僕主主義 to oligarchy. They must, therefore, be put above the 法律. It will be said that the 合法的な 法廷s which you have made are unfit to coerce them. They are, undoubtedly. They are unfit for any 合理的な／理性的な 目的. It will be said, too, that the 行政の 団体／死体s will be accountable to the General 議会. This I 恐れる is talking without much consideration of the nature of that 議会, or of these 会社／団体s. However, to be 支配する to the 楽しみ of that 議会 is not to be 支配する to 法律 either for 保護 or for 強制.

This 設立 of 裁判官s as yet wants something to its 完成. It is to be 栄冠を与えるd by a new 法廷. This is to be a grand 明言する／公表する judicature, and it is to 裁判官 of 罪，犯罪s committed against the nation, that is, against the 力／強力にする of the 議会. It seems as if they had something in their 見解（をとる） of the nature of the high 法廷，裁判所 of 司法（官） 築くd in England during the time of the 広大な／多数の／重要な usurpation. As they have not yet finished this part of the 計画／陰謀, it is impossible to form a 権利 judgment upon it. However, if 広大な／多数の／重要な care is not taken to form it in a spirit very different from that which has guided them in their 訴訟／進行s 親族 to 明言する／公表する 罪／違反s, this 法廷, subservient to their inquisition, the 委員会 of 研究, will 消滅させる the last 誘発するs of liberty in フラン and settle the most dreadful and 独断的な tyranny ever known in any nation. If they wish to give to this 法廷 any 外見 of liberty and 司法（官）, they must not evoke from or send to it the 原因（となる）s 親族 to their own members, at their 楽しみ. They must also 除去する the seat of that 法廷 out of the 共和国 of Paris.*

* For その上の elucidations upon the 支配する of all these judicatures, and of the 委員会 of 研究, see M. de Calonne's work.

HAS more 知恵 been 陳列する，発揮するd in the 憲法 of your army than what is discoverable in your 計画（する） of judicature? The able 協定 of this part is the more difficult, and 要求するs the greatest 技術 and attention, not only as the 広大な／多数の／重要な 関心 in itself, but as it is the third 固く結び付けるing 原則 in the new 団体／死体 of 共和国s which you call the French nation. Truly it is not 平易な to divine what that army may become at last. You have 投票（する）d a very large one, and on good 任命s, at least fully equal to your 明らかな means of 支払い（額）. But what is the 原則 of its discipline, or whom is it to obey? You have got the wolf by the ears, and I wish you joy of the happy position in which you have chosen to place yourselves, and in which you are 井戸／弁護士席 circumstanced for a 解放する／自由な 審議 比較して to that army or to anything else.

The 大臣 and 長官 of 明言する／公表する for the war department is M. de la 小旅行する du Pin. This gentleman, like his 同僚s in 行政, is a most 熱心な assertor of the 革命, and a sanguine admirer of the new 憲法 which 起こる／始まるd in that event. His 声明 of facts, 親族 to the 軍の of フラン, is important, not only from his 公式の／役人 and personal 当局, but because it 陳列する，発揮するs very 明確に the actual 条件 of the army in フラン, and because it throws light on the 原則s upon which the 議会 proceeds in the 行政 of this 批判的な 反対する. It may enable us to form some judgment how far it may be expedient in this country to imitate the 戦争の 政策 of フラン.

M. de la 小旅行する du Pin, on the fourth of last June, comes to give an account of the 明言する／公表する of his department as it 存在するs under the 後援 of the 国家の 議会. No man knows it so 井戸／弁護士席; no man can 表明する it better. 演説（する）／住所ing himself to the 国家の 議会, he says - His Majesty has this day sent me to apprise you of the multiplied disorders of which every day he receives the most 苦しめるing 知能. The army (le 軍団 militaire) 脅すs to 落ちる into the most 騒然とした anarchy. Entire 連隊s have dared to 侵害する／違反する at once the 尊敬（する）・点 予定 to the 法律s, to the king, to the order 設立するd by your 法令s, and to the 誓いs which they have taken with the most awful solemnity. Compelled by my 義務 to give you （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） of these 超過s, my heart bleeds when I consider who they are that have committed them. Those against whom it is not in my 力／強力にする to 保留する the most grievous （民事の）告訴s are a part of that very soldiery which to this day have been so 十分な of 栄誉（を受ける） and 忠義, and with whom, for fifty years, I have lived the comrade and the friend.

What 理解できない spirit of delirium and delusion has all at once led them astray? Whilst you are indefatigable in 設立するing uniformity in the empire, and molding the whole into one coherent and 一貫した 団体／死体; whilst the French are taught by you at once the 尊敬（する）・点 which the 法律s 借りがある to the 権利s of man, and that which the 国民s 借りがある to the 法律s, the 行政 of the army 現在のs nothing but 騒動 and 混乱. I see in more than one 軍団 the 社債s of discipline relaxed or broken; the most unheard-of pretensions avowed 直接／まっすぐに and without any disguise; the 法令／条例s without 軍隊; the 長，指導者s without 当局; the 軍の chest and the colors carried off; the 当局 of the king himself (risum teneatis?) proudly 反抗するd; the officers despised, degraded, 脅すd, driven away, and some of them 囚人s in the 中央 of their 軍団, dragging on a 不安定な life in the bosom of disgust and humiliation. To fill up the 手段 of all these horrors, the commandants of places have had their throats 削減（する）, under the 注目する，もくろむs and almost in the 武器 of their own 兵士s.

These evils are 広大な／多数の／重要な; but they are not the worst consequences which may be produced by such 軍の insurrections. Sooner or later they may menace the nation itself. The nature of things 要求するs that the army should never 行為／法令／行動する but as an 器具. The moment that, 築くing itself into a deliberative 団体／死体, it shall 行為／法令／行動する によれば its own 決意／決議s, the 政府, be it what it may, will すぐに degenerate into a 軍の 僕主主義- a 種類 of political monster which has always ended by devouring those who have produced it.

After all this, who must not be alarmed at the 不規律な 協議s and 騒然とした 委員会s formed in some 連隊s by the ありふれた 兵士s and 非，不，無-（売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限d officers without the knowledge, or even in contempt of the 当局, of their superiors, although the presence and concurrence of those superiors could give no 当局 to such monstrous democratic 議会s (comices).

It is not necessary to 追加する much to this finished picture- finished as far as its canvas 収容する／認めるs, but, as I apprehend, not taking in the whole of the nature and 複雑さ of the disorders of this 軍の 僕主主義 which, the 大臣 at war truly and wisely 観察するs, wherever it 存在するs must be the true 憲法 of the 明言する／公表する, by whatever formal 呼称 it may pass. For though he 知らせるs the 議会 that the more かなりの part of the army have not cast off their obedience, but are still 大（公）使館員d to their 義務, yet those 旅行者s who have seen the 軍団 whose 行為／行う is the best rather 観察する in them the absence of 反乱（を起こす） than the 存在 of discipline.

I cannot help pausing here for a moment to 反映する upon the 表現s of surprise which this 大臣 has let 落ちる, 親族 to the 超過s he relates. To him the 出発 of the 軍隊／機動隊s from their 古代の 原則s of 忠義 and 栄誉（を受ける） seems やめる 信じられない. Surely those to whom he 演説（する）／住所s himself know the 原因（となる）s of it but too 井戸／弁護士席. They know the doctrines which they have preached, the 法令s which they have passed, the practices which they have countenanced. The 兵士s remember the 6th of October. They recollect the French guards. They have not forgotten the taking of the king's 城s in Paris and Marseilles. That the 知事s in both places were 殺人d with impunity is a fact that has not passed out of their minds. They do not abandon the 原則s laid 負かす／撃墜する so ostentatiously and laboriously of the equality of men. They cannot shut their 注目する，もくろむs to the degradation of the whole noblesse of フラン and the 鎮圧 of the very idea of a gentleman. The total 廃止 of 肩書を与えるs and distinctions is not lost upon them. But M. de la 小旅行する du Pin is astonished at their disloyalty, when the doctors of the 議会 have taught them at the same time the 尊敬（する）・点 予定 to 法律s. It is 平易な to 裁判官 which of the two sorts of lessons men with 武器 in their 手渡すs are likely to learn. As to the 当局 of the king, we may collect from the 大臣 himself (if any argument on that 長，率いる were not やめる superfluous) that it is not of more consideration with these 軍隊／機動隊s than it is with everybody else. "The king", says he, "has over and over again repeated his orders to put a stop to these 超過s; but in so terrible a 危機 your (the 議会's) concurrence is become indispensably necessary to 妨げる the evils which menace the 明言する／公表する. You 部隊 to the 軍隊 of the 法律を制定する 力／強力にする that of opinion still more important". To be sure the army can have no opinion of the 力／強力にする or 当局 of the king. Perhaps the 兵士 has by this time learned that the 議会 itself does not enjoy a much greater degree of liber ty than that 王室の 人物／姿／数字.

It is now to be seen what has been 提案するd in this exigency, one of the greatest that can happen in a 明言する／公表する. The 大臣 requests the 議会 to array itself in all its terrors, and to call 前へ／外へ all its majesty. He 願望（する）s that the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and 厳しい 原則s 発表するd by them may give vigor to the king's 布告／宣言. After this we should have looked for 法廷，裁判所s, civil and 戦争の, breaking of some 軍団, decimating of others, and all the terrible means which necessity has 雇うd in such 事例／患者s to 逮捕（する） the 進歩 of the most terrible of all evils; 特に, one might 推定する／予想する that a serious 調査 would be made into the 殺人 of commandants in the 見解（をとる） of their 兵士s. Not one word of all this or of anything like it. After they had been told that the soldiery trampled upon the 法令s of the 議会 promulgated by the king, the 議会 pass new 法令s, and they 権限を与える the king to make new 布告／宣言s. After the 長官 at war had 明言する／公表するd that the 連隊s had paid no regard to 誓いs pretes avec la 加える imposante solemnite, they 提案する- what? More 誓いs. They 新たにする 法令s and 布告／宣言s as they experience their insufficiency, and they multiply 誓いs in 割合 as they 弱める in the minds of men, the 許可／制裁s of 宗教. I hope that handy abridgments of the excellent sermons of Voltaire, d'Alembert, Diderot, and Helvetius, on the Immortality of the Soul, on a particular superintending Providence, and on a 未来 明言する／公表する of Rewards and 罰s are sent 負かす／撃墜する to the 兵士s along with their 市民の 誓いs. Of this I have no 疑問; as I understand that a 確かな description of reading makes no inconsiderable part of their 軍の 演習s, and that they are 十分な 同様に 供給（する）d with the 弾薬／武器 of 小冊子s as of cartridges.

To 妨げる the mischiefs arising from 共謀s, 不規律な 協議s, seditious 委員会s, and monstrous democratic 議会s (comitia, comices) of the 兵士s, and all the disorders arising from idleness, 高級な, dissipation, and insubordination, I believe the most astonishing means have been used that ever occurred to men, even in all the 発明s of this prolific age. It is no いっそう少なく than this: the king has promulgated in circular letters to all the 連隊s his direct 当局 and 激励 that the several 軍団 should join themselves with the clubs and 連合s in the several municipalities, and mix with them in their feasts and 市民の entertainments! This jolly discipline, it seems, is to 軟化する the ferocity of their minds, to reconcile them to their 瓶／封じ込める companions of other descriptions, and to 合併する particular 共謀s in more general 協会s.* That this 治療（薬） would be pleasing to the 兵士s, as they are 述べるd by M. de la 小旅行する du Pin, I can readily believe; and that, however mutinous さもなければ, they will dutifully 服従させる／提出する themselves to these 王室の 布告／宣言s. But I should question whether all this 市民の 断言するing, clubbing, and feasting would 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる them, more than at 現在の they are 性質の／したい気がして, to an obedience to their officers, or teach them better to 服従させる／提出する to the 厳格な，質素な 支配するs of 軍の discipline. It will make them admirable 国民s after the French 方式, but not やめる so good 兵士s after any 方式. A 疑問 might 井戸／弁護士席 arise whether the conversations at these good （米）棚上げする／（英）提議するs would fit them a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 the better for the character of mere 器具s, which this 退役軍人 officer and 政治家 正確に，正当に 観察するs the nature of things always 要求するs an army to be.

* Comme sa Majeste y a reconnu, 非，不，無 une systeme d'協会s particulieres, mais une 再会 de volontes de tous les Francois 注ぐ la liberte et la prosperite communes, ainsi 注ぐ la maintien de l'ordre publique; il a pense qu'il convenoit que chaque 連隊 prit part a ces 祝日，祝うs civiques 注ぐ multiplier les 和合s et reserrer les liens d'union entre les citoyens et les troupes.- Lest I should not be credited, I 挿入する the words, 権限を与えるing the 軍隊／機動隊s to feast with the popular confederacies.

関心ing the 見込み of this 改良 in discipline by the 解放する／自由な conversation of the 兵士s with 地方自治体の festive societies, which is thus 公式に encouraged by 王室の 当局 and 許可／制裁, we may 裁判官 by the 明言する／公表する of the municipalities themselves, furnished to us by the war 大臣 in this very speech. He conceives good hopes of the success of his 努力するs toward 回復するing order for the 現在の from the good disposition of 確かな 連隊s, but he finds something cloudy with regard to the 未来. As to 妨げるing the return of 混乱, for this the 行政 (says he) cannot be 責任のある to you as long as they see the municipalities arrogate to themselves an 当局 over the 軍隊／機動隊s which your 会・原則s have reserved wholly to the 君主. You have 直す／買収する，八百長をするd the 限界s of the 軍の 当局 and the 地方自治体の 当局. You have bounded the 活動／戦闘 which you have permitted to the latter over the former to the 権利 of requisition, but never did the letter or the spirit of your 法令s 権限を与える the ありふれたs in these municipalities to break the officers, to try them, to give orders to the 兵士s, to 運動 them from the 地位，任命するs committed to their guard, to stop them in their marches ordered by the king, or, in a word, to enslave the 軍隊／機動隊s to the caprice of each of the cities or even market towns through which they are to pass.

Such is the character and disposition of the 地方自治体の society which is to 埋め立てる the soldiery, to bring them 支援する to the true 原則s of 軍の subordination, and to （判決などを）下す them machines in the 手渡すs of the 最高の 力／強力にする of the country! Such are the distempers of the French 軍隊／機動隊s! Such is their cure! As the army is, so is the 海軍. The municipalities supersede the orders of the 議会, and the seamen in their turn supersede the orders of the municipalities. From my heart I pity the 条件 of a respectable servant of the public like this war 大臣, 強いるd in his old age to 誓約（する） the 議会 in their 市民の cups, and to enter with a hoary 長，率いる into all the fantastic vagaries of these juvenile 政治家，政治屋s. Such 計画／陰謀s are not like propositions coming from a man of fifty years' wear and 涙／ほころび amongst mankind. They seem rather such as せねばならない be 推定する／予想するd from those grand compounders in politics who 縮める the road to their degrees in the 明言する／公表する and have a 確かな inward fanatical 保証／確信 and 照明 upon all 支配するs, upon the credit of which one of their doctors has thought fit, with 広大な／多数の／重要な 賞賛, and greater success, to 警告を与える the 議会 not to …に出席する to old men or to any persons who valued themselves upon their experience. I suppose all the 大臣s of 明言する／公表する must qualify and take this 実験（する）- wholly abjuring the errors and heresies of experience and 観察. Every man has his own relish. But I think if I could not 達成する to the 知恵, I would at least 保存する something of the stiff and peremptory dignity of age. These gentlemen 取引，協定 in regeneration; but at any price I should hardly 産する／生じる my rigid 繊維s to be regenerated by them, nor begin, in my grand climacteric, to squall in their new accents or to stammer, in my second cradle, the elemental sounds of their barbarous metaphysics.* Si isti mihi largiantur ut repuerascam, et in eorum cunis vagiam, valde recusem!

* This war 大臣 has since quitted the school and 辞職するd his office.

The imbecility of any part of the puerile and pedantic system, which they call a 憲法, cannot be laid open without discovering the utter insufficiency and mischief of every other part with which it comes in 接触する, or that 耐えるs any the remotest relation to it. You cannot 提案する a 治療（薬） for the 無資格／無能力 of the 栄冠を与える without 陳列する，発揮するing the debility of the 議会. You cannot 審議する／熟考する on the 混乱 of the army of the 明言する／公表する without 公表する／暴露するing the worse disorders of the 武装した municipalities. The 軍の lays open the civil, and the civil betrays the 軍の, anarchy. I wish everybody carefully to peruse the eloquent speech (such it is) of M. de la 小旅行する du Pin. He せいにするs the 救済 of the municipalities to the good 行為 of some of the 軍隊／機動隊s. These 軍隊／機動隊s are to 保存する the 井戸／弁護士席-性質の／したい気がして part of those municipalities, which is 自白するd to be the weakest, from the 略奪する of the worst-性質の／したい気がして, which is the strongest. But the municipalities 影響する／感情 a 主権，独立 and will 命令（する） those 軍隊／機動隊s which are necessary for their 保護. Indeed they must 命令（する） them or 法廷，裁判所 them. The municipalities, by the necessity of their 状況／情勢, and by the 共和国の／共和党の 力／強力にするs they have 得るd, must, with relation to the 軍の, be the masters, or the servants, or the confederates, or each successively; or they must make a jumble of all together, によれば circumstances. What 政府 is there to coerce the army but the municipality, or the municipality but the army? To 保存する concord where 当局 is 消滅させるd, at the hazard of all consequences, the 議会 試みる／企てるs to cure the distempers by the distempers themselves; and they hope to 保存する themselves from a 純粋に 軍の 僕主主義 by giving it a debauched 利益／興味 in the 地方自治体の.

If the 兵士s once come to mix for any time in the 地方自治体の clubs, cabals, and confederacies, an elective attraction will draw them to the lowest and most desperate part. With them will be their habits, affections, and sympathies. The 軍の 共謀s, which are to be 治療（薬）d by 市民の confederacies; the 反抗的な municipalities, which are to be （判決などを）下すd obedient by furnishing them with the means of seducing the very armies of the 明言する／公表する that are to keep them in order; all these chimeras of a monstrous and portentous 政策 must 悪化させる the 混乱 from which they have arisen. There must be 血. The want of ありふれた judgment manifested in the construction of all their descriptions of 軍隊s and in all their 肉親，親類d of civil and judicial 当局 will make it flow. Disorders may be 静かなd in one time and in one part. They will 勃発する in others, because the evil is 過激な and intrinsic. All these 計画／陰謀s of mixing mutinous 兵士s with seditious 国民s must 弱める still more and more the 軍の 関係 of 兵士s with their officers, 同様に as 追加する 軍の and mutinous audacity to 騒然とした artificers and 小作農民s. To 安全な・保証する a real army, the officer should be first and last in the 注目する，もくろむ of the 兵士; first and last in his attention, observance, and esteem. Officers it seems there are to be, whose 長，指導者 資格 must be temper and patience. They are to manage their 軍隊／機動隊s by electioneering arts. They must 耐える themselves as 候補者s, not as 指揮官s. But as by such means 力／強力にする may be occasionally in their 手渡すs, the 当局 by which they are to be 指名するd becomes of high importance.

What you may do finally does not appear, nor is it of much moment whilst the strange and contradictory relation between your army and all the parts of your 共和国, 同様に as the puzzled relation of those parts to each other and to the whole, remain as they are. You seem to have given the 一時的に 指名／任命 of the officers in the first instance to the king, with a reserve of approbation by the 国家の 議会. Men who have an 利益／興味 to 追求する are 極端に sagacious in discovering the true seat of 力／強力にする. They must soon perceive that those who can 消極的な 無期限に／不明確に in reality 任命する. The officers must, therefore, look to their intrigues in that 議会 as the 単独の 確かな road to 昇進／宣伝. Still, however, by your new 憲法 they must begin their solicitation at 法廷，裁判所. This 二塁打 交渉 for 軍の 階級 seems to me a contrivance 同様に adapted, as if it were 熟考する／考慮するd for no other end, to 促進する 派閥 in the 議会 itself, 親族 to this 広大な 軍の patronage, and then to 毒（薬） the 軍団 of officers with 派閥s of a nature still more dangerous to the safety of 政府, upon any 底（に届く） on which it can be placed, and destructive in the end to the efficiency of the army itself. Those officers who lose the 昇進／宣伝s ーするつもりであるd for them by the 栄冠を与える must become of a 派閥 opposite to that of the 議会, which has 拒絶するd their （人命などを）奪う，主張するs, and must nourish discontents in the heart of the army against the 判決，裁定 力／強力にするs. Those officers, on the other 手渡す, who, by carrying their point through an 利益／興味 in the 議会, feel themselves to be at best only second in the good will of the 栄冠を与える, though first in that of the 議会, must slight an 当局 which would not 前進する and could not retard their 昇進／宣伝. If to 避ける these evils you will have no other 支配する for 命令（する） or 昇進／宣伝 than seniority, you will have an army of 形式順守; at the same time it will become more 独立した・無所属 and more of a 軍の 共和国. Not they, but the king is the machine. A king is not to be 退位させる／宣誓証言するd by halves. If he is not everything in the 命令（する） of an army, he is nothing. What is the 影響 of a 力／強力にする placed 名目上 at the 長，率いる of the army who to that army is no 反対する of 感謝 or of 恐れる? Such a cipher is not fit for the 行政 of an 反対する, of all things the most delicate, the 最高の 命令（する） of 軍の men. They must be constrained (and their inclinations lead them to what their necessities 要求する) by a real, vigorous, 効果的な, decided, personal 当局. The 当局 of the 議会 itself 苦しむs by passing through such a debilitating channel as they have chosen. The army will not long look to an 議会 事実上の／代理 through the 組織／臓器 of 誤った show and palpable 課税. They will not 本気で 産する／生じる obedience to a 囚人. They will either despise a 野外劇／豪華な行列, or they will pity a 捕虜 king. This relation of your army to the 栄冠を与える will, if I am not 大いに mistaken, become a serious 窮地 in your politics.

It is, besides, to be considered whether an 議会 like yours, even supposing that it was in 所有／入手 of another sort of 組織／臓器 through which its orders were to pass, is fit for 促進するing the obedience and discipline of an army. It is known that armies have hitherto 産する／生じるd a very 不安定な and uncertain obedience to any 上院 or popular 当局; and they will least of all 産する／生じる it to an 議会 which is only to have a continuance of two years. The officers must 全く lose the characteristic disposition of 軍の men if they see with perfect submission and 予定 賞賛 the dominion of pleaders; 特に when they find that they have a new 法廷，裁判所 to 支払う／賃金 to an endless succession of those pleaders, whose 軍の 政策, and the genius of whose 命令（する） (if they should have any), must be as uncertain as their duration is transient. In the 証拠不十分 of one 肉親，親類d of 当局, and in the fluctuation of all, the officers of an army will remain for some time mutinous and 十分な of 派閥 until some popular general, who understands the art of conciliating the soldiery, and who 所有するs the true spirit of 命令（する）, shall draw the 注目する，もくろむs of all men upon himself. Armies will obey him on his personal account. There is no other way of 安全な・保証するing 軍の obedience in this 明言する／公表する of things. But the moment in which that event shall happen, the person who really 命令（する）s the army is your master- the master (that is little) of your king, the master of your 議会, the master of your whole 共和国.

How （機の）カム the 議会 by their 現在の 力／強力にする over the army? 主として, to be sure, by debauching the 兵士s from their officers. They have begun by a most terrible 操作／手術. They have touched the central point about which the 粒子s that compose armies are at repose. They have destroyed the 原則 of obedience in the 広大な／多数の／重要な, 必須の, 批判的な link between the officer and the 兵士, just where the chain of 軍の subordination 開始するs and on which the whole of that system depends. The 兵士 is told he is a 国民 and has the 権利s of man and 国民. The 権利 of a man, he is told, is to be his own 知事 and to be 支配するd only by those to whom he 委任する／代表s that self-政府. It is very natural he should think that he ought most of all to have his choice where he is to 産する／生じる the greatest degree of obedience. He will therefore, in all probability, systematically do what he does at 現在の occasionally; that is, he will 演習 at least a 消極的な in the choice of his officers. At 現在の the officers are known at best to be only permissive, and on their good 行為. In fact, there have been many instances in which they have been cashiered by their 軍団. Here is a second 消極的な on the choice of the king- a 消極的な as effectual at least as the other of the 議会. The 兵士s know already that it has been a question, not ill received in the 国家の 議会, whether they ought not to have the direct choice of their officers, or some 割合 of them? When such 事柄s are in 審議 it is no extravagant supposition that they will incline to the opinion most 都合のよい to their pretensions. They will not 耐える to be みなすd the army of an 拘留するd king whilst another army in the same country, with whom, too, they are to feast and confederate, is to be considered as the 解放する／自由な army of a 解放する／自由な 憲法. They will cast their 注目する，もくろむs on the other and more 永久の army; I mean the 地方自治体の. That 軍団, they 井戸／弁護士席 know, does 現実に elect its own officers. They may not be able to レコード ern the grounds of distinction on which they are not to elect a Marquis de la Fayette (or what is his new 指名する?) of their own. If this 選挙 of a 指揮官-in-長，指導者 be a part of the 権利s of men, why not of theirs? They see elective 司法（官）s of peace, elective 裁判官s, elective curates, elective bishops, elective municipalities, and elective 指揮官s of the Parisian army- why should they alone be 除外するd? Are the 勇敢に立ち向かう 軍隊／機動隊s of フラン the only men in that nation who are not the fit 裁判官s of 軍の 長所 and of the 資格s necessary for a 指揮官-in-長，指導者? Are they paid by the 明言する／公表する and do they, therefore, lose the 権利s of men? They are a part of that nation themselves and 与える／捧げる to that 支払う／賃金. And is not the king, is not the 国家の 議会, and are not all who elect the 国家の 議会, likewise paid? Instead of seeing all these 没収される their 権利s by their receiving a salary, they perceive that in all these 事例／患者s a salary is given for the 演習 of those 権利s. All your 決意／決議s, all your 訴訟／進行s, all your 審議s, all the 作品 of your doctors in 宗教 and politics have industriously been put into their 手渡すs, and you 推定する／予想する that they will 適用する to their own 事例／患者 just as much of your doctrines and examples as 控訴s your 楽しみ.

EVERYTHING depends upon the army in such a 政府 as yours, for you have industriously destroyed all the opinions and prejudices and, as far as in you lay, all the instincts which support 政府. Therefore, the moment any difference arises between your 国家の 議会 and any part of the nation, you must have 頼みの綱 to 軍隊. Nothing else is left to you, or rather you have left nothing else to yourselves. You see, by the 報告（する）／憶測 of your war 大臣, that the 配当 of the army is in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 手段 made with a 見解（をとる） of 内部の coercion.* You must 支配する by an army; and you have infused into that army by which you 支配する, 同様に as into the whole 団体／死体 of the nation, 原則s which after a time must 無能にする you in the use you 解決する to make of it. The king is to call out 軍隊／機動隊s to 行為／法令／行動する against his people, when the world has been told, and the 主張 is still （犯罪の）一味ing in our ears, that 軍隊／機動隊s ought not to 解雇する／砲火／射撃 on 国民s. The 植民地s 主張する to themselves an 独立した・無所属 憲法 and a 自由貿易. They must be constrained by 軍隊／機動隊s. In what 一時期／支部 of your code of the 権利s of men are they able to read that it is a part of the 権利s of men to have their 商業 独占するd and 抑制するd for the 利益 of others? As the colonists rise on you, the Negroes rise on them. 軍隊／機動隊s again- 大虐殺, 拷問, hanging! These are your 権利s of men! These are the fruits of metaphysic 宣言s wantonly made, and shamefully 撤回するd! It was but the other day that the 農業者s of land in one of your 州s 辞退するd to 支払う／賃金 some sort of rents to the lord of the 国／地域. In consequence of this, you 法令 that the country people shall 支払う／賃金 all rents and 予定s, except those which as grievances you have 廃止するd; and if they 辞退する, then you order the king to march 軍隊／機動隊s against them. You lay 負かす／撃墜する metaphysic propositions which infer 全世界の／万国共通の consequences, and then you 試みる／企てる to 限界 logic by 先制政治. The leaders of the 現在の system tell them of their 権利s, a s men, to take 要塞s, to 殺人 guards, to 掴む on kings without the least 外見 of 当局 even from the 議会, whilst, as the 君主 法律を制定する 団体／死体, that 議会 was sitting in the 指名する of the nation- and yet these leaders 推定する to order out the 軍隊／機動隊s which have 行為／法令／行動するd in these very disorders, to coerce those who shall 裁判官 on the 原則s, and follow the examples, which have been 保証（人）d by their own approbation.

* 特使 Francois, 30th July, 1790. 組み立てる／集結する 国家の, Numero 210.

The leaders teach the people to abhor and 拒絶する all feudality as the 野蛮／未開 of tyranny, and they tell them afterwards how much of that barbarous tyranny they are to 耐える with patience. As they are prodigal of light with regard to grievances, so the people find them sparing in the extreme with regard to 是正する. They know that not only 確かな quitrents and personal 義務s, which you have permitted them to redeem (but have furnished no money for the redemption), are as nothing to those 重荷（を負わせる）s for which you have made no 準備／条項 at all. They know that almost the whole system of landed 所有物／資産／財産 in its origin is 封建的; that it is the 配当 of the 所有／入手s of the 初めの proprietors, made by a barbarous 征服者／勝利者 to his barbarous 器具s; and that the most grievous 影響s of the conquest are the land rents of every 肉親，親類d, as without question they are.

The 小作農民s, in all probability, are the 子孫s of these 古代の proprietors, Romans or Gauls. But if they fail, in any degree, in the 肩書を与えるs which they make on the 原則s of antiquaries and lawyers, they 退却／保養地 into the citadel of the 権利s of men. There they find that men are equal; and the earth, the 肉親，親類d and equal mother of all, ought not to be 独占するd to foster the pride and 高級な of any men, who by nature are no better than themselves, and who, if they do not labor for their bread, are worse. They find that by the 法律s of nature the occupant and subduer of the 国／地域 is the true proprietor; that there is no prescription against nature; and that the 協定s (where any there are) which have been made with the landlords, during the time of slavery, are only the 影響 of duress and 軍隊; and that when the people reentered into the 権利s of men, those 協定s were made as 無効の as everything else which had been settled under the prevalence of the old 封建的 and aristocratic tyranny. They will tell you that they see no difference between an idler with a hat and a 国家の cockade and an idler in a cowl or in a rochet. If you ground the 肩書を与える to rents on succession and prescription, they tell you from the speech of M. Camus, published by the 国家の 議会 for their （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）, that things ill begun cannot avail themselves of prescription; that the 肩書を与える of these lords was vicious in its origin; and that 軍隊 is at least as bad as 詐欺. As to the 肩書を与える by succession, they will tell you that the succession of those who have cultivated the 国／地域 is the true pedigree of 所有物／資産／財産, and not rotten parchments and silly substitutions; that the lords have enjoyed their usurpation too long; and that if they 許す to these lay 修道士s any charitable 年金, they せねばならない be thankful to the bounty of the true proprietor, who is so generous toward a 誤った claimant to his goods.

When the 小作農民s give you 支援する that coin of sophistic 推論する／理由 on which you have 始める，決める your image and superscription, you cry it 負かす／撃墜する as base money and tell them you will 支払う／賃金 for the 未来 with French guards, and dragoons, and hussars. You 停止する, to chastise them, the second-手渡す 当局 of a king, who is only the 器具 of destroying, without any 力／強力にする of 保護するing either the people or his own person. Through him it seems you will make yourselves obeyed. They answer: You have taught us that there are no gentlemen, and which of your 原則s teach us to 屈服する to kings whom we have not elected? We know without your teaching that lands were given for the support of 封建的 dignities, 封建的 肩書を与えるs, and 封建的 offices. When you took 負かす／撃墜する the 原因（となる） as a grievance, why should the more grievous 影響 remain? As there are now no hereditary 栄誉（を受ける）s, and no distinguished families, why are we 税金d to 持続する what you tell us ought not to 存在する? You have sent 負かす／撃墜する our old aristocratic landlords in no other character, and with no other 肩書を与える, but that of exactors under your 当局. Have you 努力するd to make these your rent-gatherers respectable to us? No. You have sent them to us with their 武器 逆転するd, their 保護物，者s broken, their impresses defaced; and so displumed, degraded, and metamorphosed, such unfeathered two-legged things, that we no longer know them. They are strangers to us. They do not even go by the 指名するs of our 古代の lords. 肉体的に they may be the same men, though we are not やめる sure of that, on your new philosophic doctrines of personal 身元. In all other 尊敬（する）・点s they are 全く changed. We do not see why we have not as good a 権利 to 辞退する them their rents as you have to 廃止する all their 栄誉（を受ける）s, 肩書を与えるs, and distinctions. This we have never （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限d you to do; and it is one instance, の中で many indeed, of your 仮定／引き受けること of undelegated 力／強力にする. We see the burghers of Paris, through their clubs, their 暴徒s, and their 国家の guards, directing you at their 楽しみ and giving t hat as 法律 to you which, under your 当局, is transmitted as 法律 to us. Through you these burghers 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of the lives and fortunes of us all. Why should not you …に出席する as much to the 願望（する）s of the laborious husbandman with regard to our rent, by which we are 影響する／感情d in the most serious manner, as you do to the 需要・要求するs of these insolent burghers, 親族 to distinctions and 肩書を与えるs of 栄誉（を受ける）, by which neither they nor we are 影響する／感情d at all? But we find you 支払う／賃金 more regard to their fancies than to our necessities. Is it の中で the 権利s of man to 支払う／賃金 尊敬の印 to his equals? Before this 手段 of yours, we might have thought we were not perfectly equal. We might have entertained some old, habitual, unmeaning prepossession in 好意 of those landlords; but we cannot conceive with what other 見解（をとる） than that of destroying all 尊敬（する）・点 to them, you could have made the 法律 that degrades them. You have forbidden us to 扱う／治療する them with any of the old 形式順守s of 尊敬（する）・点, and now you send 軍隊／機動隊s to saber and to bayonet us into a submission to 恐れる and 軍隊, which you did not 苦しむ us to 産する／生じる to the 穏やかな 当局 of opinion.

The ground of some of these arguments is horrid and ridiculous to all 合理的な／理性的な ears, but to the 政治家，政治屋s of metaphysics who have opened schools for sophistry and made 設立s for anarchy, it is solid and conclusive. It is obvious that, on a mere consideration of the 権利, the leaders in the 議会 would not in the least have scrupled to 廃止する the rents along with the 肩書を与える and family ensigns. It would be only to follow up the 原則 of their reasonings and to 完全にする the analogy of their 行為／行う. But they had newly 所有するd themselves of a 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体 of landed 所有物／資産／財産 by 没収. They had this 商品／必需品 at market; and the market would have been wholly destroyed if they were to 許す the husbandmen to 暴動 in the 憶測s with which they so 自由に intoxicated themselves. The only 安全 which 所有物／資産／財産 enjoys in any one of its descriptions is from the 利益／興味s of their rapacity with regard to some other. They have left nothing but their own 独断的な 楽しみ to 決定する what 所有物／資産／財産 is to be 保護するd and what subverted.

Neither have they left any 原則 by which any of their municipalities can be bound to obedience, or even conscientiously 強いるd not to separate from the whole to become 独立した・無所属, or to connect itself with some other 明言する／公表する. The people of Lyons, it seems, have 辞退するd lately to 支払う／賃金 税金s. Why should they not? What lawful 当局 is there left to exact them? The king 課すd some of them. The old 明言する／公表するs, methodized by orders, settled the more 古代の. They may say to the 議会: who are you, that are not our kings, nor the 明言する／公表するs we have elected, nor sit on the 原則s on which we have elected you? And who are we, that when we see the gabelles, which you have ordered to be paid, wholly shaken off, when we see the 行為／法令／行動する of disobedience afterwards 批准するd by yourselves - who are we, that we are not to 裁判官 what 税金s we ought or ought not to 支払う／賃金, and are not to avail ourselves of the same 力／強力にするs, the 有効性，効力 of which you have 認可するd in others? To this the answer is, We will send 軍隊／機動隊s. The last 推論する／理由 of kings is always the first with your 議会. This 軍の 援助（する） may serve for a time, whilst the impression of the 増加する of 支払う／賃金 remains, and the vanity of 存在 umpires in all 論争s is flattered. But this 武器 will snap short, unfaithful to the 手渡す that 雇うs it. The 議会 keep a school where, systematically, and with unremitting perseverance, they teach 原則s and form 規則s destructive to all spirit of subordination, civil and 軍の- and then they 推定する／予想する that they shall 持つ／拘留する in obedience an anarchic people by an anarchic army.

The 地方自治体の army which, によれば the new 政策, is to balance this 国家の army, if considered in itself only, is of a 憲法 much more simple, and in every 尊敬（する）・点 いっそう少なく exceptionable. It is a mere democratic 団体／死体, unconnected with the 栄冠を与える or the kingdom, 武装した and trained and officered at the 楽しみ of the 地区s to which the 軍団 severally belong, and the personal service of the individuals who compose, or the 罰金 in lieu of personal service, are directed by the same 当局.* Nothing is more uniform. If, however, considered in any relation to the 栄冠を与える, to the 国家の 議会, to the public 法廷s, or to the other army, or considered in a 見解（をとる） to any coherence or 関係 between its parts, it seems a monster, and can hardly fail to 終結させる its perplexed movements in some 広大な／多数の／重要な 国家の calamity. It is a worse preservative of a general 憲法 than the systasis of Crete, or the 連合 of Poland, or any other ill-工夫するd corrective which has yet been imagined in the necessities produced by an ill-建設するd system of 政府.

* I see by M. Necker's account that the 国家の guards of Paris have received, over and above the money 徴収するd within their own city, about L145,000 英貨の／純銀の out of the public treasures. Whether this be an actual 支払い（額） for the nine months of their 存在 or an 見積（る） of their 年一回の 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金, I do not 明確に perceive. It is of no 広大な／多数の／重要な importance, as certainly they may take whatever they please.

Having 結論するd my few 発言／述べるs on the 憲法 of the 最高の 力／強力にする, the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある, the judicature, the 軍の, and on the 相互の relation of all these 設立s, I shall say something of the ability shown by your 立法議員s with regard to the 歳入.

IN THEIR PROCEEDINGS 親族 to this 反対する, if possible, still より小数の traces appear of political judgment or 財政上の 資源. When the 明言する／公表するs met, it seemed to be the 広大な／多数の／重要な 反対する to 改善する the system of 歳入, to 大きくする its collection, to 洗浄する it of 圧迫 and vexation, and to 設立する it on the most solid 地盤. 広大な／多数の／重要な were the 期待s entertained on that 長，率いる throughout Europe. It was by this grand 協定 that フラン was to stand or 落ちる; and this became, in my opinion, very 適切に the 実験（する） by which the 技術 and patriotism of those who 支配するd in that 議会 would be tried. The 歳入 of the 明言する／公表する is the 明言する／公表する. In 影響, all depends upon it, whether for support or for reformation. The dignity of every 占領／職業 wholly depends upon the 量 and the 肉親，親類d of virtue that may be 発揮するd in it. As all 広大な／多数の／重要な 質s of the mind which operate in public, and are not 単に 苦しむing and passive, 要求する 軍隊 for their 陳列する，発揮する, I had almost said for their 明白な 存在, the 歳入, which is the spring of all 力／強力にする, becomes in its 行政 the sphere of every active virtue. Public virtue, 存在 of a nature magnificent and splendid, 学校／設けるd for 広大な／多数の／重要な things and conversant about 広大な／多数の／重要な 関心s, 要求するs abundant 範囲 and room and cannot spread and grow under confinement and in circumstances straitened, 狭くする, and sordid. Through the 歳入 alone the 団体／死体 politic can 行為／法令／行動する in its true genius and character, and, therefore, it will 陳列する，発揮する just as much of its 集団の／共同の virtue, and as much of that virtue which may characterize those who move it and are, as it were, its life and guiding 原則, as it is 所有するd of a just 歳入. For from hence not only magnanimity, and liberality, and beneficence, and fortitude, and providence, and the tutelary 保護 of all good arts derive their food and the growth of their 組織／臓器s; but continence, and self-否定, and labor, and vigilance, and frugality, and whatever else there is in w hich the mind shows itself above the appetite, are nowhere more in their proper element than in the 準備／条項 and 配当 of the public wealth. It is, therefore, not without 推論する／理由 that the science of 思索的な and practical 財政／金融, which must take to its 援助（する） so many auxiliary 支店s of knowledge, stands high in the estimation not only of the ordinary sort but of the wisest and best men; and as this science has grown with the 進歩 of its 反対する, the 繁栄 and 改良 of nations has 一般に 増加するd with the 増加する of their 歳入s; and they will both continue to grow and 繁栄する as long as the balance between what is left to 強化する the 成果／努力s of individuals and what is collected for the ありふれた 成果／努力s of the 明言する／公表する 耐える to each other a 予定 相互の 割合 and are kept in a の近くに correspondence and communication. And perhaps it may be 借りがあるing to the greatness of 歳入s and to the 緊急 of 明言する／公表する necessities that old 乱用s in the 憲法 of 財政／金融s are discovered and their true nature and 合理的な／理性的な theory comes to be more perfectly understood: insomuch, that a smaller 歳入 might have been more 苦しめるing in one period than a far greater is 設立する to be in another, the proportionate wealth even remaining the same. In this 明言する／公表する of things, the French 議会 設立する something in their 歳入s to 保存する, to 安全な・保証する, and wisely to 治める, 同様に as to 廃止する and alter. Though their proud 仮定／引き受けること might 正当化する the severest 実験（する）s, yet in trying their abilities on their 財政上の 訴訟／進行s, I would only consider what is the plain obvious 義務 of a ありふれた 大蔵大臣, and try them upon that, and not upon models of ideal perfection.

The 反対するs of a financier are, then, to 安全な・保証する an ample 歳入, to 課す it with judgment and equality, to 雇う it economically, and when necessity 強いるs him to make use of credit, to 安全な・保証する its 創立／基礎s in that instance, and forever, by the clearness and candor of his 訴訟／進行s, the exactness of his 計算／見積りs and the solidity of his 基金s. On these 長，率いるs we may take a short and 際立った 見解（をとる） of the 長所s and abilities of those in the 国家の 議会 who have taken to themselves the 管理／経営 of this arduous 関心. Far from any 増加する of 歳入 in their 手渡すs, I find, by a 報告（する）／憶測 of M. Vernier, from the 委員会 of 財政／金融s, of the second of August last, that the 量 of the 国家の 歳入, as compared with its produce before the 革命, was 減らすd by the sum of two hundred millions, or eight millions 英貨の／純銀の of the 年次の income, かなり more than one-third of the whole.

If this be the result of 広大な／多数の／重要な ability, never surely was ability 陳列する，発揮するd in a more distinguished manner or with so powerful an 影響. No ありふれた folly, no vulgar incapacity, no ordinary 公式の／役人 怠慢，過失, even no 公式の／役人 罪，犯罪, no 汚職, no peculation, hardly any direct 敵意 which we have seen in the modern world could in so short a time have made so 完全にする an 倒す of the 財政／金融s and, with them, of the strength of a 広大な／多数の／重要な kingdom.- Cedo qui vestram rempublicam tantam amisistis tam cito?

The sophisters and declaimers, as soon as the 議会 met, began with decrying the 古代の 憲法 of the 歳入 in many of its most 必須の 支店s, such as the public monopoly of salt. They 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d it, as truly as unwisely, with 存在 ill-contrived, oppressive, and 部分的な／不平等な. This 代表 they were not 満足させるd to make use of in speeches 予選 to some 計画（する） of 改革（する）; they 宣言するd it in a solemn 決意／決議 or public 宣告，判決, as it were judicially passed upon it; and this they 分散させるd throughout the nation. At the time they passed the 法令, with the same gravity they ordered the same absurd, oppressive, and 部分的な／不平等な 税金 to be paid until they could find a 歳入 to 取って代わる it. The consequence was 必然的な. The 州s which had been always 免除されたd from this salt monopoly, some of whom were 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d with other 出資／貢献s, perhaps 同等（の）, were 全く disinclined to 耐える any part of the 重荷（を負わせる） which by an equal 配当 was to redeem the others. As to the 議会, 占領するd as it was with the 宣言 and 違反 of the 権利s of men, and with their 手はず／準備 for general 混乱, it had neither leisure nor capacity to contrive, nor 当局 to 施行する, any 計画（する） of any 肉親，親類d 親族 to the 取って代わるing the 税金 or equalizing it, or 補償するing the 州s, or for 行為／行うing their minds to any 計画／陰謀 of accommodation with other 地区s which were to be relieved.

The people of the salt 州s, impatient under 税金s, damned by the 当局 which had directed their 支払い（額）, very soon 設立する their patience exhausted. They thought themselves as skillful in 破壊するing as the 議会 could be. They relieved themselves by throwing off the whole 重荷（を負わせる）. Animated by this example, each 地区, or part of a 地区, 裁判官ing of its own grievance by its own feeling, and of its 治療（薬） by its own opinion, did as it pleased with other 税金s.

We are next to see how they have 行為／行うd themselves in contriving equal 課税s, 割合d to the means of the 国民s, and the least likely to lean 激しい on the active 資本／首都 雇うd in the 世代 of that 私的な wealth from whence the public fortune must be derived. By 苦しむing the several 地区s, and several of the individuals in each 地区, to 裁判官 of what part of the old 歳入 they might 保留する, instead of better 原則s of equality, a new 不平等 was introduced of the most oppressive 肉親，親類d. 支払い（額）s were 規制するd by dispositions. The parts of the kingdom which were the most submissive, the most 整然とした, or the most affectionate to the 連邦／共和国 bore the whole 重荷（を負わせる） of the 明言する／公表する. Nothing turns out to be so oppressive and 不正な as a feeble 政府. To fill up all the 欠陥／不足s in the old 課税s and the new 欠陥／不足s of every 肉親，親類d which were to be 推定する／予想するd- what remained to a 明言する／公表する without 当局? The 国家の 議会 called for a voluntary benevolence: for a fourth part of the income of all the 国民s, to be 概算の on the 栄誉（を受ける） of those who were to 支払う／賃金. They 得るd something more than could be rationally calculated, but what was far indeed from 責任のある to their real necessities, and much いっそう少なく to their fond 期待s. 合理的な／理性的な people could have hoped for little from this their 税金 in the disguise of a benevolence- a 税金 weak, 効果のない／無能な, and unequal; a 税金 by which 高級な, avarice, and selfishness were 審査するd, and the 負担 thrown upon 生産力のある 資本／首都, upon 正直さ, generosity, and public spirit; a 税金 of 規則 upon virtue. At length the mask is thrown off, and they are now trying means (with little success) of exacting their benevolence by 軍隊.

This benevolence, the rickety offspring of 証拠不十分, was to be supported by another 資源, the twin brother of the same prolific imbecility. The 愛国的な 寄付s were to make good the 失敗 of the 愛国的な 出資／貢献. John Doe was to become 安全 for Richard 魚の卵. By this 計画／陰謀 they took things of much price from the giver, comparatively of small value to the receiver; they 廃虚d several 貿易（する）s; they 略奪するd the 栄冠を与える of its ornaments, the churches of their plate, and the people of their personal decorations. The 発明 of these juvenile pretenders to liberty was in reality nothing more than a servile imitation of one of the poorest 資源s of doting 先制政治. They took an old, 抱擁する, 十分な-底（に届く）d periwig out of the wardrobe of the 古風な frippery of Louis the Fourteenth to cover the premature baldness of the 国家の 議会. They produced this old-fashioned formal folly, though it had been so abundantly exposed in the Memoirs of the Duke de St. Simon, if to reasonable men it had 手配中の，お尋ね者 any arguments to 陳列する，発揮する its mischief and insufficiency. A 装置 of the same 肉親，親類d was tried, in my memory, by Louis the Fifteenth, but it answered at no time. However, the necessities of ruinous wars were some excuse for desperate 事業／計画（する）s. The 審議s of calamity are rarely wise. But here was a season for disposition and providence. It was in a time of 深遠な peace, then enjoyed for five years, and 約束ing a much longer continuance, that they had 頼みの綱 to this desperate trifling. They were sure to lose more 評判 by 冒険的な, in their serious 状況／情勢, with these toys and playthings of 財政／金融, which have filled half their 定期刊行物s, than could かもしれない be 補償するd by the poor 一時的な 供給（する） which they afforded. It seemed as if those who 可決する・採択するd such 事業／計画（する）s were wholly ignorant of their circumstances or wholly unequal to their necessities. Whatever virtue may be in these 装置s, it is obvious that neither the 愛国的な gifts, nor the 愛国的な 出資／貢献, can ever be resor ted to again. The 資源s of public folly are soon exhausted. The whole, indeed, of their 計画／陰謀 of 歳入 is to make, by any artifice, an 外見 of a 十分な 貯蔵所 for the hour, whilst at the same time they 削減（する） off the springs and living fountains of perennial 供給（する）. The account not long since furnished by M. Necker was meant, without question, to be 都合のよい. He gives a flattering 見解（をとる） of the means of getting through the year, but he 表明するs, as it is natural he should, some 逮捕 for that which was to 後継する. On this last prognostic, instead of entering into the grounds of this 逮捕 in order, by a proper foresight, to 妨げる the prognosticated evil, M. Necker receives a sort of friendly けん責（する），戒告 from the 大統領，／社長 of the 議会.

As to their other 計画／陰謀s of 課税, it is impossible to say anything of them with certainty, because they have not yet had their 操作／手術; but nobody is so sanguine as to imagine they will fill up any perceptible part of the wide gaping 違反 which their incapacity had made in their 歳入s. At 現在の the 明言する／公表する of their 財務省 沈むs every day more and more in cash, and swells more and more in fictitious 代表. When so little within or without is now 設立する but paper, the 代表者／国会議員 not of opulence but of want, the creature not of credit but of 力／強力にする, they imagine that our 繁栄するing 明言する／公表する in England is 借りがあるing to that bank-paper, and not the bank-paper to the 繁栄するing 条件 of our 商業, to the solidity of our credit, and to the total 除外 of all idea of 力／強力にする from any part of the 処理／取引. They forget that, in England, not one shilling of paper money of any description is received but of choice; that the whole has had its origin in cash 現実に deposited; and that it is 転換できる at 楽しみ, in an instant and without the smallest loss, into cash again. Our paper is of value in 商業, because in 法律 it is of 非，不，無. It is powerful on 'Change, because in Westminster Hall it is impotent. In 支払い（額） of a 負債 of twenty shillings, a creditor may 辞退する all the paper of the Bank of England. Nor is there amongst us a 選び出す／独身 public 安全, of any 質 or nature どれでも, that is 施行するd by 当局. In fact, it might be easily shown that our paper wealth, instead of 少なくなるing the real coin, has a 傾向 to 増加する it; instead of 存在 a 代用品，人 for money, it only 容易にするs its 入ること／参加（者）, its 出口, and its 循環／発行部数; that it is the symbol of 繁栄, and not the badge of 苦しめる. Never was a scarcity of cash and an exuberance of paper a 支配する of （民事の）告訴 in this nation.

井戸／弁護士席! but a 少なくなるing of prodigal expenses, and the economy which has been introduced by the virtuous and sapient 議会, make 修正するs for the losses 支えるd in the 領収書 of 歳入. In this at least they have 実行するd the 義務 of a financier. Have those who say so looked at the expenses of the 国家の 議会 itself, of the municipalities, of the city of Paris, of the 増加するd 支払う／賃金 of the two armies, of the new police, of the new judicatures? Have they even carefully compared the 現在の 年金 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる） with the former? These 政治家，政治屋s have been cruel, not economical. Comparing the expense of the former prodigal 政府 and its relation to the then 歳入s with the expenses of this new system as …に反対するd to the 明言する／公表する of its new 財務省, I believe the 現在の will be 設立する beyond all comparison more chargeable.*

* The reader will 観察する that I have but lightly touched (my 計画（する） 需要・要求するd nothing more) on the 条件 of the French 財政／金融s, as connected with the 需要・要求するs upon them. If I had ーするつもりであるd to do さもなければ, the 構成要素s in my 手渡すs for such a 仕事 are not altogether perfect. On this 支配する I 言及する the reader to M. de Calonne's work; and the tremendous 陳列する，発揮する that he has made of the havoc and 荒廃 in the public 広い地所, and in all the 事件／事情／状勢s of フラン, 原因（となる）d by the presumptuous good 意向s of ignorance and incapacity. Such 影響s those 原因（となる）s will always produce. Looking over that account with a pretty strict 注目する，もくろむ, and, with perhaps too much rigor, deducting everything which may be placed to the account of a financier out of place, who might be supposed by his enemies desirous of making the most of his 原因（となる）, I believe it will be 設立する that a more salutary lesson of 警告を与える against the daring spirit of innovators than what has been 供給（する）d at the expense of フラン never was at any time furnished to mankind.

It remains only to consider the proofs of 財政上の ability furnished by the 現在の French 経営者／支配人s when they are to raise 供給（する）s on credit. Here I am a little at a stand, for credit, 適切に speaking, they have 非，不，無. The credit of the 古代の 政府 was not indeed the best, but they could always, on some 条件, 命令（する） money, not only at home, but from most of the countries of Europe where a 黒字／過剰 資本／首都 was 蓄積するd; and the credit of that 政府 was 改善するing daily. The 設立 of a system of liberty would of course be supposed to give it new strength; and so it would 現実に have done if a system of liberty had been 設立するd. What 申し込む／申し出s has their 政府 of pretended liberty had from Holland, from Hamburg, from Switzerland, from Genoa, from England for a 取引，協定ing in their paper? Why should these nations of 商業 and economy enter into any pecuniary 取引 with a people who 試みる／企てる to 逆転する the very nature of things, amongst whom they see the debtor 定める／命ずるing at the point of the bayonet the medium of his solvency to the creditor, 発射する／解雇するing one of his 約束／交戦s with another, turning his very penury into his 資源 and 支払う／賃金ing his 利益／興味 with his rags?

Their fanatical 信用／信任 in the omnipotence of church plunder has induced these philosophers to overlook all care of the public 広い地所, just as the dream of the philosopher's 石／投石する induces dupes, under the more plausible delusion of the hermetic art, to neglect all 合理的な／理性的な means of 改善するing their fortunes. With these philosophic financiers, this 全世界の／万国共通の 薬／医学 made of church mummy is to cure all the evils of the 明言する／公表する. These gentlemen perhaps do not believe a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 in the 奇蹟s of piety, but it cannot be questioned that they have an undoubting 約束 in the prodigies of sacrilege. Is there a 負債 which 圧力（をかける）s them?- 問題／発行する assignats. Are 補償（金）s to be made or a 維持／整備 法令d to those whom they have robbed of their freehold in their office, or expelled from their profession? - Assignats. Is a (n)艦隊／(a)素早い to be fitted out?- Assignats. If sixteen millions 英貨の／純銀の of these assignats, 軍隊d on the people, leave the wants of the 明言する／公表する as 緊急の as ever- 問題／発行する, says one, thirty millions 英貨の／純銀の of assignats- says another, 問題／発行する fourscore millions more of assignats. The only difference の中で their 財政上の 派閥s is on the greater or the lesser 量 of assignats to be 課すd on the public sufferance. They are all professors of assignats. Even those whose natural good sense and knowledge of 商業, not obliterated by philosophy, furnish 決定的な arguments against this delusion 結論する their arguments by 提案するing the 放出／発行 of assignats. I suppose they must talk of assignats, as no other language would be understood. All experience of their inefficiency does not in the least discourage them. Are the old assignats depreciated at market?- What is the 治療（薬）? 問題／発行する new assignats.- Mais si maladia, opiniatria, 非，不，無 vult se garire, quid illi facere? assignare- postea assignare; ensuita assignare. The word is a trifle altered. The Latin of your 現在の doctors may be better than that of your old comedy; their 知恵 and the variety of their 資源s are the same. They have not more 公式文書，認めるs in their song than the cuckoo, though, far from the softness of that harbinger of summer and plenty, their 発言する／表明する is as 厳しい and as ominous as that of the raven.

Who but the most desperate adventurers in philosophy and 財政／金融 could at all have thought of destroying the settled 歳入 of the 明言する／公表する, the 単独の 安全 for the public credit, in the hope of 再構築するing it with the 構成要素s of 押収するd 所有物／資産／財産? If, however, an 過度の zeal for the 明言する／公表する should have led a pious and venerable prelate (by 予期 a father of the church*) to 略奪する his own order and, for the good of the church and people, to take upon himself the place of grand financier of 没収 and comptroller-general of sacrilege, he and his coadjutors were in my opinion bound to show by their その後の 行為／行う that they knew something of the office they assumed. When they had 解決するd to appropriate to the Fisc a 確かな 部分 of the landed 所有物／資産／財産 of their 征服する／打ち勝つd country, it was their 商売／仕事 to （判決などを）下す their bank a real 基金 of credit, as far as such a bank was 有能な of becoming so.

* La Bruyere of Bossuet.

To 設立する a 現在の 広まる credit upon any Land-bank, under any circumstances どれでも, has hitherto 証明するd difficult at the very least. The 試みる／企てる has 一般的に ended in 破産. But when the 議会 were led, through a contempt of moral, to a 反抗 of economical 原則s, it might at least have been 推定する／予想するd that nothing would be omitted on their part to 少なくなる this difficulty, to 妨げる any aggravation of this 破産. It might be 推定する／予想するd that to （判決などを）下す your land-bank tolerable, every means would be 可決する・採択するd that could 陳列する，発揮する 開いていること／寛大 and candor in the 声明 of the 安全- everything which could 援助（する） the 回復 of the 需要・要求する. To take things in their most 都合のよい point of 見解（をとる）, your 条件 was that of a man of a large landed 広い地所 which he wished to 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせる of for the 発射する／解雇する of a 負債 and the 供給（する） of 確かな services. Not 存在 able 即時に to sell, you wished to mortgage. What would a man of fair 意向s and a 一般的に （疑いを）晴らす understanding do in such circumstances? Ought he not first to ascertain the 甚だしい／１２ダース value of the 広い地所, the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s of its 管理／経営 and disposition, the encumbrances perpetual and 一時的な of all 肉親，親類d that 影響する／感情 it, then, striking a 逮捕する 黒字／過剰, to calculate the just value of the 安全? When that 黒字／過剰 (the only 安全 to the creditor) had been 明確に ascertained and 適切に vested in the 手渡すs of trustees, then he would 示す the 小包s to be sold, and the time and 条件s of sale; after this, he would 収容する／認める the public creditor, if he chose it, to subscribe his 在庫／株 into this new 基金, or he might receive 提案s for an assignat from those who would 前進する money to 購入（する） this 種類 of 安全.

This would be to proceed like men of 商売／仕事, methodically and rationally, and on the only 原則s of public and 私的な credit that have an 存在. The 売買業者 would then know 正確に／まさに what he 購入（する）d; and the only 疑問 which could hang upon his mind would be the dread of the 再開 of the spoil, which one day might be made (perhaps with an 新規加入 of 罰) from the sacrilegious 支配する of those execrable wretches who could become purchasers at the auction of their innocent fellow 国民s.

AN open and exact 声明 of the （疑いを）晴らす value of the 所有物／資産／財産 and of the time, the circumstances, and the place of sale were all necessary to efface as much as possible the stigma that has hitherto been branded on every 肉親，親類d of land-bank. It became necessary on another 原則, that is, on account of a 誓約（する） of 約束 以前 given on that 支配する, that their 未来 fidelity in a slippery 関心 might be 設立するd by their 固守 to their first 約束／交戦. When they had finally 決定するd on a 明言する／公表する 資源 from church booty, they （機の）カム, on the 14th of April, 1790, to a solemn 決意／決議 on the 支配する, and 誓約（する）d themselves to their country, "that in the 声明 of the public 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s for each year, there should be brought to account a sum 十分な for defraying the expenses of the R. C. A. 宗教, the support of the 大臣s at the altars, the 救済 of the poor, the 年金s to the ecclesiastics, 世俗的な 同様に as 正規の／正選手, of the one and of the other sex, in order that the 広い地所s and goods which are at the 処分 of the nation may be 解放する／撤去させるd of all 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s and 雇うd by the 代表者／国会議員s, or the 法律を制定する 団体／死体, to the 広大な／多数の／重要な and most 圧力（をかける）ing exigencies of the 明言する／公表する." They その上の engaged, on the same day, that the sum necessary for the year 1791 should be forthwith 決定するd.

In this 決意／決議 they 収容する／認める it their 義務 to show distinctly the expense of the above 反対するs which, by other 決意／決議s, they had before engaged should be first in the order of 準備／条項. They 収容する／認める that they せねばならない show the 広い地所 （疑いを）晴らす and 解放する／撤去させるd of all 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s, and that they should show it すぐに. Have they done this すぐに, or at any time? Have they ever furnished a rent-roll of the immovable 広い地所s, or given in an 在庫 of the movable 影響s which they 押収する to their assignats? In what manner they can 実行する their 約束／交戦s of 持つ／拘留するing out to public service "an 広い地所 解放する／撤去させるd of all 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s" without authenticating the value of the 広い地所 or the quantum of the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s, I leave it to their English admirers to explain. 即時に upon this 保証／確信, and 以前 to any one step toward making it good, they 問題／発行する, on the credit of so handsome a 宣言, sixteen millions 英貨の／純銀の of their paper. This was manly. Who, after this 熟達した 一打／打撃, can 疑問 of their abilities in 財政／金融? But then, before any other 放出／発行 of these 財政上の indulgences, they took care at least to make good their 初めの 約束!- If such 見積（る） either of the value of the 広い地所 or the 量 of the encumbrances has been made, it has escaped me. I never heard of it.

At length they have spoken out, and they have made a 十分な 発見 of their abominable 詐欺 in 持つ／拘留するing out the church lands as a 安全 for any 負債s, or any service どれでも. They 略奪する only to enable them to cheat, but in a very short time they 敗北・負かす the ends both of the 強盗 and the 詐欺 by making out accounts for other 目的s which 爆発する their whole apparatus of 軍隊 and of deception. I am 強いるd to M. de Calonne for his 言及／関連 to the 文書 which 証明するs this 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の fact; it had by some means escaped me. Indeed it was not necessary to make out my 主張 as to the 違反 of 約束 on the 宣言 of the 14th of April, 1790. By a 報告（する）／憶測 of their 委員会 it now appears that the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of keeping up the 減ずるd ecclesiastical 設立s and other expenses attendant on 宗教, and 持続するing the 宗教的な of both sexes, 保持するd or 年金d, and the other concomitant expenses of the same nature which they have brought upon themselves by this convulsion in 所有物／資産／財産, 越えるs the income of the 広い地所s acquired by it in the enormous sum of two millions 英貨の／純銀の 毎年, besides a 負債 of seven millions and 上向きs. These are the calculating 力／強力にするs of imposture! This is the 財政／金融 of philosophy! This is the result of all the delusions held out to engage a 哀れな people in 反乱, 殺人, and sacrilege, and to make them 誘発する and 熱心な 器具s in the 廃虚 of their country! Never did a 明言する／公表する, in any 事例／患者, 濃厚にする itself by the 没収s of the 国民s. This new 実験 has 後継するd like all the 残り／休憩（する）. Every honest mind, every true lover of liberty and humanity, must rejoice to find that 不正 is not always good 政策, nor rapine the high road to riches. I subjoin with 楽しみ, in a 公式文書，認める, the able and spirited 観察s of M. de Calonne on this 支配する.*

* "Ce n'est point a l'組み立てる／集結する entiere que je m'adresse ici; je ne parle qu'a ceux qui l'egarent, en lui cachant sous des gazes seduisantes le but ou ils l'entrainent. C'est a eux que je dis: votre objet, vous n'en disconviendrez pas, c'est d'oter tout espoir au clerge, & de consommer sa 廃虚; c'est-la, en ne vous soupconnant d'aucune combinaison de cupidite, d'aucun regard sur le jeu des effets publics, c'est-la ce qu'on doit croire que vous avez en vue dans la terrible 操作／手術 que vous proposez; c'est ce qui doit en etre le fruit. Mais le peuple que vous y interessez, quel avantage peut-il y trouver? En vous servant sans cesse de lui, que faites vous 注ぐ lui? Rien, absolument rien; &, au contraire, vous faites ce qui ne conduit qu'a l'accabler de nouvelles 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s. Vous avez rejete, a son prejudice, une offre de 400 millions, dont l'acceptation pouvoit devenir un moyen de soulagement en sa faveur; & a cette ressource, aussi profitable que legitime, vous avez substitue une 不正 ruineuse, qui, de votre propre aveu, 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 le tresor public, & par consequent le peuple, d'un surcroit de depense annuelle de 50 millions au moins, & d'un remboursement de 150 millions.

"Malheureux peuple, voila ce que vous vaut en dernier resultat l'expropriation de l'Eglise, & la durete des decrets taxateurs du traitement des ministres d'une 宗教 bienfaisante; & deformais ils seront a votre 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金: leurs charites soulageoient les pauvres; & vous allez etre 課すs 注ぐ subvenir a leur entretien!"- De l'Etat de la フラン, p. 81. See also p. 92, and the に引き続いて pages.

ーするために 説得する the world of the bottomless 資源 of ecclesiastical 没収, the 議会 have proceeded to other 没収s of 広い地所s in offices, which could not be done with any ありふれた color without 存在 補償するd out of this grand 没収 of landed 所有物／資産／財産. They have thrown upon this 基金, which was to show a 黒字／過剰 解放する／撤去させるd of all 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s, a new 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 - すなわち, the 補償（金） to the whole 団体／死体 of the 解散するd judicature, and of all 抑えるd offices and 広い地所s, a 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 which I cannot ascertain, but which unquestionably 量s to many French millions. Another of the new 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s is an annuity of four hundred and eighty thousand 続けざまに猛撃するs 英貨の／純銀の, to be paid (if they choose to keep 約束) by daily 支払い（額）s, for the 利益／興味 of the first assignats. Have they even given themselves the trouble to 明言する／公表する 公正に／かなり the expense of the 管理／経営 of the church lands in the 手渡すs of the municipalities to whose care, 技術, and diligence, and that of their legion of unknown underagents, they have chosen to commit the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of the 没収されるd 広い地所s, the consequence of which had been so ably pointed out by the bishop of Nancy?

But it is unnecessary to dwell on these obvious 長，率いるs of encumbrance. Have they made out any （疑いを）晴らす 明言する／公表する of the grand encumbrance of all, I mean the whole of the general and 地方自治体の 設立s of all sorts, and compared it with the 正規の／正選手 income by 歳入? Every 欠陥／不足 in these becomes a 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 on the 押収するd 広い地所 before the creditor can 工場／植物 his cabbages on an acre of church 所有物／資産／財産. There is no other 支え（る） than this 没収 to keep the whole 明言する／公表する from 宙返り／暴落するing to the ground. In this 状況／情勢 they have purposely covered all that they ought industriously to have （疑いを）晴らすd with a 厚い 霧, and then, blindfold themselves, like bulls that shut their 注目する，もくろむs when they 押し進める, they 運動, by the point of the 銃剣, their slaves, blindfolded indeed no worse than their lords, to take their fictions for 通貨s and to swallow 負かす／撃墜する paper pills by thirty-four millions 英貨の／純銀の at a dose. Then they proudly lay in their （人命などを）奪う，主張する to a 未来 credit, on 失敗 of all their past 約束／交戦s, and at a time when (if in such a 事柄 anything can be （疑いを）晴らす) it is （疑いを）晴らす that the 黒字／過剰 広い地所s will never answer even the first of their mortgages, I mean that of the four hundred millions (or sixteen millions 英貨の／純銀の) of assignats. In all this 手続き I can discern neither the solid sense of plain 取引，協定ing nor the subtle dexterity of ingenious 詐欺. The 反対s within the 議会 to pulling up the floodgates for this inundation of 詐欺 are unanswered, but they are 完全に 反駁するd by a hundred thousand financiers in the street. These are the numbers by which the metaphysic arithmeticians 計算する. These are the grand 計算／見積りs on which a philosophical public credit is 設立するd in フラン. They cannot raise 供給（する）s, but they can raise 暴徒s. Let them rejoice in the 賞賛s of the club at Dundee for their 知恵 and patriotism in having thus 適用するd the plunder of the 国民s to the service of the 明言する／公表する. I hear of no 演説（する）／住所 upon this 支配する from the directors of the Bank of England, though their a pprobation would be of a little more 負わせる in the 規模 of credit than that of the club at Dundee. But, to do 司法（官） to the club, I believe the gentlemen who compose it to be wiser than they appear; that they will be いっそう少なく 自由主義の of their money than of their 演説（する）／住所s; and that they would not give a dog's ear of their most rumpled and ragged Scotch paper for twenty of your fairest assignats.

早期に in this year the 議会 問題／発行するd paper to the 量 of sixteen millions 英貨の／純銀の; what must have been the 明言する／公表する into which the 議会 has brought your 事件／事情／状勢s, that the 救済 afforded by so 広大な a 供給（する） has been hardly perceptible? This paper also felt an almost 即座の 価値低下 of five per cent, which in a little time （機の）カム to about seven. The 影響 of these assignats on the 領収書 of the 歳入 is remarkable. M. Necker 設立する that the collectors of the 歳入 who received in coin paid the 財務省 in assignats. The collectors made seven per cent by thus receiving in money and accounting in depreciated paper. It was not very difficult to 予知する that this must be 必然的な. It was, however, not the いっそう少なく embarrassing. M. Necker was 強いるd (I believe, for a かなりの part, in the market of London) to buy gold and silver for the 造幣局, which 量d to about twelve thousand 続けざまに猛撃するs above the value of the 商品／必需品 伸び（る）d. That 大臣 was of opinion that, whatever their secret nutritive virtue might be, the 明言する／公表する could not live upon assignats alone, that some real silver was necessary, 特に for the satisfaction of those who, having アイロンをかける in their 手渡すs, were not likely to distinguish themselves for patience when they should perceive that, whilst an 増加する of 支払う／賃金 was held out to them in real money, it was again to be fraudulently drawn 支援する by depreciated paper. The 大臣, in this very natural 苦しめる, 適用するd to the 議会 that they should order the collectors to 支払う／賃金 in specie what in specie they had received. It could not escape him that if the 財務省 paid three per cent for the use of a 通貨 which should be returned seven per cent worse than the 大臣 問題／発行するd it, such a 取引，協定ing could not very 大いに tend to 濃厚にする the public. The 議会 took no notice of this 推薦. They were in this 窮地: if they continued to receive the assignats, cash must become an 外国人 to their 財務省; if the 財務省 should 辞退する those paper amulets or should discountenance them in any degree, they must destroy the credit of their 単独の 資源. They seem then to have made their 選択, and to have given some sort of credit to their paper by taking it themselves; at the same time in their speeches they made a sort of swaggering 宣言, something, I rather think, above 法律を制定する competence; that is, that there is no difference in value between metallic money and their assignats. This was a good, stout, proof article of 約束, pronounced under an anathema by the venerable fathers of this philosophic 教会会議. Credat who will - certainly not Judaeus Apella.

A noble indignation rises in the minds of your popular leaders on 審理，公聴会 the 魔法 lantern in their show of 財政／金融 compared to the fraudulent 展示s of Mr. 法律. They cannot 耐える to hear the sands of his Mississippi compared with the 激しく揺する of the church on which they build their system. Pray let them 抑える this glorious spirit until they show to the world what piece of solid ground there is for their assignats which they have not preoccupied by other 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s. They do 不正 to that 広大な／多数の／重要な mother 詐欺 to compare it with their degenerate imitation. It is not true that 法律 built 単独で on a 憶測 関心ing the Mississippi. He 追加するd the East India 貿易（する）; he 追加するd the African 貿易（する）; he 追加するd the farms of all the farmed 歳入 of フラン. All these together unquestionably could not support the structure which the public enthusiasm, not he, chose to build upon these bases. But these were, however, in comparison generous delusions. They supposed, and they 目的（とする）d at, an 増加する of the 商業 of フラン. They opened to it the whole 範囲 of the two 半球s. They did not think of feeding フラン from its own 実体. A grand imagination 設立する in this night of 商業 something to captivate. It was wherewithal to dazzle the 注目する，もくろむ of an eagle. It was not made to entice the smell of a mole nuzzling and burying himself in his mother earth, as yours is. Men were not then やめる shrunk from their natural dimensions by a degrading and sordid philosophy, and fitted for low and vulgar deceptions. Above all, remember that in 課すing on the imagination the then 経営者／支配人s of the system made a compliment to the freedom of men. In their 詐欺 there was no mixture of 軍隊. This was reserved to our time, to quench the little glimmerings of 推論する／理由 which might break in upon the solid 不明瞭 of this enlightened age.

On recollection, I have said nothing of a 計画／陰謀 of 財政／金融 which may be 勧めるd in 好意 of the abilities of these gentlemen, and which has been introduced with 広大な／多数の／重要な pomp, though not yet finally 可決する・採択するd, in the 国家の 議会. It comes with something solid in 援助（する） of the credit of the paper 循環／発行部数; and much has been said of its 公共事業（料金）／有用性 and its elegance. I mean the 事業／計画（する） for coining into money the bells of the 抑えるd churches. This is their alchemy. There are some follies which baffle argument, which go beyond ridicule, and which excite no feeling in us but disgust; and therefore I say no more upon it.

It is as little 価値（がある） 発言／述べるing any その上の upon all their 製図／抽選 and re-製図／抽選 on their 循環／発行部数 for putting off the evil day, on the play between the 財務省 and the Caisse d'Escompte, and on all these old, 爆発するd contrivances of 商業の 詐欺 now exalted into 政策 of 明言する／公表する. The 歳入 will not be trifled with. The prattling about the 権利s of men will not be 受託するd in 支払い（額） for a 薄焼きパン／素焼陶器 or a 続けざまに猛撃する of gunpowder. Here then the metaphysicians descend from their airy 憶測s and faithfully follow examples. What examples? The examples of 破産者／倒産したs. But 敗北・負かすd, baffled, 不名誉d, when their breath, their strength, their 発明s, their fancies 砂漠 them, their 信用／信任 still 持続するs its ground. In the manifest 失敗 of their abilities, they take credit for their benevolence. When the 歳入 disappears in their 手渡すs, they have the presumption, in some of their late 訴訟／進行s, to value themselves on the 救済 given to the people. They did not relieve the people. If they entertained such 意向s, why did they order the obnoxious 税金s to be paid? The people relieved themselves in spite of the 議会.

But waiving all discussion on the parties who may （人命などを）奪う，主張する the 長所 of this fallacious 救済, has there been, in 影響, any 救済 to the people in any form? Mr. Bailly, one of the grand スパイ／執行官s of paper 循環／発行部数, lets you into the nature of this 救済. His speech to the 国家の 議会 含む／封じ込めるd a high and labored panegyric on the inhabitants of Paris for the constancy and 無傷の 決意／決議 with which they have borne their 苦しめる and 悲惨. A 罰金 picture of public felicity! What 広大な／多数の／重要な courage and unconquerable firmness of mind to 耐える 利益s and 支える 是正する! One would think from the speech of this learned lord 市長 that the Parisians, for this twelvemonth past, had been 苦しむing the 海峡s of some dreadful 封鎖, that Henry the Fourth had been stopping up the avenues to their 供給（する）, and Sully 雷鳴ing with his ordnance at the gates of Paris, when in reality they are 包囲するd by no other enemies than their own madness and folly, their own credulity and perverseness. But Mr. Bailly will sooner 雪解け the eternal ice of his 大西洋 地域s than 回復する the central heat to Paris whilst it remains "smitten with the 冷淡な, 乾燥した，日照りの, petrific mace" of a 誤った and unfeeling philosophy. Some time after this speech, that is, on the thirteenth of last August, the same 治安判事, giving an account of his 政府 at the 妨げる／法廷，弁護士業 of the same 議会, 表明するs himself as follows:

In the month of July, 1789, (the period of everlasting 記念) the 財政／金融s of the city of Paris were yet in good order; the 支出 was counterbalanced by the 領収書; and she had at that time a million (forty thousand 続けざまに猛撃するs 英貨の／純銀の) in bank.

The expenses which she has been constrained to 背負い込む, その後の to the 革命, 量 to 2,500,000 livres. From these expenses, and the 広大な／多数の／重要な 落ちるing off in the 製品 of the 解放する／自由な gifts, not only a momentary, but a total, want of money has taken place.

This is the Paris upon whose nourishment, in the course of the last year, such 巨大な sums, drawn from the 決定的なs of all フラン, have been expended. As long as Paris stands in the place of 古代の Rome, so long she will be 持続するd by the 支配する 州s. It is an evil 必然的に attendant on the dominion of 君主 democratic 共和国s. As it happened in Rome, it may 生き残る that 共和国の／共和党の 支配 which gave rise to it. In that 事例／患者 先制政治 itself must 服従させる／提出する to the 副／悪徳行為s of 人気. Rome, under her emperors, 部隊d the evils of both systems; and this unnatural combination was one 広大な／多数の／重要な 原因（となる） of her 廃虚.

To tell the people that they are relieved by the dilapidation of their public 広い地所 is a cruel and insolent 課税. Statesmen, before they valued themselves on the 救済 given to the people by the 破壊 of their 歳入, ought first to have carefully …に出席するd to the 解答 of this problem- whether it be more advantageous to the people to 支払う／賃金 かなり and to 伸び（る） in 割合, or to 伸び（る） little or nothing and to be disburdened of all 出資／貢献? My mind is made up to decide in 好意 of the first proposition. Experience is with me, and, I believe, the best opinions also. To keep a balance between the 力／強力にする of 取得／買収 on the part of the 支配する and the 需要・要求するs he is to answer on the part of the 明言する／公表する is the 根底となる part of the 技術 of a true 政治家，政治屋. The means of 取得／買収 are 事前の in time and in 協定. Good order is the 創立／基礎 of all good things. To be enabled to acquire, the people, without 存在 servile, must be tractable and obedient. The 治安判事 must have his reverence, the 法律s their 当局. The 団体／死体 of the people must not find the 原則s of natural subordination by art rooted out of their minds. They must 尊敬（する）・点 that 所有物／資産／財産 of which they cannot partake. They must labor to 得る what by labor can be 得るd; and when they find, as they 一般的に do, the success disproportioned to the endeavour, they must be taught their なぐさみ in the final 割合s of eternal 司法（官）. Of this なぐさみ, whoever 奪うs them deadens their 産業 and strikes at the root of all 取得／買収 as of all 自然保護. He that does this is the cruel 抑圧者, the merciless enemy of the poor and wretched, at the same time that by his wicked 憶測s he exposes the fruits of successful 産業 and the accumulations of fortune to the plunder of the negligent, the disappointed, and the unprosperous.

Too many of the financiers by profession are apt to see nothing in 歳入 but banks, and 循環／発行部数s, and annuities on lives, and tontines, and perpetual rents, and all the small wares of the shop. In a settled order of the 明言する／公表する, these things are not to be slighted, nor is the 技術 in them to be held of trivial estimation. They are good, but then only good when they assume the 影響s of that settled order and are built upon it. But when men think that these beggarly contrivances may 供給（する） a 資源 for the evils which result from breaking up the 創立／基礎s of public order, and from 原因（となる）ing or 苦しむing the 原則s of 所有物／資産／財産 to be subverted, they will, in the 廃虚 of their country, leave a melancholy and 継続している monument of the 影響 of preposterous politics and presumptuous, short-sighted, 狭くする-minded 知恵.

The 影響s of the incapacity shown by the popular leaders in all the 広大な／多数の／重要な members of the 連邦／共和国 are to be covered with the "all-atoning 指名する" of liberty. In some people I see 広大な／多数の／重要な liberty indeed; in many, if not in the most, an oppressive, degrading servitude. But what is liberty without 知恵 and without virtue? It is the greatest of all possible evils; for it is folly, 副／悪徳行為, and madness, without tuition or 抑制. Those who know what virtuous liberty is cannot 耐える to see it 不名誉d by incapable 長，率いるs on account of their having high-sounding words in their mouths. Grand, swelling 感情s of liberty I am sure I do not despise. They warm the heart; they 大きくする and 自由化する our minds; they animate our courage in a time of 衝突. Old as I am, I read the 罰金 raptures of Lucan and Corneille with 楽しみ. Neither do I wholly 非難する the little arts and 装置s of 人気. They 容易にする the carrying of many points of moment; they keep the people together; they refresh the mind in its exertions; and they diffuse 時折の gaiety over the 厳しい brow of moral freedom. Every 政治家，政治屋 せねばならない sacrifice to the graces, and to join 同意／服従 with 推論する／理由. But in such an 請け負うing as that in フラン, all these 子会社 感情s and artifices are of little avail. To make a 政府 要求するs no 広大な／多数の／重要な prudence. Settle the seat of 力／強力にする, teach obedience, and the work is done. To give freedom is still more 平易な. It is not necessary to guide; it only 要求するs to let go the rein. But to form a 解放する／自由な 政府, that is, to temper together these opposite elements of liberty and 抑制 in one 一貫した work, 要求するs much thought, 深い reflection, a sagacious, powerful, and 連合させるing mind. This I do not find in those who take the lead in the 国家の 議会. Perhaps they are not so miserably deficient as they appear. I rather believe it. It would put them below the ありふれた level of human understanding. But when the leaders choose to make themselves 入札者s at an auction of 人気, thei r talents, in the construction of the 明言する／公表する, will be of no service. They will become flatterers instead of 立法議員s, the 器具s, not the guides, of the people. If any of them should happen to 提案する a 計画／陰謀 of liberty, soberly 限られた／立憲的な and defined with proper 資格s, he will be すぐに outbid by his competitors who will produce something more splendidly popular. 疑惑s will be raised of his fidelity to his 原因（となる）. Moderation will be stigmatized as the virtue of cowards, and 妥協 as the prudence of 反逆者s, until, in hopes of 保存するing the credit which may enable him to temper and 穏健な, on some occasions, the popular leader is 強いるd to become active in propagating doctrines and 設立するing 力／強力にするs that will afterwards 敗北・負かす any sober 目的 at which he 最終的に might have 目的（とする）d.

But am I so 不当な as to see nothing at all that deserves commendation in the indefatigable labors of this 議会? I do not 否定する that, の中で an infinite number of 行為／法令／行動するs of 暴力／激しさ and folly, some good may have been done. They who destroy everything certainly will 除去する some grievance. They who make everything new have a chance that they may 設立する something 有益な. To give them credit for what they have done in virtue of the 当局 they have usurped, or which can excuse them in the 罪，犯罪s by which that 当局 has been acquired, it must appear that the same things could not have been 遂行するd without producing such a 革命. Most assuredly they might, because almost every one of the 規則s made by them which is not very equivocal was either in the cession of the king, 任意に made at the 会合 of the 明言する／公表するs, or in the concurrent 指示／教授／教育s to the orders. Some usages have been 廃止するd on just grounds, but they were such that if they had stood as they were to all eternity, they would little detract from the happiness and 繁栄 of any 明言する／公表する. The 改良s of the 国家の 議会 are superficial, their errors 根底となる.

Whatever they are, I wish my countrymen rather to recommend to our neighbors the example of the British 憲法 than to take models from them for the 改良 of our own. In the former, they have got an invaluable treasure. They are not, I think, without some 原因（となる）s of 逮捕 and （民事の）告訴, but these they do not 借りがある to their 憲法 but to their own 行為／行う. I think our happy 状況／情勢 借りがあるing to our 憲法, but 借りがあるing to the whole of it, and not to any part singly, 借りがあるing in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 手段 to what we have left standing in our several reviews and reformations 同様に as to what we have altered or superadded. Our people will find 雇用 enough for a truly 愛国的な, 解放する／自由な, and 独立した・無所属 spirit in guarding what they 所有する from 違反. I would not 除外する alteration neither, but even when I changed, it should be to 保存する. I should be led to my 治療（薬） by a 広大な／多数の／重要な grievance. In what I did, I should follow the example of our ancestors. I would make the 賠償 as nearly as possible in the style of the building. A politic 警告を与える, a guarded circumspection, a moral rather than a complexional timidity were の中で the 判決，裁定 原則s of our forefathers in their most decided 行為／行う. Not 存在 illuminated with the light of which the gentlemen of フラン tell us they have got so abundant a 株, they 行為／法令／行動するd under a strong impression of the ignorance and fallibility of mankind. He that had made them thus fallible rewarded them for having in their 行為／行う …に出席するd to their nature. Let us imitate their 警告を与える if we wish to deserve their fortune or to 保持する their bequests. Let us 追加する, if we please, but let us 保存する what they have left; and, standing on the 会社／堅い ground of the British 憲法, let us be 満足させるd to admire rather than 試みる／企てる to follow in their desperate flights the aeronauts of フラン.

I have told you candidly my 感情s. I think they are not likely to alter yours. I do not know that they ought. You are young; you cannot guide but must follow the fortune of your country. But hereafter they may be of some use to you, in some 未来 form which your 連邦／共和国 may take. In the 現在の it can hardly remain; but before its final 解決／入植地 it may be 強いるd to pass, as one of our poets says, "through 広大な／多数の／重要な varieties of untried 存在", and in all its transmigrations to be purified by 解雇する／砲火／射撃 and 血.

I have little to recommend my opinions but long 観察 and much 公平さ. They come from one who has been no 道具 of 力／強力にする, no flatterer of greatness; and who in his last 行為／法令／行動するs does not wish to belie the tenor of his life. They come from one almost the whole of whose public exertion has been a struggle for the liberty of others; from one in whose breast no 怒り／怒る, 持続する or vehement, has ever been kindled but by what he considered as tyranny; and who snatches from his 株 in the 努力するs which are used by good men to discredit opulent 圧迫 the hours he has 雇うd on your 事件／事情／状勢s; and who in so doing 説得するs himself he has not 出発／死d from his usual office; they come from one who 願望（する）s 栄誉（を受ける）s, distinctions, and emoluments but little, and who 推定する／予想するs them not at all; who has no contempt for fame, and no 恐れる of obloquy; who shuns 論争, though he will hazard an opinion; from one who wishes to 保存する consistency, but who would 保存する consistency by 変化させるing his means to 安全な・保証する the まとまり of his end, and, when the equipoise of the 大型船 in which he sails may be 危うくするd by overloading it upon one 味方する, is desirous of carrying the small 負わせる of his 推論する／理由s to that which may 保存する its equipoise.

The End