To tell you the truth, my dear Sir, I think the 栄誉（を受ける） of our nation to be somewhat 関心d in the disclaimer of the 訴訟／進行s of this society of the Old Jewry and the London Tavern. I have no man's proxy. I speak only for myself when I disclaim, as I do with all possible earnestness, all communion with the actors in that 勝利 or with the admirers of it. When I 主張する anything else as 関心ing the people of England, I speak from 観察, not from 当局, but I speak from the experience I have had in a pretty 広範囲にわたる and mixed communication with the inhabitants of this kingdom, of all descriptions and 階級s, and after a course of attentive 観察s begun 早期に in life and continued for nearly forty years. I have often been astonished, considering that we are divided from you but by a slender dyke of about twenty-four miles, and that the 相互の intercourse between the two countries has lately been very 広大な／多数の／重要な, to find how little you seem to know of us. I 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う that this is 借りがあるing to your forming a judgment of this nation from 確かな 出版（物）s which do very erroneously, if they do at all, 代表する the opinions and dispositions 一般に 流布している in England. The vanity, restlessness, petulance, and spirit of intrigue, of several petty cabals, who 試みる／企てる to hide their total want of consequence in bustle and noise, and puffing, and 相互の quotation of each other, makes you imagine that our contemptuous neglect of their abilities is a 示す of general acquiescence in their opinions. No such thing, I 保証する you. Because half a dozen grasshoppers under a fern make the field （犯罪の）一味 with their importunate chink, whilst thousands of 広大な／多数の／重要な cattle, reposed beneath the 影をつくる／尾行する of the British oak, chew the cud and are silent, pray do not imagine that those who make the noise are the only inhabitants of the field; that, of course, they are many in number, or that, after all, they are other than the little, shrivelled, 不十分な, hopping, though loud and troublesome, insects of the hour.

I almost 投機・賭ける to 断言する that not one in a hundred amongst us 参加するs in the "勝利" of the 革命 Society. If the king and queen of フラン, and their children, were to 落ちる into our 手渡すs by the chance of war, in the most acrimonious of all 敵意s (I deprecate such an event, I deprecate such 敵意), they would be 扱う／治療するd with another sort of triumphal 入ること／参加（者） into London. We 以前は have had a king of フラン in that 状況／情勢; you have read how he was 扱う／治療するd by the 勝利者 in the field, and in what manner he was afterwards received in England. Four hundred years have gone over us, but I believe we are not materially changed since that period. Thanks to our sullen 抵抗 to 革新, thanks to the 冷淡な sluggishness of our 国家の character, we still 耐える the stamp of our forefathers. We have not (as I conceive) lost the generosity and dignity of thinking of the fourteenth century, nor as yet have we subtilized ourselves into savages. We are not the 変えるs of Rousseau; we are not the disciples of Voltaire; Helvetius has made no 進歩 amongst us. Atheists are not our preachers; madmen are not our lawgivers. We know that we have made no 発見s, and we think that no 発見s are to be made in morality, nor many in the 広大な／多数の／重要な 原則s of 政府, nor in the ideas of liberty, which were understood long before we were born, altogether 同様に as they will be after the grace has heaped its mold upon our presumption and the silent tomb shall have 課すd its 法律 on our pert loquacity. In England we have not yet been 完全に embowelled of our natural entrails; we still feel within us, and we 心にいだく and cultivate, those inbred 感情s which are the faithful 後見人s, the active 監視するs of our 義務, the true 支持者s of all 自由主義の and manly morals. We have not been drawn and trussed, in order that we may be filled, like stuffed birds in a museum, with chaff and rags and paltry blurred shreds of paper about the 権利s of men. We 保存する the whole of our feelings still native and entire, unsophisticated by pedantry and infidelity. We have real hearts of flesh and 血 （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域ing in our bosoms. We 恐れる God; we look up with awe to kings, with affection to 議会s, with 義務 to 治安判事s, with reverence to priests, and with 尊敬（する）・点 to nobility.* Why? Because when such ideas are brought before our minds, it is natural to be so 影響する／感情d; because all other feelings are 誤った and spurious and tend to corrupt our minds, to vitiate our 最初の／主要な morals, to （判決などを）下す us unfit for 合理的な／理性的な liberty, and, by teaching us a servile, licentious, and abandoned insolence, to be our low sport for a few holidays, to make us perfectly fit for, and 正確に，正当に deserving of, slavery through the whole course of our lives.

* The English are, I conceive, misrepresented in a letter published in one of the papers, by a gentleman thought to be a dissenting 大臣.- When 令状ing to Dr. Price of the spirit which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs at Paris, he says: "The spirit of the people in this place has 廃止するd all the proud distinctions which the king and nobles had usurped in their minds; whether they talk of the king, the noble, or the priest, their whole language is that of the most enlightened and 自由主義の amongst the English". If this gentleman means to 限定する the 条件 "enlightened" and "自由主義の" to one 始める，決める of men in England, it may be true. It is not 一般に so.

YOU see, Sir, that in this enlightened age I am bold enough to 自白する that we are 一般に men of untaught feelings, that, instead of casting away all our old prejudices, we 心にいだく them to a very かなりの degree, and, to take more shame to ourselves, we 心にいだく them because they are prejudices; and the longer they have lasted and the more 一般に they have 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd, the more we 心にいだく them. We are afraid to put men to live and 貿易（する） each on his own 私的な 在庫／株 of 推論する／理由, because we 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う that this 在庫／株 in each man is small, and that the individuals would do better to avail themselves of the general bank and 資本／首都 of nations and of ages. Many of our men of 憶測, instead of 爆発するing general prejudices, 雇う their sagacity to discover the latent 知恵 which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs in them. If they find what they 捜し出す, and they seldom fail, they think it more wise to continue the prejudice, with the 推論する／理由 伴う／関わるd, than to cast away the coat of prejudice and to leave nothing but the naked 推論する／理由; because prejudice, with its 推論する／理由, has a 動機 to give 活動／戦闘 to that 推論する／理由, and an affection which will give it permanence. Prejudice is of ready 使用／適用 in the 緊急; it 以前 engages the mind in a 安定した course of 知恵 and virtue and does not leave the man hesitating in the moment of 決定／判定勝ち（する） skeptical, puzzled, and 未解決の. Prejudice （判決などを）下すs a man's virtue his habit, and not a 一連の unconnected 行為／法令／行動するs. Through just prejudice, his 義務 becomes a part of his nature.

Your literary men and your 政治家，政治屋s, and so do the whole 一族／派閥 of the enlightened の中で us, essentially 異なる in these points. They have no 尊敬（する）・点 for the 知恵 of others, but they 支払う／賃金 it off by a very 十分な 手段 of 信用／信任 in their own. With them it is a 十分な 動機 to destroy an old 計画／陰謀 of things because it is an old one. As to the new, they are in no sort of 恐れる with regard to the duration of a building run up in haste, because duration is no 反対する to those who think little or nothing has been done before their time, and who place all their hopes in 発見. They conceive, very systematically, that all things which give perpetuity are mischievous, and therefore they are at inexpiable war with all 設立s. They think that 政府 may 変化させる like 方式s of dress, and with as little ill 影響; that there needs no 原則 of attachment, except a sense of 現在の convenience, to any 憲法 of the 明言する／公表する. They always speak as if they were of opinion that there is a singular 種類 of compact between them and their 治安判事s which 貯蔵所d the 治安判事, but which has nothing 相互の in it, but that the majesty of the people has a 権利 to 解散させる it without any 推論する／理由 but its will. Their attachment to their country itself is only so far as it agrees with some of their (n)艦隊／(a)素早いing 事業／計画（する）s; it begins and ends with that 計画／陰謀 of polity which 落ちるs in with their momentary opinion.

These doctrines, or rather 感情s, seem 流布している with your new statesmen. But they are wholly different from those on which we have always 行為／法令／行動するd in this country.

I hear it is いつかs given out in フラン that what is doing の中で you is after the example of England. I beg leave to 断言する that scarcely anything done with you has 起こる／始まるd from the practice or the 流布している opinions of this people, either in the 行為／法令／行動する or in the spirit of the 訴訟／進行. Let me 追加する that we are as unwilling to learn these lessons from フラン as we are sure that we never taught them to that nation. The cabals here who take a sort of 株 of your 処理／取引s as yet consist of but a handful of people. If, unfortunately, by their intrigues, their sermons, their 出版（物）s, and by a 信用／信任 derived from an 推定する／予想するd union with the counsels and 軍隊s of the French nation, they should draw かなりの numbers into their 派閥, and in consequence should 本気で 試みる／企てる anything here in imitation of what has been done with you, the event, I dare 投機・賭ける to prophesy, will be that, with some trouble to their country, they will soon 遂行する their own 破壊. This people 辞退するd to change their 法律 in remote ages from 尊敬（する）・点 to the infallibility of ローマ法王s, and they will not now alter it from a pious implicit 約束 in the dogmatism of philosophers, though the former was 武装した with the anathema and crusade, and though the latter should 行為／法令／行動する with the 名誉き損 and the lamp-アイロンをかける.

以前は, your 事件／事情／状勢s were your own 関心 only. We felt for them as men, but we kept aloof from them because we were not 国民s of フラン. But when we see the model held up to ourselves, we must feel as Englishmen, and feeling, we must 供給する as Englishmen. Your 事件／事情／状勢s, in spite of us, are made a part of our 利益／興味, so far at least as to keep at a distance your panacea, or your 疫病／悩ます. If it be a panacea, we do not want it. We know the consequences of unnecessary physic. If it be a 疫病／悩ます, it is such a 疫病／悩ます that the 警戒s of the most 厳しい 検疫 せねばならない be 設立するd against it.

I hear on all 手渡すs that a cabal calling itself philosophic receives the glory of many of the late 訴訟／進行s, and that their opinions and systems are the true actuating spirit of the whole of them. I have heard of no party in England, literary or political, at any time, known by such a description. It is not with you composed of those men, is it, whom the vulgar in their blunt, homely style 一般的に call atheists and infidels? If it be, I 収容する／認める that we, too, have had writers of that description who made some noise in their day. At 現在の they repose in 継続している oblivion. Who, born within the last forty years, has read one word of Collins, and Toland, and Tindal, and Chubb, and Morgan, and that whole race who called themselves Freethinkers? Who now reads Bolingbroke? Who ever read him through? Ask the booksellers of London what is become of all these lights of the world. In as few years their few 後継者s will go to the family 丸天井 of "all the Capulets". But whatever they were, or are, with us, they were and are wholly unconnected individuals. With us they kept the ありふれた nature of their 肉親，親類d and were not gregarious. They never 行為／法令／行動するd in 軍団 or were known as a 派閥 in the 明言する／公表する, nor 推定するd to 影響（力） in that 指名する or character, or for the 目的s of such a 派閥, on any of our public 関心s. Whether they ought so to 存在する and so be permitted to 行為／法令／行動する is another question. As such cabals have not 存在するd in England, so neither has the spirit of them had any 影響（力） in 設立するing the 初めの でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる of our 憲法 or in any one of the several 賠償s and 改良s it has undergone. The whole has been done under the 後援, and is 確認するd by the 許可／制裁s, of 宗教 and piety. The whole has emanated from the 簡単 of our 国家の character and from a sort of native plainness and directness of understanding, which for a long time characterized those men who have successively 得るd 当局 amongst us. This disposition still remains, at least in the 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体 of the people.

WE KNOW, AND WHAT IS BETTER, we feel inwardly, that 宗教 is the basis of civil society and the source of all good and of all 慰安.* In England we are so 納得させるd of this, that there is no rust of superstition with which the 蓄積するd absurdity of the human mind might have crusted it over in the course of ages, that ninety-nine in a hundred of the people of England would not prefer to impiety. We shall never be such fools as to call in an enemy to the 実体 of any system to 除去する its 汚職s, to 供給（する） its defects, or to perfect its construction. If our 宗教的な tenets should ever want a その上の elucidation, we shall not call on atheism to explain them. We shall not light up our 寺 from that unhallowed 解雇する／砲火／射撃. It will be illuminated with other lights. It will be perfumed with other incense than the 感染性の stuff which is 輸入するd by the smugglers of adulterated metaphysics. If our ecclesiastical 設立 should want a 改正, it is not avarice or rapacity, public or 私的な, that we shall 雇う for the audit, or 領収書, or 使用／適用 of its consecrated 歳入. Violently 非難するing neither the Greek nor the Armenian, nor, since heats are 沈下するd, the Roman system of 宗教, we prefer the Protestant, not because we think it has いっそう少なく of the Christian 宗教 in it, but because, in our judgment, it has more. We are Protestants, not from 無関心／冷淡, but from zeal.

* Sit igitur hoc ab initio persuasum civibus, 支配s esse omnium rerum ac moderatores, deos; eaque, quae gerantur, eorum geri vi, ditione, ac numine; eosdemque optime de genere hominum mereri; et qualis quisque sit, quid agat, quid in se admittat, qua mente, qua pietate colat 宗教s intueri; piorum et impiorum habere rationem. His enim rebus imbutae mentes haud sane abhorrebunt ab utili et a vera sententia. Cic. de Legibus, 1. 2.

We know, and it is our pride to know, that man is by his 憲法 a 宗教的な animal; that atheism is against, not only our 推論する／理由, but our instincts; and that it cannot 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる long. But if, in the moment of 暴動 and in a drunken delirium from the hot spirit drawn out of the alembic of hell, which in フラン is now so furiously boiling, we should 暴露する our nakedness by throwing off that Christian 宗教 which has hitherto been our 誇る and 慰安, and one 広大な／多数の／重要な source of civilization amongst us and amongst many other nations, we are apprehensive (存在 井戸／弁護士席 aware that the mind will not 耐える a 無効の) that some uncouth, pernicious, and degrading superstition might take place of it.

For that 推論する／理由, before we take from our 設立 the natural, human means of estimation and give it up to contempt, as you have done, and in doing it have incurred the 刑罰，罰則s you 井戸／弁護士席 deserve to 苦しむ, we 願望（する） that some other may be 現在のd to us in the place of it. We shall then form our judgment.

On these ideas, instead of quarrelling with 設立s, as some do who have made a philosophy and a 宗教 of their 敵意 to such 会・原則s, we cleave closely to them. We are 解決するd to keep an 設立するd church, an 設立するd 君主国, an 設立するd aristocracy, and an 設立するd 僕主主義, each in the degree it 存在するs, and in no greater. I shall show you presently how much of each of these we 所有する.

It has been the misfortune (not, as these gentlemen think it, the glory) of this age that everything is to be discussed as if the 憲法 of our country were to be always a 支配する rather of altercation than enjoyment. For this 推論する／理由, 同様に as for the satisfaction of those の中で you (if any such you have の中で you) who may wish to 利益（をあげる） of examples, I 投機・賭ける to trouble you with a few thoughts upon each of these 設立s. I do not think they were unwise in 古代の Rome who, when they wished to new-model their 法律s, 始める，決める commissioners to 診察する the best 構成するd 共和国s within their reach.

First, I beg leave to speak of our church 設立, which is the first of our prejudices, not a prejudice destitute of 推論する／理由, but 伴う／関わるing in it 深遠な and 広範囲にわたる 知恵. I speak of it first. It is first and last and 中央 in our minds. For, taking ground on that 宗教的な system of which we are now in 所有／入手, we continue to 行為／法令／行動する on the 早期に received and uniformly continued sense of mankind. That sense not only, like a wise architect, hath built up the august fabric of 明言する／公表するs, but, like a provident proprietor, to 保存する the structure from profanation and 廃虚, as a sacred 寺 粛清するd from all the impurities of 詐欺 and 暴力／激しさ and 不正 and tyranny, hath solemnly and forever consecrated the 連邦／共和国 and all that officiate in it. This consecration is made that all who 治める the 政府 of men, in which they stand in the person of God himself, should have high and worthy notions of their 機能（する）／行事 and 目的地, that their hope should be 十分な of immortality, that they should not look to the paltry pelf of the moment nor to the 一時的な and transient 賞賛する of the vulgar, but to a solid, 永久の 存在 in the 永久の part of their nature, and to a 永久の fame and glory in the example they leave as a rich 相続物件 to the world.

Such sublime 原則s せねばならない be infused into persons of exalted 状況／情勢s, and 宗教的な 設立s 供給するd that may continually 生き返らせる and 施行する them. Every sort of moral, every sort of civil, every sort of politic 会・原則, 補佐官ing the 合理的な／理性的な and natural 関係 that connect the human understanding and affections to the divine, are not more than necessary ーするために build up that wonderful structure Man, whose prerogative it is to be in a 広大な／多数の／重要な degree a creature of his own making, and who, when made as he せねばならない be made, is 運命にあるd to 持つ／拘留する no trivial place in the 創造. But whenever man is put over men, as the better nature ought ever to 統括する, in that 事例／患者 more 特に, he should as nearly as possible be approximated to his perfection.

The consecration of the 明言する／公表する by a 明言する／公表する 宗教的な 設立 is necessary, also, to operate with a wholesome awe upon 解放する／自由な 国民s, because, ーするために 安全な・保証する their freedom, they must enjoy some determinate 部分 of 力／強力にする. To them, therefore, a 宗教 connected with the 明言する／公表する, and with their 義務 toward it, becomes even more necessary than in such societies where the people, by the 条件 of their subjection, are 限定するd to 私的な 感情s and the 管理／経営 of their own family 関心s. All persons 所有するing any 部分 of 力／強力にする せねばならない be 堅固に and awfully impressed with an idea that they 行為／法令／行動する in 信用, and that they are to account for their 行為／行う in that 信用 to the one 広大な／多数の／重要な Master, Author, and 創立者 of society.

This 原則 ought even to be more 堅固に impressed upon the minds of those who compose the 集団の／共同の 主権，独立 than upon those of 選び出す／独身 princes. Without 器具s, these princes can do nothing. Whoever uses 器具s, in finding helps, finds also 妨害s. Their 力／強力にする is, therefore, by no means 完全にする, nor are they 安全な in extreme 乱用. Such persons, however elevated by flattery, arrogance, and self-opinion, must be sensible that, whether covered or not by 肯定的な 法律, in some way or other they are accountable even here for the 乱用 of their 信用. If they are not 削減（する） off by a 反乱 of their people, they may be strangled by the very janissaries kept for their 安全 against all other 反乱. Thus we have seen the king of フラン sold by his 兵士s for an 増加する of 支払う／賃金. But where popular 当局 is 絶対の and unrestrained, the people have an infinitely greater, because a far better 設立するd, 信用／信任 in their own 力／強力にする. They are themselves, in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 手段, their own 器具s. They are nearer to their 反対するs. Besides, they are いっそう少なく under 責任／義務 to one of the greatest controlling 力／強力にするs on the earth, the sense of fame and estimation. The 株 of infamy that is likely to 落ちる to the lot of each individual in public 行為／法令／行動するs is small indeed, the 操作／手術 of opinion 存在 in the inverse 割合 to the number of those who 乱用 力／強力にする. Their own approbation of their own 行為／法令／行動するs has to them the 外見 of a public judgment in their 好意. A perfect 僕主主義 is, therefore, the most shameless thing in the world. As it is the most shameless, it is also the most fearless. No man apprehends in his person that he can be made 支配する to 罰. Certainly the people 捕まらないで never ought, for as all 罰s are for example toward the 自然保護 of the people 捕まらないで, the people 捕まらないで can never become the 支配する of 罰 by any human 手渡す.* It is therefore of infinite importance that they should not be 苦しむd to imagine that their will, any more than that of kings, is the 基準 of 権利 and wrong. They せねばならない be 説得するd that they are 十分な as little する権利を与えるd, and far いっそう少なく qualified with safety to themselves, to use any 独断的な 力／強力にする どれでも; that therefore they are not, under a 誤った show of liberty, but in truth to 演習 an unnatural, inverted 支配, tyrannically to exact from those who officiate in the 明言する／公表する not an entire devotion to their 利益／興味, which is their 権利, but an abject submission to their 時折の will, 消滅させるing その為に in all those who serve them all moral 原則, all sense of dignity, all use of judgment, and all consistency of character; whilst by the very same 過程 they give themselves up a proper, a suitable, but a most contemptible prey to the servile ambition of popular sycophants or courtly flatterers.

* Quicquid multis peccatur inultum.

When the people have emptied themselves of all the lust of selfish will, which without 宗教 it is utterly impossible they ever should, when they are conscious that they 演習, and 演習 perhaps in a higher link of the order of 代表, the 力／強力にする, which to be 合法的 must be によれば that eternal, immutable 法律 in which will and 推論する／理由 are the same, they will be more careful how they place 力／強力にする in base and incapable 手渡すs. In their 指名／任命 to office, they will not 任命する to the 演習 of 当局 as to a pitiful 職業, but as to a 宗教上の 機能（する）／行事, not によれば their sordid, selfish 利益／興味, nor to their wanton caprice, nor to their 独断的な will, but they will 会談する that 力／強力にする (which any man may 井戸／弁護士席 tremble to give or to receive) on those only in whom they may discern that predominant 割合 of active virtue and 知恵, taken together and fitted to the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金, such as in the 広大な／多数の／重要な and 必然的な mixed 集まり of human imperfections and infirmities is to be 設立する.

When they are habitually 納得させるd that no evil can be 許容できる, either in the 行為／法令／行動する or the 許可, to him whose essence is good, they will be better able to extirpate out of the minds of all 治安判事s, civil, ecclesiastical, or 軍の, anything that 耐えるs the least resemblance to a proud and lawless 支配.

But one of the first and most 主要な 原則s on which the 連邦／共和国 and the 法律s are consecrated is, lest the 一時的な possessors and life-renters in it, unmindful of what they have received from their ancestors or of what is 予定 to their posterity, should 行為／法令／行動する as if they were the entire masters, that they should not think it の中で their 権利s to 削減（する） off the entail or commit waste on the 相続物件 by destroying at their 楽しみ the whole 初めの fabric of their society, hazarding to leave to those who come after them a 廃虚 instead of an habitation- and teaching these 後継者s as little to 尊敬（する）・点 their contrivances as they had themselves 尊敬（する）・点d the 会・原則s of their forefathers. By this unprincipled 施設 of changing the 明言する／公表する as often, and as much, and in as many ways as there are floating fancies or fashions, the whole chain and 連続 of the 連邦／共和国 would be broken. No one 世代 could link with the other. Men would become little better than the 飛行機で行くs of a summer.

And first of all, the science of jurisprudence, the pride of the human intellect, which with all its defects, redundancies, and errors is the collected 推論する／理由 of ages, 連合させるing the 原則s of 初めの 司法（官） with the infinite variety of human 関心s, as a heap of old 爆発するd errors, would be no longer 熟考する／考慮するd. Personal self-十分なこと and arrogance (the 確かな attendants upon all those who have never experienced a 知恵 greater than their own) would usurp the 法廷. Of course, no 確かな 法律s, 設立するing invariable grounds of hope and 恐れる, would keep the 活動／戦闘s of men in a 確かな course or direct them to a 確かな end. Nothing stable in the 方式s of 持つ／拘留するing 所有物／資産／財産 or 演習ing 機能（する）／行事 could form a solid ground on which any parent could 推測する in the education of his offspring or in a choice for their 未来 設立 in the world. No 原則s would be 早期に worked into the habits. As soon as the most able 指導者 had 完全にするd his laborious course of 会・原則, instead of sending 前へ／外へ his pupil, 遂行するd in a virtuous discipline, fitted to procure him attention and 尊敬（する）・点 in his place in society, he would find everything altered, and that he had turned out a poor creature to the contempt and derision of the world, ignorant of the true grounds of estimation. Who would insure a tender and delicate sense of 栄誉（を受ける） to （警官の）巡回区域，受持ち区域 almost with the first pulses of the heart when no man could know what would be the 実験（する） of 栄誉（を受ける） in a nation continually 変化させるing the 基準 of its coin? No part of life would 保持する its 取得／買収s. 野蛮／未開 with regard to science and literature, unskilfulness with regard to arts and 製造（する）s, would infallibly 後継する to the want of a 安定した education and settled 原則; and thus the 連邦／共和国 itself would, in a few 世代s, 崩壊する away, be disconnected into the dust and 砕く of individuality, and at length 分散させるd to all the 勝利，勝つd of heaven.

To 避ける, therefore, the evils of inconstancy and versatility, ten thousand times worse than those of obstinacy and the blindest prejudice, we have consecrated the 明言する／公表する, that no man should approach to look into its defects or 汚職s but with 予定 警告を与える, that he should never dream of beginning its reformation by its subversion, that he should approach to the faults of the 明言する／公表する as to the 負傷させるs of a father, with pious awe and trembling solicitude. By this wise prejudice we are taught to look with horror on those children of their country who are 誘発する rashly to 切り開く／タクシー／不正アクセス that 老年の parent in pieces and put him into the kettle of magicians, in hopes that by their poisonous 少しのd and wild incantations they may regenerate the paternal 憲法 and renovate their father's life.

SOCIETY is indeed a 契約. Subordinate 契約s for 反対するs of mere 時折の 利益／興味 may be 解散させるd at 楽しみ- but the 明言する／公表する ought not to be considered as nothing better than a 共同 協定 in a 貿易（する） of pepper and coffee, calico, or タバコ, or some other such low 関心, to be taken up for a little 一時的な 利益／興味, and to be 解散させるd by the fancy of the parties. It is to be looked on with other reverence, because it is not a 共同 in things subservient only to the 甚だしい／１２ダース animal 存在 of a 一時的な and perishable nature. It is a 共同 in all science; a 共同 in all art; a 共同 in every virtue and in all perfection. As the ends of such a 共同 cannot be 得るd in many 世代s, it becomes a 共同 not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead, and those who are to be born. Each 契約 of each particular 明言する／公表する is but a 条項 in the 広大な／多数の／重要な primeval 契約 of eternal society, linking the lower with the higher natures, connecting the 明白な and invisible world, によれば a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd compact 許可／制裁d by the inviolable 誓い which 持つ／拘留するs all physical and all moral natures, each in their 任命するd place. This 法律 is not 支配する to the will of those who by an 義務 above them, and infinitely superior, are bound to 服従させる／提出する their will to that 法律. The 地方自治体の 会社／団体s of that 全世界の／万国共通の kingdom are not morally at liberty at their 楽しみ, and on their 憶測s of a 次第で変わる／派遣部隊 改良, wholly to separate and 涙／ほころび asunder the 禁止（する）d of their subordinate community and to 解散させる it into an unsocial, uncivil, unconnected 大混乱 of elementary 原則s. It is the first and 最高の necessity only, a necessity that is not chosen but chooses, a necessity 最高位の to 審議, that 収容する／認めるs no discussion and 需要・要求するs no 証拠, which alone can 正当化する a 訴える手段／行楽地 to anarchy. This necessity is no exception to the 支配する, because this necessity itself is a part , too, of that moral and physical disposition of things to which man must be obedient by 同意 or 軍隊; but if that which is only submission to necessity should be made the 反対する of choice, the 法律 is broken, nature is disobeyed, and the 反抗的な are 無法者d, cast 前へ／外へ, and 追放するd from this world of 推論する／理由, and order, and peace, and virtue, and 実りの多い／有益な penitence, into the antagonist world of madness, discord, 副／悪徳行為, 混乱, and unavailing 悲しみ.

These, my dear Sir, are, were, and, I think, long will be the 感情s of not the least learned and 反映するing part of this kingdom. They who are 含むd in this description form their opinions on such grounds as such persons せねばならない form them. The いっそう少なく 問い合わせing receive them from an 当局 which those whom Providence dooms to live on 信用 need not be ashamed to rely on. These two sorts of men move in the same direction, though in a different place. They both move with the order of the universe. They all know or feel this 広大な／多数の／重要な 古代の truth: Quod illi principi et praepotenti Deo qui omnem hunc mundum regit, nihil eorum quae quidem fiant in terris acceptius quam concilia et coetus hominum jure sociati quae civitates appellantur. They take this tenet of the 長，率いる and heart, not from the 広大な／多数の／重要な 指名する which it すぐに 耐えるs, nor from the greater from whence it is derived, but from that which alone can give true 負わせる and 許可／制裁 to any learned opinion, the ありふれた nature and ありふれた relation of men. 説得するd that all things せねばならない be done with 言及／関連, and referring all to the point of 言及／関連 to which all should be directed, they think themselves bound, not only as individuals in the 聖域 of the heart or as congregated in that personal capacity, to 新たにする the memory of their high origin and cast, but also in their 法人組織の／企業の character to 成し遂げる their 国家の homage to the institutor and author and protector of civil society; without which civil society man could not by any 可能性 arrive at the perfection of which his nature is 有能な, nor even make a remote and faint approach to it. They conceive that He who gave our nature to be perfected by our virtue willed also the necessary means of its perfection. He willed therefore the 明言する／公表する- He willed its 関係 with the source and 初めの archetype of all perfection. They who are 納得させるd of this His will, which is the 法律 of 法律s and the 君主 of 君主s, cannot think it reprehensible that this our 法人組織の／企業の fealty and homage, tha t this our 承認 of a seigniory 最高位の, I had almost said this oblation of the 明言する／公表する itself as a worthy 申し込む／申し出ing on the high altar of 全世界の／万国共通の 賞賛する, should be 成し遂げるd as all public, solemn 行為／法令／行動するs are 成し遂げるd, in buildings, in music, in decoration, in speech, in the dignity of persons, によれば the customs of mankind taught by their nature; that is, with modest splendor and unassuming 明言する／公表する, with 穏やかな majesty and sober pomp. For those 目的s they think some part of the wealth of the country is as usefully 雇うd as it can be in fomenting the 高級な of individuals. It is the public ornament. It is the public なぐさみ. It nourishes the public hope. The poorest man finds his own importance and dignity in it, whilst the wealth and pride of individuals at every moment makes the man of humble 階級 and fortune sensible of his inferiority and degrades and vilifies his 条件. It is for the man in humble life, and to raise his nature and to put him in mind of a 明言する／公表する in which the 特権s of opulence will 中止する, when he will be equal by nature, and may be more than equal by virtue, that this 部分 of the general wealth of his country is 雇うd and sanctified.

I 保証する you I do not 目的（とする） at singularity. I give you opinions which have been 受託するd amongst us, from very 早期に times to this moment, with a continued and general approbation, and which indeed are worked into my mind that I am unable to distinguish what I have learned from others from the results of my own meditation.

It is on some such 原則s that the 大多数 of the people of England, far from thinking a 宗教的な 国家の 設立 unlawful, hardly think it lawful to be without one. In フラン you are wholly mistaken if you do not believe us above all other things 大（公）使館員d to it, and beyond all other nations; and when this people has 行為／法令／行動するd unwisely and unjustifiably in its 好意 (as in some instances they have done most certainly), in their very errors you will at least discover their zeal.

This 原則 runs through the whole system of their polity. They do not consider their church 設立 as convenient, but as 必須の to their 明言する／公表する, not as a thing heterogeneous and separable, something 追加するd for accommodation, what they may either keep or lay aside によれば their 一時的な ideas of convenience. They consider it as the 創立／基礎 of their whole 憲法, with which, and with every part of which, it 持つ／拘留するs an indissoluble union. Church and 明言する／公表する are ideas inseparable in their minds, and scarcely is the one ever について言及するd without について言及するing the other.

Our education is so formed as to 確認する and 直す／買収する，八百長をする this impression. Our education is in a manner wholly in the 手渡すs of ecclesiastics, and in all 行う／開催する／段階s from 幼少／幼藍期 to manhood. Even when our 青年, leaving schools and universities, enter that most important period of life which begins to link experience and 熟考する／考慮する together, and when with that 見解（をとる） they visit other countries, instead of old 国内のs whom we have seen as 知事s to 主要な／長／主犯 men from other parts, three-fourths of those who go abroad with our young nobility and gentlemen are ecclesiastics, not as 厳格な，質素な masters, nor as mere 信奉者s, but as friends and companions of a graver character, and not seldom persons 同様に-born as themselves. With them, as relations, they most 絶えず keep a の近くに 関係 through life. By this 関係 we conceive that we attach our gentlemen to the church, and we 自由化する the church by an intercourse with the 主要な characters of the country.

So tenacious are we of the old ecclesiastical 方式s and fashions of 会・原則 that very little alteration has been made in them since the fourteenth or fifteenth century; 固執するing in this particular, as in all things else, to our old settled maxim, never 完全に nor at once to 出発／死 from antiquity. We 設立する these old 会・原則s, on the whole, 都合のよい to morality and discipline, and we thought they were susceptible of 改正 without altering the ground. We thought that they were 有能な of receiving and meliorating, and above all of 保存するing, the 即位s of science and literature, as the order of Providence should successively produce them. And after all, with this Gothic and monkish education (for such it is in the 基礎) we may put in our （人命などを）奪う，主張する to as ample and as 早期に a 株 in all the 改良s in science, in arts, and in literature which have illuminated and adorned the modern world, as any other nation in Europe. We think one main 原因（となる） of this 改良 was our not despising the patrimony of knowledge which was left us by our forefathers.

It is from our attachment to a church 設立 that the English nation did not think it wise to ゆだねる that 広大な／多数の／重要な, 根底となる 利益／興味 of the whole to what they 信用 no part of their civil or 軍の public service, that is, to the unsteady and 不安定な 出資／貢献 of individuals. They go その上の. They certainly never have 苦しむd, and never will 苦しむ, the 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 広い地所 of the church to be 変えるd into a 年金, to depend on the 財務省 and to be 延期するd, withheld, or perhaps to be 消滅させるd by 会計の difficulties, which difficulties may いつかs be pretended for political 目的s, and are in fact often brought on by the extravagance, 怠慢，過失, and rapacity of 政治家，政治屋s. The people of England think that they have 憲法の 動機s, 同様に as 宗教的な, against any 事業／計画（する） of turning their 独立した・無所属 clergy into ecclesiastical pensioners of 明言する／公表する. They tremble for their liberty, from the 影響（力） of a clergy 扶養家族 on the 栄冠を与える; they tremble for the public tranquillity from the disorders of a factious clergy, if it were made to depend upon any other than the 栄冠を与える. They therefore made their church, like their king and their nobility, 独立した・無所属.

From the 部隊d considerations of 宗教 and 憲法の 政策, from their opinion of a 義務 to make sure 準備／条項 for the なぐさみ of the feeble and the 指示／教授／教育 of the ignorant, they have 会社にする／組み込むd and identified the 広い地所 of the church with the 集まり of 私的な 所有物／資産／財産, of which the 明言する／公表する is not the proprietor, either for use or dominion, but the 後見人 only and the regulator. They have 任命するd that the 準備／条項 of this 設立 might be as stable as the earth on which it stands, and should not fluctuate with the Euripus of 基金s and 活動／戦闘s.

The men of England, the men, I mean, of light and 主要な in England, whose 知恵 (if they have any) is open and direct, would be ashamed, as of a silly deceitful trick, to profess any 宗教 in 指名する which, by their 訴訟／進行s, they appear to contemn. If by their 行為／行う (the only language that rarely lies) they seemed to regard the 広大な／多数の／重要な 判決，裁定 原則 of the moral and the natural world as a mere 発明 to keep the vulgar in obedience, they apprehend that by such a 行為／行う they would 敗北・負かす the politic 目的 they have in 見解（をとる）. They would find it difficult to make others believe in a system to which they manifestly give no credit themselves. The Christian statesmen of this land would indeed first 供給する for the multitude, because it is the multitude, and is therefore, as such, the first 反対する in the ecclesiastical 会・原則, and in all 会・原則s. They have been taught that the circumstance of the gospel's 存在 preached to the poor was one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 実験（する）s of its true 使節団. They think, therefore, that those do not believe it who do not take care it should be preached to the poor. But as they know that charity is not 限定するd to any one description, but せねばならない 適用する itself to all men who have wants, they are not 奪うd of a 予定 and anxious sensation of pity to the 苦しめるs of the 哀れな 広大な／多数の／重要な. They are not repelled through a fastidious delicacy, at the stench of their arrogance and presumption, from a medicinal attention to their mental blotches and running sores. They are sensible that 宗教的な 指示／教授／教育 is of more consequence to them than to any others- from the greatness of the 誘惑 to which they are exposed; from the important consequences that …に出席する their faults; from the contagion of their ill example; from the necessity of 屈服するing 負かす／撃墜する the stubborn neck of their pride and ambition to the yoke of moderation and virtue; from a consideration of the fat stupidity and 甚だしい／１２ダース ignorance 関心ing what 輸入するs men most to know, which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs at 法廷，裁判所s, and at the 長，率いる of a rmies, and in 上院s as much as at the ぼんやり現れる and in the field.

The English people are 満足させるd that to the 広大な／多数の／重要な the なぐさみs of 宗教 are as necessary as its 指示／教授／教育s. They, too, are の中で the unhappy. They feel personal 苦痛 and 国内の 悲しみ. In these they have no 特権, but are 支配する to 支払う／賃金 their 十分な 次第で変わる／派遣部隊 to the 出資／貢献s 徴収するd on mortality. They want this 君主 balm under their gnawing cares and 苦悩s, which, 存在 いっそう少なく conversant about the 限られた／立憲的な wants of animal life, 範囲 without 限界, and are diversified by infinite combinations, in the wild and unbounded 地域s of imagination. Some charitable 施し物 is wanting to these our often very unhappy brethren to fill the 暗い／優うつな 無効の that 統治するs in minds which have nothing on earth to hope or 恐れる; something to relieve in the 殺人，大当り languor and overlabored lassitude of those who have nothing to do; something to excite an appetite to 存在 in the 棺／かげりd satiety which …に出席するs on all 楽しみs which may be bought where nature is not left to her own 過程, where even 願望（する） is 心配するd, and therefore fruition 敗北・負かすd by meditated 計画／陰謀s and contrivances of delight; and no interval, no 障害, is interposed between the wish and the 業績／成就.

The people of England know how little 影響（力） the teachers of 宗教 are likely to have with the 豊富な and powerful of long standing, and how much いっそう少なく with the newly fortunate, if they appear in a manner no way assorted to those with whom they must associate, and over whom they must even 演習, in some 事例／患者s, something like an 当局. What must they think of that 団体／死体 of teachers if they see it in no part above the 設立 of their 国内の servants? If the poverty were voluntary, there might be some difference. Strong instances of self-否定 operate powerfully on our minds, and a man who has no wants has 得るd 広大な／多数の／重要な freedom and firmness and even dignity. But as the 集まり of any description of men are but men, and their poverty cannot be voluntary, that disrespect which …に出席するs upon all lay poverty will not 出発／死 from the ecclesiastical. Our provident 憲法 has therefore taken care that those who are to 教える presumptuous ignorance, those who are to be censors over insolent 副／悪徳行為, should neither 背負い込む their contempt nor live upon their alms, nor will it tempt the rich to a neglect of the true 薬／医学 of their minds. For these 推論する／理由s, whilst we 供給する first for the poor, and with a parental solicitude, we have not relegated 宗教 (like something we were ashamed to show) to obscure municipalities or rustic villages. No! we will have her to exalt her mitred 前線 in 法廷，裁判所s and 議会s. We will have her mixed throughout the whole 集まり of life and blended with all the classes of society. The people of England will show to the haughty potentates of the world, and to their talking sophisters, that a 解放する／自由な, a generous, an 知らせるd nation 栄誉（を受ける）s the high 治安判事s of its church; that it will not 苦しむ the insolence of wealth and 肩書を与えるs, or any other 種類 of proud pretension, to look 負かす／撃墜する with 軽蔑（する） upon what they looked up to with reverence; nor 推定する to trample on that acquired personal nobility which they ーするつもりである always to be, and which often is, the fruit, not the reward (for what can be the reward?) of learning, piety, and virtue. They can see, without 苦痛 or grudging, an 大司教 に先行する a duke. They can see a bishop of Durham, or a bishop of Winchester, in 所有／入手 of ten thousand 続けざまに猛撃するs a year, and cannot conceive why it is in worse 手渡すs than 広い地所s to the like 量 in the 手渡すs of this earl or that squire, although it may be true that so many dogs and horses are not kept by the former and fed with the victuals which せねばならない nourish the children of the people. It is true, the whole church 歳入 is not always 雇うd, and to every shilling, in charity, nor perhaps ought it, but something is 一般に 雇うd. It is better to 心にいだく virtue and humanity by leaving much to 解放する／自由な will, even with some loss to the 反対する, than to 試みる／企てる to make men mere machines and 器具s of a political benevolence. The world on the whole will 伸び（る） by a liberty without which virtue cannot 存在する.

When once the 連邦／共和国 has 設立するd the 広い地所s of the church as 所有物／資産／財産, it can, 終始一貫して, hear nothing of the more or the いっそう少なく. "Too much" and "too little" are 背信 against 所有物／資産／財産. What evil can arise from the 量 in any 手渡す whilst the 最高の 当局 has the 十分な, 君主 superintendence over this, as over all 所有物／資産／財産, to 妨げる every 種類 of 乱用, and, whenever it 顕著に deviates, to give to it a direction agreeable to the 目的s of its 会・原則?

In England most of us conceive that it is envy and malignity toward those who are often the beginners of their own fortune, and not a love of the self-否定 and mortification of the 古代の church, that makes some look askance at the distinctions, and 栄誉（を受ける）s, and 歳入s which, taken from no person, are 始める，決める apart for virtue. The ears of the people of England are distinguishing. They hear these men speak 幅の広い. Their tongue betrays them. Their language is in the patois of 詐欺, in the cant and gibberish of hypocrisy. The people of England must think so when these praters 影響する／感情 to carry 支援する the clergy to that 原始の, evangelic poverty which, in the spirit, ought always to 存在する in them (and in us, too, however we may like it), but in the thing must be 変化させるd when the relation of that 団体／死体 to the 明言する／公表する is altered- when manners, when 方式s of life, when indeed the whole order of human 事件／事情／状勢s has undergone a total 革命. We shall believe those 改革者s, then, to be honest 熱中している人s, not, as now we think them, cheats and deceivers, when we see them throwing their own goods into ありふれた and submitting their own persons to the 厳格な，質素な discipline of the 早期に church.

With these ideas rooted in their minds, the ありふれたs of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain, in the 国家の 緊急s, will never 捜し出す their 資源 from the 没収 of the 広い地所s of the church and poor. Sacrilege and proscription are not の中で the ways and means of our 委員会 of 供給（する）. The Jews in Change Alley have not yet dared to hint their hopes of a mortgage on the 歳入s belonging to the see of Canterbury. I am not afraid that I shall be 否認するd when I 保証する you that there is not one public man in this kingdom whom you would wish to 引用する, no, not one, of any party or description, who does not reprobate the dishonest, perfidious, and cruel 没収 which the 国家の 議会 has been compelled to make of that 所有物／資産／財産 which it was their first 義務 to 保護する.

It is with the exultation of a little 国家の pride I tell you that those amongst us who have wished to 誓約（する） the societies of Paris in the cup of their abominations have been disappointed. The 強盗 of your church has 証明するd a 安全 to the 所有／入手 of ours. It has roused the people. They see with horror and alarm that enormous and shameless 行為／法令／行動する of proscription. It has opened, and will more and more open, their 注目する，もくろむs upon the selfish enlargement of mind and the 狭くする liberality of 感情 of insidious men, which, 開始するing in の近くに hypocrisy and 詐欺, have ended in open 暴力／激しさ and rapine. At home we behold 類似の beginnings. We are on our guard against 類似の 結論s.

I HOPE WE SHALL NEVER be so 全く lost to all sense of the 義務s 課すd upon us by the 法律 of social union as, upon any pretext of public service, to 押収する the goods of a 選び出す／独身 unoffending 国民. Who but a tyrant (a 指名する expressive of everything which can vitiate and degrade human nature) could think of 掴むing on the 所有物／資産／財産 of men unaccused, unheard, untried, by whole descriptions, by hundreds and thousands together? Who that had not lost every trace of humanity could think of casting 負かす／撃墜する men of exalted 階級 and sacred 機能（する）／行事, some of them of an age to call at once for reverence and compassion, of casting them 負かす／撃墜する from the highest 状況／情勢 in the 連邦／共和国, wherein they were 持続するd by their own landed 所有物／資産／財産, to a 明言する／公表する of indigence, 不景気, and contempt?

The confiscators truly have made some allowance to their 犠牲者s from the 捨てるs and fragments of their own （米）棚上げする／（英）提議するs from which they have been so 厳しく driven, and which have been so bountifully spread for a feast to the harpies of usury. But to 運動 men from independence to live on alms is itself 広大な／多数の／重要な cruelty. That which might be a tolerable 条件 to men in one 明言する／公表する of life, and not habituated to other things, may, when all these circumstances are altered, be a dreadful 革命, and one to which a virtuous mind would feel 苦痛 in 非難するing any 犯罪 except that which would 需要・要求する the life of the 違反者／犯罪者. But to many minds this 罰 of degradation and infamy is worse than death. Undoubtedly it is an infinite aggravation of this cruel 苦しむing that the persons who were taught a 二塁打 prejudice in 好意 of 宗教, by education and by the place they held in the 行政 of its 機能（する）／行事s, are to receive the 残余s of their 所有物／資産／財産 as alms from the profane and impious 手渡すs of those who had plundered them of all the 残り／休憩（する）; to receive (if they are at all to receive), not from the charitable 出資／貢献s of the faithful but from the insolent tenderness of known and avowed atheism, the 維持／整備 of 宗教 手段d out to them on the 基準 of the contempt in which it is held, and for the 目的 of （判決などを）下すing those who receive the allowance vile and of no estimation in the 注目する，もくろむs of mankind.

But this 行為／法令／行動する of seizure of 所有物／資産／財産, it seems, is a judgment in 法律, and not a 没収. They have, it seems, 設立する out in the 学院s of the Palais 王室の and the Jacobins that 確かな men had no 権利 to the 所有／入手s which they held under 法律, usage, the 決定／判定勝ち（する）s of 法廷，裁判所s, and the 蓄積するd prescription of a thousand years. They say that ecclesiastics are fictitious persons, creatures of the 明言する／公表する, whom at 楽しみ they may destroy, and of course 限界 and 修正する in every particular; that the goods they 所有する are not 適切に theirs but belong to the 明言する／公表する which created the fiction; and we are therefore not to trouble ourselves with what they may 苦しむ in their natural feelings and natural persons on account of what is done toward them in this their 建設的な character. Of what 輸入する is it under what 指名するs you 負傷させる men and 奪う them of the just emoluments of a profession, in which they were not only permitted but encouraged by the 明言する／公表する to engage, and upon the supposed certainty of which emoluments they had formed the 計画（する） of their lives, 契約d 負債s, and led multitudes to an entire dependence upon them?

You do not imagine, Sir, that I am going to compliment this 哀れな distinction of persons with any long discussion. The arguments of tyranny are as contemptible as its 軍隊 is dreadful. Had not your confiscators, by their 早期に 罪，犯罪s, 得るd a 力／強力にする which 安全な・保証するs 賠償金 to all the 罪，犯罪s of which they have since been 有罪の or that they can commit, it is not the syllogism of the logician, but the 攻撃する of the executioner, that would have 反駁するd a sophistry which becomes an 共犯者 of 窃盗 and 殺人. The sophistic tyrants of Paris are loud in their declamations against the 出発／死d regal tyrants, who in former ages have 悩ますd the world. They are thus bold, because they are 安全な from the dungeons and アイロンをかける cages of their old masters. Shall we be more tender of the tyrants of our own time, when we see them 事実上の／代理 worse 悲劇s under our 注目する，もくろむs? Shall we not use the same liberty that they do, when we can use it with the same safety- when to speak honest truth only 要求するs a contempt of the opinions of those whose 活動／戦闘s we abhor?

This 乱暴／暴力を加える on all the 権利s of 所有物／資産／財産 was at first covered with what, on the system of their 行為／行う, was the most astonishing of all pretexts- a regard to 国家の 約束. The enemies to 所有物／資産／財産 at first pretended a most tender, delicate, and scrupulous 苦悩 for keeping the king's 約束／交戦s with the public creditor. These professors of the 権利s of men are so busy in teaching others that they have not leisure to learn anything themselves; さもなければ they would have known that it is to the 所有物／資産／財産 of the 国民, and not to the 需要・要求するs of the creditor of the 明言する／公表する, that the first and 初めの 約束 of civil society is 誓約（する）d. The （人命などを）奪う，主張する of the 国民 is 事前の in time, 最高位の in 肩書を与える, superior in 公正，普通株主権. The fortunes of individuals, whether 所有するd by 取得／買収 or by 降下／家系 or in virtue of a 参加 in the goods of some community, were no part of the creditor's 安全, 表明するd or 暗示するd. They never so much as entered into his 長，率いる when he made his 取引. He 井戸／弁護士席 knew that the public, whether 代表するd by a 君主 or by a 上院, can 誓約（する） nothing but the public 広い地所; and it can have no public 広い地所 except in what it derives from a just and 割合d 課税 upon the 国民s 捕まらないで. This was engaged, and nothing else could be engaged, to the public creditor. No man can mortgage his 不正 as a pawn for his fidelity.

It is impossible to 避ける some 観察 on the contradictions 原因（となる）d by the extreme rigor and the extreme laxity of this new public 約束 which 影響（力）d in this 処理／取引, and which 影響（力）d not によれば the nature of the 義務, but to the description of the persons to whom it was engaged. No 行為／法令／行動するs of the old 政府 of the kings of フラン are held valid in the 国家の 議会 except its pecuniary 約束／交戦s: 行為／法令／行動するs of all others of the most あいまいな 合法性. The 残り／休憩（する） of the 行為／法令／行動するs of that 王室の 政府 are considered in so 嫌悪すべき a light that to have a （人命などを）奪う，主張する under its 当局 is looked on as a sort of 罪，犯罪. A 年金, given as a reward for service to the 明言する／公表する, is surely as good a ground of 所有物／資産／財産 as any 安全 for money 前進するd to the 明言する／公表する. It is better; for money is paid, and 井戸／弁護士席 paid, to 得る that service. We have, however, seen multitudes of people under this description in フラン who never had been 奪うd of their allowances by the most 独断的な 大臣s in the most 独断的な times, by this 議会 of the 権利s of men robbed without mercy. They were told, in answer to their （人命などを）奪う，主張する to the bread earned with their 血, that their services had not been （判決などを）下すd to the country that now 存在するs.

This laxity of public 約束 is not 限定するd to those unfortunate persons. The 議会, with perfect consistency it must be owned, is engaged in a respectable 審議 how far it is bound by the 条約s made with other nations under the former 政府, and their 委員会 is to 報告（する）／憶測 which of them they せねばならない 批准する, and which not. By this means they have put the 外部の fidelity of this virgin 明言する／公表する on a par with its 内部の.

It is not 平易な to conceive upon what 合理的な／理性的な 原則 the 王室の 政府 should not, of the two, rather have 所有するd the 力／強力にする of rewarding service and making 条約s, in virtue of its prerogative, than that of 誓約（する）ing to creditors the 歳入 of the 明言する／公表する, actual and possible. The treasure of the nation, of all things, has been the least 許すd to the prerogative of the king of フラン or to the prerogative of any king in Europe. To mortgage the public 歳入 暗示するs the 君主 dominion, in the fullest sense, over the public purse. It goes far beyond the 信用 even of a 一時的な and 時折の 課税. The 行為／法令／行動するs, however, of that dangerous 力／強力にする (the 独特の 示す of a boundless 先制政治) have been alone held sacred. Whence arose this preference given by a democratic 議会 to a 団体／死体 of 所有物／資産／財産 deriving its 肩書を与える from the most 批判的な and obnoxious of all the exertions of monarchical 当局? 推論する／理由 can furnish nothing to reconcile inconsistency, nor can 部分的な／不平等な 好意 be accounted for upon equitable 原則s. But the contradiction and partiality which 収容する／認める no justification are not the いっそう少なく without an 適する 原因（となる）; and that 原因（となる） I do not think it difficult to discover.

By the 広大な 負債 of フラン a 広大な／多数の／重要な monied 利益／興味 had insensibly grown up, and with it a 広大な／多数の／重要な 力／強力にする. By the 古代の usages which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in that kingdom, the general 循環／発行部数 of 所有物／資産／財産, and in particular the 相互の 自由交換性 of land into money, and of money into land, had always been a 事柄 of difficulty. Family 解決／入植地s, rather more general and more strict than they are in England, the jus retractus, the 広大な／多数の／重要な 集まり of landed 所有物／資産／財産 held by the 栄冠を与える, and, by a maxim of the French 法律, held unalienably, the 広大な 広い地所s of the ecclesiastical 会社／団体s - all these had kept the landed and monied 利益／興味s more separated in フラン, いっそう少なく miscible, and the owners of the two 際立った 種類 of 所有物／資産／財産 not so 井戸／弁護士席 性質の／したい気がして to each other as they are in this country.

The monied 所有物／資産／財産 was long looked on with rather an evil 注目する，もくろむ by the people. They saw it connected with their 苦しめるs, and 悪化させるing them. It was no いっそう少なく envied by the old landed 利益／興味s, partly for the same 推論する／理由s that （判決などを）下すd it obnoxious to the people, but much more so as it （太陽，月の）食／失墜d, by the splendor of an ostentatious 高級な, the unendowed pedigrees and naked 肩書を与えるs of several の中で the nobility. Even when the nobility which 代表するd the more 永久の landed 利益／興味 部隊d themselves by marriage (which いつかs was the 事例／患者) with the other description, the wealth which saved the family from 廃虚 was supposed to 汚染する and degrade it. Thus the 敵意s and heartburnings of these parties were 増加するd even by the usual means by which discord is made to 中止する and quarrels are turned into friendship. In the 合間, the pride of the 豊富な men, not noble or newly noble, 増加するd with its 原因（となる）. They felt with 憤慨 an inferiority, the grounds of which they did not 認める. There was no 手段 to which they were not willing to lend themselves ーするために be 復讐d of the 乱暴／暴力を加えるs of this 競争相手 pride and to exalt their wealth to what they considered as its natural 階級 and estimation. They struck at the nobility through the 栄冠を与える and the church. They attacked them 特に on the 味方する on which they thought them the most 攻撃を受けやすい, that is, the 所有／入手s of the church, which, through the patronage of the 栄冠を与える, 一般に devolved upon the nobility. The bishoprics and the 広大な／多数の／重要な commendatory abbeys were, with few exceptions, held by that order.

In this 明言する／公表する of real, though not always perceived, 戦争 between the noble 古代の landed 利益／興味 and the new monied 利益／興味, the greatest, because the most applicable, strength was in the 手渡すs of the latter. The monied 利益／興味 is in its nature more ready for any adventure, and its possessors more 性質の／したい気がして to new 企業s of any 肉親，親類d. 存在 of a 最近の 取得／買収, it 落ちるs in more 自然に with any novelties. It is therefore the 肉親，親類d of wealth which will be 訴える手段／行楽地d to by all who wish for change.

Along with the monied 利益／興味, a new description of men had grown up with whom that 利益／興味 soon formed a の近くに and 示すd union- I mean the political men of letters. Men of letters, fond of distinguishing themselves, are rarely averse to 革新. Since the 拒絶する／低下する of the life and greatness of Louis the Fourteenth, they were not so much cultivated, either by him or by the regent or the 後継者s to the 栄冠を与える, nor were they engaged to the 法廷，裁判所 by 好意s and emoluments so systematically as during the splendid period of that ostentatious and not impolitic 統治する. What they lost in the old 法廷，裁判所 保護, they 努力するd to （不足などを）補う by joining in a sort of 合併／会社設立 of their own; to which the two 学院s of フラン, and afterwards the 広大な 請け負うing of the Encyclopedia, carried on by a society of these gentlemen, did not a little 与える／捧げる.

The literary cabal had some years ago formed something like a 正規の／正選手 計画（する） for the 破壊 of the Christian 宗教. This 反対する they 追求するd with a degree of zeal which hitherto had been discovered only in the propagators of some system of piety. They were 所有するd with a spirit of proselytism in the most fanatical degree; and from thence, by an 平易な 進歩, with the spirit of 迫害 によれば their means.* What was not to be done toward their 広大な／多数の／重要な end by any direct or 即座の 行為／法令／行動する might be wrought by a longer 過程 through the medium of opinion. To 命令（する） that opinion, the first step is to 設立する a dominion over those who direct it. They contrived to 所有する themselves, with 広大な／多数の／重要な method and perseverance, of all the avenues to literary fame. Many of them indeed stood high in the 階級s of literature and science. The world had done them 司法（官） and in 好意 of general talents forgave the evil 傾向 of their peculiar 原則s. This was true liberality, which they returned by 努力するing to 限定する the 評判 of sense, learning, and taste to themselves or their 信奉者s. I will 投機・賭ける to say that this 狭くする, 排除的 spirit has not been いっそう少なく prejudicial to literature and to taste than to morals and true philosophy. These atheistical fathers have a bigotry of their own, and they have learned to talk against 修道士s with the spirit of a 修道士. But in some things they are men of the world. The 資源s of intrigue are called in to 供給（する） the defects of argument and wit. To this system of literary monopoly was joined an unremitting 産業 to blacken and discredit in every way, and by every means, all those who did not 持つ／拘留する to their 派閥. To those who have 観察するd the spirit of their 行為／行う it has long been （疑いを）晴らす that nothing was 手配中の，お尋ね者 but the 力／強力にする of carrying the intolerance of the tongue and of the pen into a 迫害 which would strike at 所有物／資産／財産, liberty, and life.

* This (負かす／撃墜する to the end of the first 宣告，判決 in the next paragraph) and some other parts here and there were 挿入するd, on his reading the manuscript, by my lost Son.

The desultory and faint 迫害 carried on against them, more from 同意／服従 with form and decency than with serious 憤慨, neither 弱めるd their strength nor relaxed their 成果／努力s. The 問題／発行する of the whole was that, what with 対立, and what with success, a violent and malignant zeal, of a 肉親，親類d hitherto unknown in the world, had taken an entire 所有／入手 of their minds and （判決などを）下すd their whole conversation, which さもなければ would have been pleasing and instructive, perfectly disgusting. A spirit of cabal, intrigue, and proselytism pervaded all their thoughts, words, and 活動／戦闘s. And as 議論の的になる zeal soon turns its thoughts on 軍隊, they began to insinuate themselves into a correspondence with foreign princes, in hopes through their 当局, which at first they flattered, they might bring about the changes they had in 見解（をとる）. To them it was indifferent whether these changes were to be 遂行するd by the thunderbolt of 先制政治 or by the 地震 of popular commotion. The correspondence between this cabal and the late king of Prussia will throw no small light upon the spirit of all their 訴訟／進行s.* For the same 目的 for which they intrigued with princes, they cultivated, in a distinguished manner, the monied 利益／興味 of フラン; and partly through the means furnished by those whose peculiar offices gave them the most 広範囲にわたる and 確かな means of communication, they carefully 占領するd all the avenues to opinion.

* I do not choose to shock the feeling of the moral reader with any quotation of their vulgar, base, and profane language.

Writers, 特に when they 行為／法令／行動する in a 団体／死体 and with one direction, have 広大な／多数の／重要な 影響（力） on the public mind; the 同盟, therefore, of these writers with the monied 利益／興味* had no small 影響 in 除去するing the popular odium and envy which …に出席するd that 種類 of wealth. These writers, like the propagators of all novelties, pretended to a 広大な／多数の／重要な zeal for the poor and the lower orders, whilst in their satires they （判決などを）下すd hateful, by every exaggeration, the faults of 法廷，裁判所s, of nobility, and of 聖職者. They became a sort of demagogues. They served as a link to 部隊, in 好意 of one 反対する, obnoxious wealth to restless and desperate poverty.

* Their 関係 with Turgot and almost all the people of the 財政／金融.

As these two 肉親，親類d of men appear 主要な／長／主犯 leaders in all the late 処理／取引s, their junction and politics will serve to account, not upon any 原則s of 法律 or of 政策, but as a 原因（となる）, for the general fury with which all the landed 所有物／資産／財産 of ecclesiastical 会社／団体s has been attacked; and the 広大な／多数の／重要な care which, contrary to their pretended 原則s, has been taken of a monied 利益／興味 起こる／始まるing from the 当局 of the 栄冠を与える. All the envy against wealth and 力／強力にする was artificially directed against other descriptions of riches. On what other 原則 than that which I have 明言する／公表するd can we account for an 外見 so 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の and unnatural as that of the ecclesiastical 所有／入手s, which had stood so many successions of ages and shocks of civil 暴力／激しさs, and were girded at once by 司法（官） and by prejudice, 存在 適用するd to the 支払い（額） of 負債s comparatively 最近の, invidious, and 契約d by a decried and subverted 政府?

WAS the public 広い地所 a 十分な 火刑／賭ける for the public 負債s? Assume that it was not, and that a loss must be incurred somewhere. - When the only 広い地所 合法の 所有するd, and which the 契約ing parties had in contemplation at the time in which their 取引 was made, happens to fail, who によれば the 原則s of natural and 合法的な 公正，普通株主権 せねばならない be the 苦しんでいる人? Certainly it せねばならない be either the party who 信用d or the party who 説得するd him to 信用, or both, and not third parties who had no 関心 with the 処理／取引. Upon any insolvency they せねばならない 苦しむ who are weak enough to lend upon bad 安全, or they who fraudulently held out a 安全 that was not valid. 法律s are 熟知させるd with no other 支配するs of 決定／判定勝ち（する）. But by the new 学校／設ける of the 権利s of men, the only persons who in 公正，普通株主権 せねばならない 苦しむ are the only persons who are to be saved 害のない: those are to answer the 負債 who neither were 貸す人s nor borrowers, mortgagers nor mortgagees.

What had the clergy to do with these 処理／取引s? What had they to do with any public 約束／交戦 その上の than the extent of their own 負債? To that, to be sure, their 広い地所s were bound to the last acre. Nothing can lead more to the true spirit of the 議会, which sits for public 没収, with its new 公正，普通株主権 and its new morality, than an attention to their 訴訟／進行 with regard to this 負債 of the clergy. The 団体／死体 of confiscators, true to that monied 利益／興味 for which they were 誤った to every other, have 設立する the clergy competent to 背負い込む a 合法的な 負債. Of course, they 宣言するd them 合法的に する権利を与えるd to the 所有物／資産／財産 which their 力／強力にする of incurring the 負債 and mortgaging the 広い地所 暗示するd, 認めるing the 権利s of those 迫害するd 国民s in the very 行為／法令／行動する in which they were thus grossly 侵害する／違反するd.

If, as I said, any persons are to make good 欠陥／不足s to the public creditor, besides the public 捕まらないで, they must be those who managed the 協定. Why, therefore, are not the 広い地所s of all the comptrollers-general 押収するd?* Why not those of the long succession of 大臣s, financiers, and 銀行業者s who have been 濃厚にするd whilst the nation was 貧窮化した by their 取引 and their counsels? Why is not the 広い地所 of M. Laborde 宣言するd 没収されるd rather than of the 大司教 of Paris, who has had nothing to do in the 創造 or in the jobbing of the public 基金s? Or, if you must 押収する old landed 広い地所s in 好意 of the money-jobbers, why is the 刑罰，罰則 限定するd to one description? I do not know whether the expenses of the Duke de Choiseul have left anything of the infinite sums which he had derived from the bounty of his master during the 処理／取引s of a 統治する which 与える／捧げるd 大部分は by every 種類 of prodigality in war and peace to the 現在の 負債 of フラン. If any such remains, why is not this 押収するd? I remember to have been in Paris during the time of the old 政府. I was there just after the Duke d'Aiguillon had been snatched (as it was 一般に thought) from the 封鎖する by the 手渡す of a 保護するing 先制政治. He was a 大臣 and had some 関心 in the 事件／事情／状勢s of that prodigal period. Why do I not see his 広い地所 配達するd up to the municipalities in which it is 据えるd? The noble family of Noailles have long been servants (meritorious servants I 収容する／認める) to the 栄冠を与える of フラン, and have had, of course, some 株 in its bounties. Why do I hear nothing of the 使用／適用 of their 広い地所s to the public 負債? Why is the 広い地所 of the Duke de Rochefoucault more sacred than that of the 枢機けい／主要な de Rochefoucault? The former is, I 疑問 not, a worthy person, and (if it were not a sort of profaneness to talk of the use, as 影響する／感情ing the 肩書を与える to the 所有物／資産／財産) he makes a good use of his 歳入s; but it is no disrespect to him to say, what authentic （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） 井戸／弁護士席 令状s me in 説, that the use made of a 所有物／資産／財産 平等に valid by his brother,*(2) the 枢機けい／主要な 大司教 of Rouen, was far more laudable and far more public-spirited. Can one hear of the proscription of such persons and the 没収 of their 影響s without indignation and horror? He is not a man who does not feel such emotions on such occasions. He does not deserve the 指名する of a freeman who will not 表明する them.

* All have been 押収するd in their turn.

*(2) Not his brother nor any 近づく relation; but this mistake does not 影響する／感情 the argument.

Few barbarous 征服者／勝利者s have ever made so terrible a 革命 in 所有物／資産／財産. 非，不，無 of the 長，率いるs of the Roman 派閥s, when they 設立するd crudelem illam hastam in all their auctions of rapine, have ever 始める，決める up to sale the goods of the 征服する／打ち勝つd 国民 to such an enormous 量. It must be 許すd in 好意 of those tyrants of antiquity that what was done by them could hardly be said to be done in 冷淡な 血. Their passions were inflamed, their tempers soured, their understandings 混乱させるd with the spirit of 復讐, with the innumerable 報いるd and 最近の inflictions and 報復s of 血 and rapine. They were driven beyond all bounds of moderation by the 逮捕 of the return of 力／強力にする, with the return of 所有物／資産／財産, to the families of those they had 負傷させるd beyond all hope of forgiveness.

These Roman confiscators, who were yet only in the elements of tyranny, and were not 教えるd in the 権利s of men to 演習 all sorts of cruelties on each other without 誘発, thought it necessary to spread a sort of color over their 不正. They considered the vanquished party as composed of 反逆者s who had borne 武器, or さもなければ had 行為／法令／行動するd with 敵意, against the 連邦／共和国. They regarded them as persons who had 没収されるd their 所有物／資産／財産 by their 罪，犯罪s. With you, in your 改善するd 明言する／公表する of the human mind, there was no such 形式順守. You 掴むd upon five millions 英貨の／純銀の of 年次の rent and turned forty or fifty thousand human creatures out of their houses, because "such was your 楽しみ". The tyrant Harry the Eighth of England, as he was not better enlightened than the Roman Mariuses and Sullas, and had not 熟考する／考慮するd in your new schools, did not know what an effectual 器具 of 先制政治 was to be 設立する in that grand magazine of 不快な／攻撃 武器s, the 権利s of men. When he 解決するd to 略奪する the abbeys, as the club of the Jacobins have robbed all the ecclesiastics, he began by setting on foot a （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 to 診察する into the 罪，犯罪s and 乱用s which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in those communities. As it might be 推定する／予想するd, his （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限 報告（する）／憶測d truths, exaggerations, and falsehoods. But truly or 誤って, it 報告（する）／憶測d 乱用s and 罪／違反s. However, as 乱用s might be 訂正するd, as every 罪，犯罪 of persons does not infer a 没収 with regard to communities, and as 所有物／資産／財産, in that dark age, was not discovered to be a creature of prejudice, all those 乱用s (and there were enough of them) were hardly thought 十分な ground for such a 没収 as it was for his 目的 to make. He, therefore, procured the formal 降伏する of these 広い地所s. All these operose 訴訟／進行s were 可決する・採択するd by one of the most decided tyrants in the rolls of history as necessary 予選s before he could 投機・賭ける, by 賄賂ing the members of his two servile houses with a 株 of the spoil and 持つ／拘留するing out to them an eternal i mmunity from 課税, to 需要・要求する a 確定／確認 of his iniquitous 訴訟／進行s by an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会. Had 運命／宿命 reserved him to our times, four technical 条件 would have done his 商売／仕事 and saved him all this trouble; he needed nothing more than one short form of incantation- "Philosophy, Light, Liberality, the 権利s of Men".

I can say nothing in 賞賛する of those 行為／法令／行動するs of tyranny which no 発言する／表明する has hitherto ever commended under any of their 誤った colors, yet in these 誤った colors an homage was paid by 先制政治 to 司法（官）. The 力／強力にする which was above all 恐れる and all 悔恨 was not 始める，決める above all shame. Whilst shame keeps its watch, virtue is not wholly 消滅させるd in the heart, nor will moderation be utterly 追放するd from the minds of tyrants.

I believe every honest man sympathizes in his reflections with our political poet on that occasion, and will pray to 回避する the omen whenever these 行為／法令／行動するs of rapacious 先制政治 現在の themselves to his 見解（をとる） or his imagination:

- May no such 嵐／襲撃する

落ちる on our times, where 廃虚 must 改革（する）.

Tell me (my Muse) what monstrous 悲惨な 罪／違反,

What 罪，犯罪s could any Christian king incense

To such a 激怒（する）? Was't 高級な, or lust?

Was he so temperate, so chaste, so just?

Were these their 罪，犯罪s? they were his own much more,

But wealth is 罪，犯罪 enough to him that's poor.*

* The 残り／休憩（する） of the passage is this -

"Who having spent the treasures of his 栄冠を与える,

非難するs their 高級な to 料金d his own.

And yet this 行為／法令／行動する, to varnish o'er the shame

Of sacrilege, must 耐える devotion's 指名する.

No 罪，犯罪 so bold, but would be understood

A real, or at least a seeming good;

Who 恐れるs not to do ill, yet 恐れるs the 指名する,

And, 解放する／自由な from 良心, is a slave to fame.

Thus he the church at once 保護するs, and spoils;

But princes' swords are 詐欺師 than their styles.

And thus to th' ages past he makes 修正するs,

Their charity destroys, their 約束 defends.

Then did 宗教 in a lazy 独房,

In empty aery contemplation dwell;

And, like the 封鎖する, unmoved lay; but ours,

As much too active, like the stork devours.

Is there no temperate 地域 can be known,

Betwixt their frigid and our torrid zone?

Could we not wake from that lethargic dream,

But to be restless in a worse extreme?

And for that lethargy was there no cure,

But to be cast into a calenture?

Can knowledge have no bound, but must 前進する

So far, to make us wish for ignorance?

And rather in the dark to grope our way,

Than, led by a 誤った guide, to err by day?

Who sees these dismal heaps, but would 需要・要求する,

What barbarous invader 解雇（する）d the land?

But when he hears, no Goth, no Turk did bring

This desolation, but a Christian king;

When nothing, but the 指名する of zeal, appears

'Twixt our best 活動／戦闘s and the worst of theirs,

What does he think our sacrilege would spare,

When such th' 影響s of our devotion are?"

COOPER'S HILL, by SIR JOHN DENHAM.

This same wealth, which is at all times 背信 and lese nation to indigent and rapacious 先制政治, under all 方式s of polity, was your 誘惑 to 侵害する／違反する 所有物／資産／財産, 法律, and 宗教, 部隊d in one 反対する. But was the 明言する／公表する of フラン so wretched and undone that no other 頼みの綱 but rapine remained to 保存する its 存在? On this point I wish to receive some （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）. When the 明言する／公表するs met, was the 条件 of the 財政／金融s of フラン such that, after economizing on 原則s of 司法（官） and mercy through all departments, no fair repartition of 重荷（を負わせる）s upon all the orders could かもしれない 回復する them? If such an equal 課税 would have been 十分な, you 井戸／弁護士席 know it might easily have been made. M. Necker, in the 予算 which he laid before the orders 組み立てる／集結するd at Versailles, made a 詳細（に述べる）d 解説，博覧会 of the 明言する／公表する of the French nation.*

* 和合 de Mons. le Directeur-General des 財政／金融s, fait par ordre du Roi a Versailles, Mai 5, 1789.

If we give credit to him, it was not necessary to have 頼みの綱 to any new 課税s どれでも to put the 領収書s of フラン on a balance with its expenses. He 明言する／公表するd the 永久の 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s of all descriptions, 含むing the 利益／興味 of a new 貸付金 of four hundred millions, at 531,444,000 livres; the 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 歳入 at 475,294,000, making the 欠陥／不足 56,150,000, or short of L2,200,000 英貨の／純銀の. But to balance it, he brought 今後 貯金 and 改良s of 歳入 (considered as 完全に 確かな ) to rather more than the 量 of that 欠陥／不足; and he 結論するs with these emphatical words (p. 39), "Quel 支払う／賃金s, Messieurs, que celui, ou, sans impots et avec de simples objets inappercus, on peut faire disparoitre un 赤字 qui a fait tant de bruit en Europe". As to the reimbursement, the 沈むing of 負債, and the other 広大な／多数の／重要な 反対するs of public credit and political 協定 示すd in Mons. Necker's speech, no 疑問 could be entertained but that a very 穏健な and 割合d 査定／評価 on the 国民s without distinction would have 供給するd for all of them to the fullest extent of their 需要・要求する.

If this 代表 of Mons. Necker was 誤った, then the 議会 are in the highest degree culpable for having 軍隊d the king to 受託する as his 大臣 and, since the king's deposition, for having 雇うd as their 大臣 a man who had been 有能な of 乱用ing so 悪名高くも the 信用／信任 of his master and their own, in a 事柄, too, of the highest moment and 直接／まっすぐに appertaining to his particular office. But if the 代表 was exact (as having always, along with you, conceived a high degree of 尊敬（する）・点 for M. Necker, I make no 疑問 it was), then what can be said in 好意 of those who, instead of 穏健な, reasonable, and general 出資／貢献, have in 冷淡な 血, and impelled by no necessity, had 頼みの綱 to a 部分的な／不平等な and cruel 没収?

Was that 出資／貢献 辞退するd on a pretext of 特権, either on the part of the clergy or on that of the nobility? No, certainly. As to the clergy, they even ran before the wishes of the third order. Previous to the 会合 of the 明言する／公表するs, they had in all their 指示／教授／教育s expressly directed their 副s to 放棄する every 免疫 which put them upon a 地盤 際立った from the 条件 of their fellow 支配するs. In this renunciation the clergy were even more explicit than the nobility.

But let us suppose that the 欠陥／不足 had remained at the fifty-six millions (or L2,200,000 英貨の／純銀の), as at first 明言する／公表するd by M. Necker. Let us 許す that all the 資源s he …に反対するd to that 欠陥／不足 were impudent and groundless fictions, and that the 議会 (or their lords of articles* at the Jacobins) were from thence 正当化するd in laying the whole 重荷（を負わせる） of that 欠陥／不足 on the clergy- yet 許すing all this, a necessity of L2,200,000 英貨の／純銀の will not support a 没収 to the 量 of five millions. The 課税 of L2,200,000 on the clergy, as 部分的な／不平等な, would have been oppressive and 不正な, but it would not have been altogether ruinous to those on whom it was 課すd, and therefore it would not have answered the real 目的 of the 経営者／支配人s.

* In the 憲法 of Scotland, during the Stuart 統治するs, a 委員会 sat for 準備するing 法案s; and 非，不，無 could pass but those 以前 認可するd by them. The 委員会 was called "Lords of Articles".

Perhaps persons unacquainted with the 明言する／公表する of フラン, on 審理，公聴会 the clergy and the noblesse were 特権d in point of 課税, may be led to imagine that, previous to the 革命, these 団体／死体s had 与える／捧げるd nothing to the 明言する／公表する. This is a 広大な／多数の／重要な mistake. They certainly did not 与える／捧げる 平等に with each other, nor either of them 平等に with the ありふれたs. They both, however, 与える／捧げるd 大部分は. Neither nobility nor clergy enjoyed any 控除 from the excise on consumable 商品／必需品s, from 義務s of custom, or from any of the other 非常に／多数の indirect 課税s, which in フラン, 同様に as here, make so very large a 割合 of all 支払い（額）s to the public. The noblesse paid the capitation. They paid also a land-税金, called the twentieth penny, to the 高さ いつかs of three, いつかs of four, shillings in the 続けざまに猛撃する- both of them direct 課税s of no light nature and no trivial produce. The clergy of the 州s 別館d by conquest to フラン (which in extent make about an eighth part of the whole, but in wealth a much larger 割合) paid likewise to the capitation and the twentieth penny, at the 率 paid by the nobility. The clergy in the old 州s did not 支払う／賃金 the capitation, but they had redeemed themselves at the expense of about 24 millions, or a little more than a million 英貨の／純銀の. They were 免除されたd from the twentieths; but then they made 解放する／自由な gifts, they 契約d 負債s for the 明言する／公表する, and they were 支配する to some other 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金s, the whole 計算するd at about a thirteenth part of their （疑いを）晴らす income. They せねばならない have paid 毎年 about forty thousand 続けざまに猛撃するs more to put them on a par with the 出資／貢献 of the nobility.

When the terrors of this tremendous proscription hung over the clergy, they made an 申し込む／申し出 of a 出資／貢献 through the 大司教 of Aix, which, for its extravagance, ought not to have been 受託するd. But it was evidently and 明白に more advantageous to the public creditor than anything which could rationally be 約束d by the 没収. Why was it not 受託するd? The 推論する／理由 is plain: there was no 願望（する） that the church should be brought to serve the 明言する／公表する. The service of the 明言する／公表する was made a pretext to destroy the church. In their way to the 破壊 of the church they would not scruple to destroy their country; and they have destroyed it. One 広大な／多数の／重要な end in the 事業／計画（する） would have been 敗北・負かすd if the 計画（する） of ゆすり，強要 had been 可決する・採択するd in lieu of the 計画／陰謀 of 没収. The new landed 利益／興味 connected with the new 共和国, and connected with it for its very 存在, could not have been created. This was の中で the 推論する／理由s why that extravagant 身代金 was not 受託するd.

THE madness of the 事業／計画（する） of 没収, on the 計画（する） that was first pretended, soon became 明らかな. To bring this unwieldy 集まり of landed 所有物／資産／財産, 大きくするd by the 没収 of all the 広大な landed domain of the 栄冠を与える, at once into market was 明白に to 敗北・負かす the 利益（をあげる）s 提案するd by the 没収 by depreciating the value of those lands and, indeed, of all the landed 広い地所s throughout フラン. Such a sudden 転換 of all its 広まる money from 貿易（する） to land must be an 付加 mischief What step was taken? Did the 議会, on becoming sensible of the 必然的な ill 影響s of their 事業／計画（する）d sale, 逆戻りする to the 申し込む／申し出s of the clergy? No 苦しめる could 強いる them to travel in a course which was 不名誉d by any 外見 of 司法（官）. Giving over all hopes from a general 即座の sale, another 事業／計画（する） seems to have 後継するd. They 提案するd to take 在庫／株 in 交流 for the church lands. In that 事業／計画（する） 広大な／多数の／重要な difficulties arose in equalizing the 反対するs to be 交流d. Other 障害s also 現在のd themselves, which threw them 支援する again upon some 事業／計画（する） of sale. The municipalities had taken an alarm. They would not hear of transferring the whole plunder of the kingdom to the 株主s in Paris. Many of those municipalities had been (upon system) 減ずるd to the most deplorable indigence. Money was nowhere to be seen. They were, therefore, led to the point that was so ardently 願望（する）d. They panted for a 通貨 of any 肉親，親類d which might 生き返らせる their 死なせる／死ぬing 産業. The municipalities were then to be 認める to a 株 in the spoil, which evidently （判決などを）下すd the first 計画／陰謀 (if ever it had been 本気で entertained) altogether impracticable. Public exigencies 圧力（をかける）d upon all 味方するs. The 大臣 of 財政／金融 繰り返し言うd his call for 供給（する） with a most 緊急の, anxious, and boding 発言する／表明する. Thus 圧力（をかける）d on all 味方するs, instead of the first 計画（する） of 変えるing their 銀行業者s into bishops and abbots, instead of 支払う／賃金ing the old 負債, they 契約d a new 負債 a t 3 per cent, creating a new paper 通貨 設立するd on an 結局の sale of the church lands. They 問題／発行するd this paper 通貨 to 満足させる in the first instance 主として the 需要・要求するs made upon them by the bank of 割引, the 広大な／多数の／重要な machine, or paper-mill, of their fictitious wealth.

The spoil of the church was now become the only 資源 of all their 操作／手術s in 財政／金融, the 決定的な 原則 of all their politics, the 単独の 安全 for the 存在 of their 力／強力にする. It was necessary by all, even the most violent means, to put every individual on the same 底（に届く）, and to 貯蔵所d the nation in one 有罪の 利益／興味 to 支持する this 行為／法令／行動する and the 当局 of those by whom it was done. ーするために 軍隊 the most 気が進まない into a 参加 of their 略奪する, they （判決などを）下すd their paper 循環／発行部数 compulsory in all 支払い（額）s. Those who consider the general 傾向 of their 計画／陰謀s to this one 反対する as a 中心, and a 中心 from which afterwards all their 対策 radiate, will not think that I dwell too long upon this part of the 訴訟／進行s of the 国家の 議会.

To 削減（する） off all 外見 of 関係 between the 栄冠を与える and public 司法（官）, and to bring the whole under implicit obedience to the 独裁者s in Paris, the old 独立した・無所属 judicature of the 議会s, with all its 長所s and all its faults, was wholly 廃止するd. Whilst the 議会s 存在するd, it was evident that the people might some time or other come to 訴える手段／行楽地 to them and 決起大会／結集させる under the 基準 of their 古代の 法律s. It became, however, a 事柄 of consideration that the 治安判事s and officers, in the 法廷，裁判所s now 廃止するd, had 購入（する）d their places at a very high 率, for which, 同様に as for the 義務 they 成し遂げるd, they received but a very low return of 利益／興味. Simple 没収 is a boon only for the clergy; to the lawyers some 外見s of 公正，普通株主権 are to be 観察するd, and they are to receive 補償（金） to an 巨大な 量. Their 補償（金） becomes part of the 国家の 負債, for the liquidation of which there is the one exhaustless 基金. The lawyers are to 得る their 補償（金） in the new church paper, which is to march with the new 原則s of judicature and 立法機関. The 解任するd 治安判事s are to take their 株 of 殉教／苦難 with the ecclesiastics, or to receive their own 所有物／資産／財産 from such a 基金, and in such a manner, as all those who have been seasoned with the 古代の 原則s of jurisprudence and had been the sworn 後見人s of 所有物／資産／財産 must look upon with horror. Even the clergy are to receive their 哀れな allowance out of the depreciated paper, which is stamped with the indelible character of sacrilege and with the symbols of their own 廃虚, or they must 餓死する. So violent an 乱暴／暴力を加える upon credit, 所有物／資産／財産, and liberty as this compulsory paper 通貨 has seldom been 展示（する）d by the 同盟 of 破産 and tyranny, at any time or in any nation.

In the course of all these 操作／手術s, at length comes out the grand arcanum- that in reality, and in a fair sense, the lands of the church (so far as anything 確かな can be gathered from their 訴訟／進行s) are not to be sold at all. By the late 決意／決議s of the 国家の 議会, they are, indeed, to be 配達するd to the highest 入札者. But it is to be 観察するd that a 確かな 部分 only of the 購入（する） money is to be laid 負かす／撃墜する. A period of twelve years is to be given for the 支払い（額） of the 残り／休憩（する）. The philosophic purchasers are therefore, on 支払い（額） of a sort of 罰金, to be put 即時に into 所有／入手 of the 広い地所. It becomes in some 尊敬（する）・点s a sort of gift to them- to be held on the 封建的 任期 of zeal to the new 設立. This 事業／計画（する） is evidently to let in a 団体／死体 of purchasers without money. The consequence will be that these purchasers, or rather grantees, will 支払う／賃金, not only from the rents as they accrue, which might 同様に be received by the 明言する／公表する, but from the spoil of the 構成要素s of buildings, from waste in 支持を得ようと努めるd, and from whatever money, by 手渡すs habituated to the gripings of usury, they can wring from the 哀れな 小作農民. He is to be 配達するd over to the mercenary and 独断的な discretion of men who will be 刺激するd to every 種類 of ゆすり，強要 by the growing 需要・要求するs on the growing 利益（をあげる）s of an 広い地所 held under the 不安定な 解決／入植地 of a new political system.

When all the 詐欺s, impostures, 暴力／激しさs, rapines, burnings, 殺人s, 没収s, compulsory paper 通貨s, and every description of tyranny and cruelty 雇うd to bring about and to 支持する this 革命 have their natural 影響, that is, to shock the moral 感情s of all virtuous and sober minds, the 教唆犯s of this philosophic system すぐに 緊張する their throats in a declamation against the old monarchical 政府 of フラン. When they have （判決などを）下すd that 退位させる／宣誓証言するd 力／強力にする 十分に 黒人／ボイコット, they then proceed in argument as if all those who disapprove of their new 乱用s must of course be 同志／支持者s of the old, that those who reprobate their 天然のまま and violent 計画／陰謀s of liberty せねばならない be 扱う／治療するd as 支持するs for servitude. I 収容する／認める that their necessities do 強要する them to this base and contemptible 詐欺. Nothing can reconcile men to their 訴訟／進行s and 事業／計画（する）s but the supposition that there is no third 選択 between them and some tyranny as 嫌悪すべき as can be furnished by the 記録，記録的な／記録するs of history, or by the 発明 of poets. This prattling of theirs hardly deserves the 指名する of sophistry. It is nothing but plain impudence. Have these gentlemen never heard, in the whole circle of the worlds of theory and practice, of anything between the 先制政治 of the 君主 and the 先制政治 of the multitude? Have they never heard of a 君主国 directed by 法律s, controlled and balanced by the 広大な／多数の／重要な hereditary wealth and hereditary dignity of a nation, and both again controlled by a judicious check from the 推論する／理由 and feeling of the people 捕まらないで 事実上の／代理 by a suitable and 永久の 組織／臓器? Is it then impossible that a man may be 設立する who, without 犯罪の ill 意向 or pitiable absurdity, shall prefer such a mixed and tempered 政府 to either of the extremes, and who may repute that nation to be destitute of all 知恵 and of all virtue which, having in its choice to 得る such a 政府 with 緩和する, or rather to 確認する it when 現実に 所有するd, thought proper to commit a thousand 罪，犯罪s an d to 支配する their country to a thousand evils ーするために 避ける it? Is it then a truth so universally 定評のある that a pure 僕主主義 is the only tolerable form into which human society can be thrown, that a man is not permitted to hesitate about its 長所s without the 疑惑 of 存在 a friend to tyranny, that is, of 存在 a 敵 to mankind?

I do not know under what description to class the 現在の 判決，裁定 当局 in フラン. It 影響する／感情s to be a pure 僕主主義, though I think it in a direct train of becoming すぐに a mischievous and ignoble oligarchy. But for the 現在の I 収容する／認める it to be a contrivance of the nature and 影響 of what it pretends to. I reprobate no form of 政府 単に upon abstract 原則s. There may be 状況／情勢s in which the 純粋に democratic form will become necessary. There may be some (very few, and very 特に circumstanced) where it would be 明確に 望ましい. This I do not take to be the 事例／患者 of フラン or of any other 広大な／多数の／重要な country. Until now, we have seen no examples of かなりの 僕主主義s. The 古代のs were better 熟知させるd with them. Not 存在 wholly unread in the authors who had seen the most of those 憲法s, and who best understood them, I cannot help concurring with their opinion that an 絶対の 僕主主義, no more than 絶対の 君主国, is to be reckoned の中で the 合法的 forms of 政府. They think it rather the 汚職 and degeneracy than the sound 憲法 of a 共和国. If I recollect rightly, Aristotle 観察するs that a 僕主主義 has many striking points of resemblance with a tyranny.* Of this I am 確かな , that in a 僕主主義 the 大多数 of the 国民s is 有能な of 演習ing the most cruel 圧迫s upon the 少数，小数派 whenever strong 分割s 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる in that 肉親，親類d of polity, as they often must; and that 圧迫 of the 少数，小数派 will 延長する to far greater numbers and will be carried on with much greater fury than can almost ever be apprehended from the dominion of a 選び出す／独身 scepter. In such a popular 迫害, individual 苦しんでいる人s are in a much more deplorable 条件 than in any other. Under a cruel prince they have the balmy compassion of mankind to assuage the smart of their 負傷させるs; they have the plaudits of the people to animate their generous constancy under their sufferings; but those who are 支配するd to wrong under multitudes are 奪うd of all 外部の なぐさみ. They seem 砂漠d by mankind, overpowered by a 共謀 of their whole 種類.

* When I wrote this I 引用するd from memory, after many years had elapsed from my reading the passage. A learned friend has 設立する it, and it is as follows:

To ethos to 自動車, kai ampho despotika トン beltionon, kai ta psephismata, osper ekei ta epitagmata kai o demagogos kai o kolax, oi autoi kai analogoi kai malista ekateroi par ekaterois ischuousin, oi men kolakes para turannois, oi de demagogoi para tois demois tois toioutois.-

"The 倫理的な character is the same; both 演習 先制政治 over the better class of 国民s; and 法令s are in the one, what 法令／条例s and arrets are in the other: the demagogue, too, and the 法廷，裁判所 favorite are not unfrequently the same 同一の men, and always 耐える a の近くに analogy; and these have the 主要な／長／主犯 力／強力にする, each in their 各々の forms of 政府, favorites with the 絶対の 君主, and demagogues with a people such as I have 述べるd". Arist. Politic. lib. iv. cap. 4.

BUT ADMITTING DEMOCRACY not to have that 必然的な 傾向 to party tyranny, which I suppose it to have, and admitting it to 所有する as much good in it when unmixed as I am sure it 所有するs when 構内／化合物d with other forms, does 君主国, on its part, 含む／封じ込める nothing at all to recommend it? I do not often 引用する Bolingbroke, nor have his 作品 in general left any 永久の impression on my mind. He is a presumptuous and a superficial writer. But he has one 観察 which, in my opinion, is not without depth and solidity. He says that he prefers a 君主国 to other 政府s because you can better ingraft any description of 共和国 on a 君主国 than anything of 君主国 upon the 共和国の／共和党の forms. I think him perfectly in the 権利. The fact is so 歴史的に, and it agrees 井戸／弁護士席 with the 憶測.

I know how 平易な a topic it is to dwell on the faults of 出発／死d greatness. By a 革命 in the 明言する／公表する, the fawning sycophant of yesterday is 変えるd into the 厳格な，質素な critic of the 現在の hour. But 安定した, 独立した・無所属 minds, when they have an 反対する of so serious a 関心 to mankind as 政府 under their contemplation, will disdain to assume the part of satirists and declaimers. They will 裁判官 of human 会・原則s as they do of human characters. They will sort out the good from the evil, which is mixed in mortal 会・原則s, as it is in mortal men.

YOUR 政府 in フラン, though usually, and I think 正確に，正当に, という評判の the best of the unqualified or ill-qualified 君主国s, was still 十分な of 乱用s. These 乱用s 蓄積するd in a length of time, as they must 蓄積する in every 君主国 not under the constant 査察 of a popular 代表者／国会議員. I am no stranger to the faults and defects of the subverted 政府 of フラン, and I think I am not inclined by nature or 政策 to make a panegyric upon anything which is a just and natural 反対する of 非難. But the question is not now of the 副／悪徳行為s of that 君主国, but of its 存在. Is it, then, true that the French 政府 was such as to be incapable or undeserving of 改革（する）, so that it was of 絶対の necessity that the whole fabric should be at once pulled 負かす／撃墜する and the area （疑いを）晴らすd for the erection of a theoretic, 実験の edifice in its place? All フラン was of a different opinion in the beginning of the year 1789. The 指示／教授／教育s to the 代表者／国会議員s to the 明言する／公表するs-General, from every 地区 in that kingdom, were filled with 事業／計画（する）s for the reformation of that 政府 without the remotest suggestion of a design to destroy it. Had such a design been even insinuated, I believe there would have been but one 発言する／表明する, and that 発言する／表明する for 拒絶するing it with 軽蔑（する） and horror. Men have been いつかs led by degrees, いつかs hurried, into things of which, if they could have seen the whole together, they never would have permitted the most remote approach. When those 指示／教授／教育s were given, there was no question but that 乱用s 存在するd, and that they 需要・要求するd a 改革（する）; nor is there now. In the interval between the 指示／教授／教育s and the 革命 things changed their 形態／調整; and in consequence of that change, the true question at 現在の is, Whether those who would have 改革（する）d or those who have destroyed are in the 権利?

To hear some men speak of the late 君主国 of フラン, you would imagine that they were talking of Persia bleeding under the ferocious sword of Tahmas Kouli 旅宿泊所, or at least 述べるing the barbarous anarchic 先制政治 of Turkey, where the finest countries in the most genial 気候s in the world are wasted by peace more than any countries have been worried by war, where arts are unknown, where 製造（する）s languish, where science is 消滅させるd, where 農業 decays, where the human race itself melts away and 死なせる／死ぬs under the 注目する，もくろむ of the 観察者／傍聴者. Was this the 事例／患者 of フラン? I have no way of 決定するing the question but by 言及／関連 to facts. Facts do not support this resemblance. Along with much evil there is some good in 君主国 itself, and some corrective to its evil from 宗教, from 法律s, from manners, from opinions the French 君主国 must have received, which （判決などを）下すd it (though by no means a 解放する／自由な, and therefore by no means a good, 憲法) a 先制政治 rather in 外見 than in reality.

AMONG the 基準s upon which the 影響s of 政府 on any country are to be 概算の, I must consider the 明言する／公表する of its 全住民 as not the least 確かな . No country in which 全住民 繁栄するs and is in 進歩／革新的な 改良 can be under a very mischievous 政府. About sixty years ago, the Intendants of the generalities of フラン made, with other 事柄s, a 報告（する）／憶測 of the 全住民 of their several 地区s. I have not the 調書をとる／予約するs, which are very voluminous, by me, nor do I know where to procure them (I am 強いるd to speak by memory, and therefore the いっそう少なく 前向きに／確かに), but I think the 全住民 of フラン was by them, even at that period, 概算の at twenty-two millions of souls. At the end of the last century it had been 一般に calculated at eighteen. On either of these estimations, フラン was not ill peopled. M. Necker, who is an 当局 for his own time, at least equal to the Intendants for theirs, reckons, and upon 明らかに sure 原則s, the people of フラン in the year 1780 at twenty-four millions six hundred and seventy thousand. But was this the probable ultimate 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 under the old 設立? Dr. Price is of opinion that the growth of 全住民 in フラン was by no means at its acme in that year. I certainly defer to Dr. Price's 当局 a good 取引，協定 more in these 憶測s than I do in his general politics. This gentleman, taking ground on M. Necker's data, is very 確信して that since the period of that 大臣's 計算／見積り the French 全住民 has 増加するd 速く- so 速く that in the year 1789 he will not 同意 to 率 the people of that kingdom at a lower number than thirty millions. After abating much (and much I think せねばならない be abated) from the sanguine 計算／見積り of Dr. Price, I have no 疑問 that the 全住民 of フラン did 増加する かなり during this later period; but supposing that it 増加するd to nothing more than will be 十分な to 完全にする the twenty-four millions six hundred and seventy thousand to twenty-five millions, still a 全住民 of twenty-five millions, and that in an 増加するing 進歩, on a space of about twenty-seven thousand square leagues is 巨大な. It is, for instance, a good 取引，協定 more than the proportionable 全住民 of this island, or even than that of England, the best peopled part of the 部隊d Kingdom.

It is not universally true that フラン is a fertile country. かなりの tracts of it are barren and labor under other natural disadvantages. In the 部分s of that 領土 where things are more 都合のよい, as far as I am able to discover, the numbers of the people correspond to the indulgence of nature.* The Generality of Lisle (this I 収容する／認める is the strongest example) upon an extent of four hundred and four leagues and a half, about ten years ago, 含む／封じ込めるd seven hundred and thirty-four thousand six hundred souls, which is one thousand seven hundred and seventy-two inhabitants to each square league. The middle 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語 for the 残り／休憩（する） of フラン is about nine hundred inhabitants to the same admeasurement.

* De l'行政 des 財政／金融s de la フラン, par Mons. Necker, vol. I, p. 288.

I do not せいにする this 全住民 to the 退位させる／宣誓証言するd 政府, because I do not like to compliment the contrivances of men with what is 予定 in a 広大な／多数の／重要な degree to the bounty of Providence. But that decried 政府 could not have 妨害するd, most probably it 好意d, the 操作／手術 of those 原因（となる）s (whatever they were), whether of nature in the 国／地域 or habits of 産業 の中で the people, which has produced so large a number of the 種類 throughout that whole kingdom and 展示（する）d in some particular places such prodigies of 全住民. I never will suppose that fabric of a 明言する／公表する to be the worst of all political 会・原則s which, by experience, is 設立する to 含む／封じ込める a 原則 都合のよい (however latent it may be) to the 増加する of mankind.

The wealth of a country is another, and no contemptible, 基準 by which we may 裁判官 whether, on the whole, a 政府 be 保護するing or destructive. フラン far 越えるs England in the multitude of her people, but I apprehend that her comparative wealth is much inferior to ours, that it is not so equal in the 配当, nor so ready in the 循環／発行部数. I believe the difference in the form of the two 政府s to be amongst the 原因（となる）s of this advantage on the 味方する of England. I speak of England, not of the whole British dominions, which, if compared with those of フラン, will, in some degree, 弱める the comparative 率 of wealth upon our 味方する. But that wealth, which will not 耐える a comparison with the riches of England, may 構成する a very respectable degree of opulence. M. Necker's 調書をとる／予約する, published in 1785,* 含む／封じ込めるs an 正確な and 利益／興味ing collection of facts 親族 to public economy and to political arithmetic; and his 憶測s on the 支配する are in general wise and 自由主義の. In that work he gives an idea of the 明言する／公表する of フラン very remote from the portrait of a country whose 政府 was a perfect grievance, an 絶対の evil, admitting no cure but through the violent and uncertain 治療（薬） of a total 革命. He 断言するs that from the year 1726 to the year 1784 there was coined at the 造幣局 of フラン, in the 種類 of gold and silver, to the 量 of about one hundred millions of 続けざまに猛撃するs 英貨の／純銀の.*(2)

* De l'行政 des 財政／金融s de la フラン, par M. Necker.

*(2) Ibid., Vol. III. chap. 8 and chap. 9.

It is impossible that M. Necker should be mistaken in the 量 of the bullion which has been coined in the 造幣局. It is a 事柄 of 公式の／役人 記録，記録的な／記録する. The reasonings of this able financier, 関心ing the 量 of gold and silver which remained for 循環／発行部数, when he wrote in 1785, that is, about four years before the deposition and 監禁，拘置 of the French king, are not of equal certainty, but they are laid on grounds so 明らかに solid that it is not 平易な to 辞退する a かなりの degree of assent to his 計算／見積り. He calculates the numeraire, or what we call "specie", then 現実に 存在するing in フラン at about eighty-eight millions of the same English money. A 広大な／多数の／重要な accumulation of wealth for one country, large as that country is! M. Necker was so far from considering this influx of wealth as likely to 中止する, when he wrote in 1785, that he 推定するs upon a 未来 年次の 増加する of two per cent upon the money brought into フラン during the periods from which he 計算するd.

Some 適する 原因（となる） must have 初めは introduced all the money coined at its 造幣局 into that kingdom, and some 原因（となる） as operative must have kept at home, or returned into its bosom, such a 広大な flood of treasure as M. Necker calculates to remain for 国内の 循環／発行部数. Suppose any reasonable deductions from M. Necker's computation, the 残りの人，物 must still 量 to an 巨大な sum. 原因（となる）s thus powerful to acquire, and to 保持する, cannot be 設立する in discouraged 産業, insecure 所有物／資産／財産, and a 前向きに／確かに destructive 政府. Indeed, when I consider the 直面する of the kingdom of フラン, the multitude and opulence of her cities, the useful magnificence of her spacious high roads and 橋（渡しをする）s, the 適切な時期 of her 人工的な canals and 航海s 開始 the conveniences of 海上の communication through a solid continent of so 巨大な an extent; when I turn my 注目する，もくろむs to the stupendous 作品 of her ports and harbors, and to her whole 海軍の apparatus, whether for war or 貿易（する）; when I bring before my 見解（をとる） the number of her 要塞s, 建設するd with so bold and 熟達した a 技術 and made and 持続するd at so prodigious a 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金, 現在のing an 武装した 前線 and impenetrable 障壁 to her enemies upon every 味方する; when I recollect how very small a part of that 広範囲にわたる 地域 is without cultivation, and to what 完全にする perfection the culture of many of the best 生産／産物s of the earth have been brought in フラン; when I 反映する on the excellence of her 製造（する）s and fabrics, second to 非，不，無 but ours, and in some particulars not second; when I 熟視する／熟考する the grand 創立／基礎s of charity, public and 私的な; when I 調査する the 明言する／公表する of all the arts that beautify and polish life; when I reckon the men she has bred for 延長するing her fame in war, her able statesmen, the multitude of her 深遠な lawyers and theologians, her philosophers, her critics, her historians and antiquaries, her poets and her orators, sacred and profane- I behold in all this something which awes and 命令（する）s the imagination, which checks the mind on the brink of precipitate and 無差別の 非難, and which 需要・要求するs that we should very 本気で 診察する what and how 広大な／多数の／重要な are the latent 副／悪徳行為s that could 権限を与える us at once to level so spacious a fabric with the ground. I do not 認める in this 見解（をとる） of things the 先制政治 of Turkey. Nor do I discern the character of a 政府 that has been, on the whole, so oppressive or so corrupt or so negligent as to be utterly unfit for all reformation. I must think such a 政府 井戸／弁護士席 deserved to have its excellence 高くする，増すd, its faults 訂正するd, and its capacities 改善するd into a British 憲法.

Whoever has 診察するd into the 訴訟／進行s of that 退位させる／宣誓証言するd 政府 for several years 支援する cannot fail to have 観察するd, まっただ中に the inconstancy and fluctuation natural to 法廷，裁判所s, an earnest 努力する toward the 繁栄 and 改良 of the country; he must 収容する／認める that it had long been 雇うd, in some instances wholly to 除去する, in many かなり to 訂正する, the abusive practices and usages that had 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in the 明言する／公表する, and that even the 制限のない 力／強力にする of the 君主 over the persons of his 支配するs, inconsistent, as undoubtedly it was, with 法律 and liberty, had yet been every day growing more mitigated in the 演習. So far from 辞退するing itself to reformation, that 政府 was open, with a censurable degree of 施設, to all sorts of 事業／計画（する）s and projectors on the 支配する. Rather too much countenance was given to the spirit of 革新, which soon was turned against those who fostered it, and ended in their 廃虚. It is but 冷淡な, and no very flattering, 司法（官） to that fallen 君主国 to say that, for many years, it trespassed more by levity and want of judgment in several of its 計画／陰謀s than from any defect in diligence or in public spirit. To compare the 政府 of フラン for the last fifteen or sixteen years with wise and 井戸／弁護士席-構成するd 設立s during that, or during any period, is not to 行為／法令／行動する with fairness. But if in point of prodigality in the 支出 of money, or in point of rigor in the 演習 of 力／強力にする, it be compared with any of the former 統治するs, I believe candid 裁判官s will give little credit to the good 意向s of those who dwell perpetually on the 寄付s to favorites, or on the expenses of the 法廷，裁判所, or on the horrors of the Bastille in the 統治する of Louis the Sixteenth.*

* The world is 強いるd to M. de Calonne for the 苦痛s he has taken to 反駁する the scandalous exaggerations 親族 to some of the 王室の expenses, and to （悪事，秘密などを）発見する the fallacious account given of 年金s, for the wicked 目的 of 刺激するing the populace to all sorts of 罪，犯罪s.

WHETHER the system, if it deserves such a 指名する, now built on the 廃虚s of that 古代の 君主国 will be able to give a better account of the 全住民 and wealth of the country which it has taken under its care, is a 事柄 very doubtful. Instead of 改善するing by the change, I apprehend that a long 一連の years must be told before it can 回復する in any degree the 影響s of this philosophic 革命, and before the nation can be 取って代わるd on its former 地盤. If Dr. Price should think fit, a few years hence, to 好意 us with an 見積（る） of the 全住民 of フラン, he will hardly be able to （不足などを）補う his tale of thirty millions of souls, as 計算するd in 1789, or the 議会's computation of twenty-six millions of that year, or even M. Necker's twenty-five millions in 1780. I hear that there are かなりの 移住s from フラン, and that many, quitting that voluptuous 気候 and that seductive Circean liberty, have taken 避難 in the frozen 地域s, and under the British 先制政治, of Canada.

In the 現在の 見えなくなる of coin, no person could think it the same country in which the 現在の 大臣 of the 財政／金融s has been able to discover fourscore millions 英貨の／純銀の in specie. From its general 面 one would 結論する that it had been for some time past under the special direction of the learned academicians of Laputa and Balnibarbi.* Already the 全住民 of Paris has so 拒絶する／低下するd that M. Necker 明言する／公表するd to the 国家の 議会 the 準備／条項 to be made for its subsistence at a fifth いっそう少なく than what had 以前は been 設立する requisite.*(2) It is said (and I have never heard it 否定するd) that a hundred thousand people are out of 雇用 in that city, though it is become the seat of the 拘留するd 法廷，裁判所 and 国家の 議会. Nothing, I am credibly 知らせるd, can 越える the shocking and disgusting spectacle of mendicancy 陳列する，発揮するd in that 資本／首都. Indeed the 投票（する）s of the 国家の 議会 leave no 疑問 of the fact. They have lately 任命するd a standing 委員会 of mendicancy. They are contriving at once a vigorous police on this 支配する and, for the first time, the 課税 of a 税金 to 持続する the poor, for whose 現在の 救済 広大な／多数の／重要な sums appear on the 直面する of the public accounts of the year.*(3) In the 合間 the leaders of the 法律を制定する clubs and coffee-houses are intoxicated with 賞賛 at their own 知恵 and ability. They speak with the most 君主 contempt of the 残り／休憩（する） of the world. They tell the people, to 慰安 them in the rags with which they have 着せる／賦与するd them, that they are a nation of philosophers; and いつかs by all the arts of quackish parade, by show, tumult, and bustle, いつかs by the alarms of 陰謀（を企てる）s and 侵略s, they 試みる／企てる to 溺死する the cries of indigence and to コースを変える the 注目する，もくろむs of the 観察者／傍聴者 from the 廃虚 and wretchedness of the 明言する／公表する. A 勇敢に立ち向かう people will certainly prefer liberty …を伴ってd with a virtuous poverty to a depraved and 豊富な servitude. But before the price of 慰安 and opulence is paid, one せねばならない be pretty sure it is real liberty whic h is 購入（する）d, and that she is to be 購入（する）d at no other price. I shall always, however, consider that liberty as very equivocal in her 外見 which has not 知恵 and 司法（官） for her companions and does not lead 繁栄 and plenty in her train.

* See Gulliver's Travels for the idea of countries 治める／統治するd by philosophers.

*(2) M. de Calonne 明言する／公表するs the 落ちるing off of the 全住民 of Paris as far more かなりの; and it may be so, since the period of M. Necker's 計算／見積り.

*(3): Travaux de charite 注ぐ subvenir au       Livres        L      s.  d.
 manque de travail a Paris et dans les
 州s.............................  3,866,920=    161,121  13   4
 破壊 de vagabondage et de la
 mendicite............................   1,671,417=     69,642   7   6
 Primes 注ぐ l'輸入 de 穀物s     5,671,907=    236,329   9   2
 Depenses 親族s aux subsistances,
 deduction fait des recouvrements qui
 ont eu lieu........................... 39,871,790=  1,661,324  11   8
                       Total       Liv. 51,082,034= L2,128,418   1   8

THE 支持するs for this 革命, not 満足させるd with 誇張するing the 副／悪徳行為s of their 古代の 政府, strike at the fame of their country itself by 絵 almost all that could have attracted the attention of strangers, I mean their nobility and their clergy, as 反対するs of horror. If this were only a 名誉き損, there had not been much in it. But it has practical consequences. Had your nobility and gentry, who formed the 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体 of your landed men and the whole of your 軍の officers, 似ているd those of Germany at the period when the Hansetowns were necessitated to confederate against the nobles in 弁護 of their 所有物／資産／財産; had they been like the Orsini and Vitelli in Italy, who used to sally from their 防備を堅める／強化するd dens to 略奪する the 仲買人 and traveller; had they been such as the Mamelukes in Egypt or the Nayres on the coast of Malabar, I do 収容する／認める that too 批判的な an 調査 might not be advisable into the means of 解放する／自由なing the world from such a nuisance. The statues of 公正，普通株主権 and Mercy might be 隠すd for a moment. The tenderest minds, confounded with the dreadful exigency in which morality 服従させる／提出するs to the 中断 of its own 支配するs in 好意 of its own 原則s, might turn aside whilst 詐欺 and 暴力／激しさ were 遂行するing the 破壊 of a pretended nobility which 不名誉d, whilst it 迫害するd, human nature. The persons most abhorrent from 血, and 背信, and 独断的な 没収 might remain silent 観客s of this civil war between the 副／悪徳行為s.

But did the 特権d nobility who met under the king's precept at Versailles, in 1789, or their 選挙権を持つ／選挙人s, deserve to be looked on as the Nayres or Mamelukes of this age, or as the Orsini and Vitelli of 古代の times? If I had then asked the question I should have passed for a madman. What have they since done that they were to be driven into 追放する, that their persons should be 追跡（する）d about, mangled, and 拷問d, their families 分散させるd, their houses laid in ashes, and that their order should be 廃止するd and the memory of it, if possible, 消滅させるd by 任命するing them to change the very 指名するs by which they were usually known? Read their 指示／教授／教育s to their 代表者／国会議員s. They breathe the spirit of liberty as 温かく and they recommend reformation as 堅固に as any other order. Their 特権s 親族 to 出資／貢献 were 任意に 降伏するd, as the king, from the beginning, 降伏するd all pretense to a 権利 of 課税. Upon a 解放する／自由な 憲法 there was but one opinion in フラン. The 絶対の 君主国 was at an end. It breathed its last, without a groan, without struggle, without convulsion. All the struggle, all the dissension arose afterwards upon the preference of a despotic 僕主主義 to a 政府 of 相互の 支配（する）／統制する. The 勝利 of the 勝利を得た party was over the 原則s of a British 憲法.

I have 観察するd the affectation which for many years past has 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in Paris, even to a degree perfectly childish, of idolizing the memory of your Henry the Fourth. If anything could put one out of humor with that ornament to the kingly character, it would be this overdone style of insidious panegyric. The persons who have worked this engine the most busily are those who have ended their panegyrics in dethroning his 後継者 and 子孫, a man as good-natured, at the least, as Henry the Fourth, altogether as fond of his people, and who has done infinitely more to 訂正する the 古代の 副／悪徳行為s of the 明言する／公表する than that 広大な／多数の／重要な 君主 did, or we are sure he ever meant to do. 井戸／弁護士席 it is for his panegyrists that they have not him to を取り引きする. For Henry of Navarre was a resolute, active, and politic prince. He 所有するd, indeed, 広大な／多数の／重要な humanity and mildness, but a humanity and mildness that never stood in the way of his 利益／興味s. He never sought to be loved without putting himself first in a 条件 to be 恐れるd. He used soft language with 決定するd 行為／行う. He 主張するd and 持続するd his 当局 in the 甚だしい／１２ダース, and 分配するd his 行為／法令／行動するs of 譲歩 only in the 詳細（に述べる）. He spent the income of his prerogative nobly, but he took care not to break in upon the 資本／首都, never abandoning for a moment any of the （人命などを）奪う，主張するs which he made under the 根底となる 法律s, nor sparing to shed the 血 of those who …に反対するd him, often in the field, いつかs upon the scaffold. Because he knew how to make his virtues 尊敬（する）・点d by the ungrateful, he has 長所d the 賞賛するs of those whom, if they had lived in his time, he would have shut up in the Bastille and brought to 罰 along with the regicides whom he hanged after he had famished Paris into a 降伏する.

If these panegyrists are in earnest in their 賞賛 of Henry the Fourth, they must remember that they cannot think more 高度に of him than he did of the noblesse of フラン, whose virtue, 栄誉（を受ける）, courage, patriotism, and 忠義 were his constant 主題.

But the nobility of フラン are degenerated since the days of Henry the Fourth. This is possible. But it is more than I can believe to be true in any 広大な／多数の／重要な degree. I do not pretend to know フラン as 正確に as some others, but I have 努力するd through my whole life to make myself 熟知させるd with human nature, さもなければ I should be unfit to take even my humble part in the service of mankind. In that 熟考する／考慮する I could not pass by a 広大な 部分 of our nature as it appeared 修正するd in a country but twenty-four miles from the shore of this island. On my best 観察, compared with my best 調査s, I 設立する your nobility for the greater part composed of men of high spirit and of a delicate sense of 栄誉（を受ける）, both with regard to themselves 個々に and with regard to their whole 軍団, over whom they kept, beyond what is ありふれた in other countries, a censorial 注目する，もくろむ. They were tolerably 井戸／弁護士席 bred, very officious, humane, and hospitable; in their conversation frank and open; with a good 軍の トン, and reasonably tinctured with literature, 特に of the authors in their own language. Many had pretensions far above this description. I speak of those who were 一般に met with.

As to their 行為 to the inferior classes, they appeared to me to comport themselves toward them with good nature and with something more nearly approaching to familiarity than is 一般に practiced with us in the intercourse between the higher and lower 階級s of life. To strike any person, even in the most abject 条件, was a thing in a manner unknown and would be 高度に disgraceful. Instances of other ill-治療 of the humble part of the community were rare; and as to attacks made upon the 所有物／資産／財産 or the personal liberty of the ありふれたs, I never heard of any どれでも from them; nor, whilst the 法律s were in vigor under the 古代の 政府, would such tyranny in 支配するs have been permitted. As men of landed 広い地所s, I had no fault to find with their 行為／行う, though much to reprehend and much to wish changed in many of the old 任期s. Where the letting of their land was by rent, I could not discover that their 協定s with their 農業者s were oppressive; nor when they were in 共同 with the 農業者, as often was the 事例／患者, have I heard that they had taken the lion's 株. The 割合s seemed not inequitable. There might be exceptions, but certainly they were exceptions only. I have no 推論する／理由 to believe that in these 尊敬（する）・点s the landed noblesse of フラン were worse than the landed gentry of this country, certainly in no 尊敬（する）・点 more vexatious than the landholders, not noble, of their own nation. In cities the nobility had no manner of 力／強力にする, in the country very little. You know, Sir, that much of the civil 政府, and the police in the most 必須の parts, was not in the 手渡すs of that nobility which 現在のs itself first to our consideration. The 歳入, the system and collection of which were the most grievous parts of the French 政府, was not 治めるd by the men of the sword, nor were they 責任のある for the 副／悪徳行為s of its 原則 or the vexations, where any such 存在するd, in its 管理／経営.

否定するing, as I am 井戸／弁護士席 令状d to do, that the nobility had any かなりの 株 in the 圧迫 of the people in 事例／患者s in which real 圧迫 存在するd, I am ready to 収容する／認める that they were not without かなりの faults and errors. A foolish imitation of the worst part of the manners of England, which impaired their natural character without 代用品，人ing in its place what, perhaps, they meant to copy, has certainly （判決などを）下すd them worse than 以前は they were. Habitual dissoluteness of manners, continued beyond the pardonable period of life, was more ありふれた amongst them than it is with us; and it 統治するd with the いっそう少なく hope of 治療（薬）, though かもしれない with something of いっそう少なく mischief by 存在 covered with more exterior decorum. They countenanced too much that licentious philosophy which has helped to bring on their 廃虚. There was another error amongst them more 致命的な. Those of the ありふれたs who approached to or 越えるd many of the nobility in point of wealth were not fully 認める to the 階級 and estimation which wealth, in 推論する／理由 and good 政策, せねばならない bestow in every country, though I think not 平等に with that of other nobility. The two 肉親，親類d of aristocracy were too punctiliously kept asunder, いっそう少なく so, however, than in Germany and some other nations.

This 分離, as I have already taken the liberty of 示唆するing to you, I conceive to be one 主要な／長／主犯 原因（となる） of the 破壊 of the old nobility. The 軍の, 特に, was too 排他的に reserved for men of family. But, after all, this was an error of opinion, which a 相反する opinion would have 修正するd. A 永久の 議会 in which the ありふれたs had their 株 of 力／強力にする would soon 廃止する whatever was too invidious and 侮辱ing in these distinctions, and even the faults in the morals of the nobility would have been probably 訂正するd by the greater varieties of 占領／職業 and 追跡 to which a 憲法 by orders would have given rise.

All this violent cry against the nobility I take to be a mere work of art. To be 栄誉（を受ける）d and even 特権d by the 法律s, opinions, and inveterate usages of our country, growing out of the prejudice of ages, has nothing to 刺激する horror and indignation in any man. Even to be too tenacious of those 特権s is not 絶対 a 罪，犯罪. The strong struggle in every individual to 保存する 所有／入手 of what he has 設立する to belong to him and to distinguish him is one of the 安全s against 不正 and 先制政治 implanted in our nature. It operates as an instinct to 安全な・保証する 所有物／資産／財産 and to 保存する communities in a settled 明言する／公表する. What is there to shock in this? Nobility is a graceful ornament to the civil order. It is the Corinthian 資本／首都 of polished society. Omnes boni nobilitati semper favemus, was the 説 of a wise and good man. It is indeed one 調印する of a 自由主義の and benevolent mind to incline to it with some sort of 部分的な／不平等な propensity. He feels no ennobling 原則 in his own heart who wishes to level all the 人工的な 会・原則s which have been 可決する・採択するd for giving a 団体／死体 to opinion, and permanence to 逃亡者／はかないもの esteem. It is a sour, malignant, envious disposition, without taste for the reality or for any image or 代表 of virtue, that sees with joy the unmerited 落ちる of what had long 繁栄するd in splendor and in 栄誉（を受ける）. I do not like to see anything destroyed, any 無効の produced in society, any 廃虚 on the 直面する of the land. It was, therefore, with no 失望 or 不満 that my 調査s and 観察s did not 現在の to me any incorrigible 副／悪徳行為s in the noblesse of フラン, or any 乱用 which could not be 除去するd by a 改革（する） very short of 廃止. Your noblesse did not deserve 罰; but to degrade is to punish.

IT WAS WITH THE SAME SATISFACTION I 設立する that the result of my 調査 関心ing your clergy was not dissimilar. It is no soothing news to my ears that 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体s of men are incurably corrupt. It is not with much credulity I listen to any when they speak evil of those whom they are going to plunder. I rather 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う that 副／悪徳行為s are feigned or 誇張するd when 利益（をあげる） is looked for in their 罰. An enemy is a bad 証言，証人／目撃する; a robber is a worse. 副／悪徳行為s and 乱用s there were undoubtedly in that order, and must be. It was an old 設立, and not frequently 改訂するd. But I saw no 罪，犯罪s in the individuals that 長所d 没収 of their 実体, nor those cruel 侮辱s and degradations, and that unnatural 迫害 which have been 代用品，人d in the place of meliorating 規則.

If there had been any just 原因（となる） for this new 宗教的な 迫害, the atheistic libellers, who 行為／法令／行動する as trumpeters to animate the populace to plunder, do not love anybody so much as not to dwell with complacency on the 副／悪徳行為s of the 存在するing clergy. This they have not done. They find themselves 強いるd to rake into the histories of former ages (which they have ransacked with a malignant and profligate 産業) for every instance of 圧迫 and 迫害 which has been made by that 団体／死体 or in its 好意 ーするために 正当化する, upon very iniquitous, because very illogical, 原則s of 報復, their own 迫害s and their own cruelties. After destroying all other genealogies and family distinctions, they invent a sort of pedigree of 罪，犯罪s. It is not very just to chastise men for the 罪／違反s of their natural ancestors, but to take the fiction of 家系 in a 法人組織の／企業の succession as a ground for punishing men who have no relation to 有罪の 行為／法令／行動するs, except in 指名するs and general descriptions, is a sort of refinement in 不正 belonging to the philosophy of this enlightened age. The 議会 punishes men, many, if not most, of whom abhor the violent 行為／行う of ecclesiastics in former times as much as their 現在の persecutors can do, and who would be as loud and as strong in the 表現 of that sense, if they were not 井戸／弁護士席 aware of the 目的s for which all this declamation is 雇うd.

法人組織の／企業の 団体／死体s are immortal for the good of the members, but not for their 罰. Nations themselves are such 会社／団体s. 同様に might we in England think of 行うing inexpiable war upon all Frenchmen for the evils which they have brought upon us in the several periods of our 相互の 敵意s. You might, on your part, think yourselves 正当化するd in 落ちるing upon all Englishmen on account of the unparalleled calamities brought on the people of フラン by the 不正な 侵略s of our Henries and our Edwards. Indeed, we should be 相互に 正当化するd in this exterminatory war upon each other, 十分な as much as you are in the unprovoked 迫害 of your 現在の countrymen, on account of the 行為／行う of men of the same 指名する in other times.

We do not draw the moral lessons we might from history. On the contrary, without care it may be used to vitiate our minds and to destroy our happiness. In history a 広大な／多数の／重要な 容積／容量 is unrolled for our 指示／教授／教育, 製図／抽選 the 構成要素s of 未来 知恵 from the past errors and infirmities of mankind. It may, in the perversion, serve for a magazine furnishing 不快な／攻撃 and 防御の 武器s for parties in church and 明言する／公表する, and 供給（する）ing the means of keeping alive or 生き返らせるing dissensions and animosities, and 追加するing 燃料 to civil fury. History consists for the greater part of the 悲惨s brought upon the world by pride, ambition, avarice, 復讐, lust, sedition, hypocrisy, ungoverned zeal, and all the train of disorderly appetites which shake the public with the same

- troublous 嵐／襲撃するs that 投げ上げる／ボディチェックする

The 私的な 明言する／公表する, and （判決などを）下す life unsweet.

These 副／悪徳行為s are the 原因（となる）s of those 嵐／襲撃するs. 宗教, morals, 法律s, prerogatives, 特権s, liberties, 権利s of men are the pretexts. The pretexts are always 設立する in some specious 外見 of a real good. You would not 安全な・保証する men from tyranny and sedition by やじ out of the mind the 原則s to which these fraudulent pretexts 適用する? If you did, you would root out everything that is 価値のある in the human breast. As these are the pretexts, so the ordinary actors and 器具s in 広大な／多数の／重要な public evils are kings, priests, 治安判事s, 上院s, 議会s, 国家の 議会s, 裁判官s, and captains. You would not cure the evil by 解決するing that there should be no more 君主s, nor 大臣s of 明言する／公表する, nor of the gospel; no interpreters of 法律; no general officers; no public 会議s. You might change the 指名するs. The things in some 形態／調整 must remain. A 確かな quantum of 力／強力にする must always 存在する in the community in some 手渡すs and under some 呼称. Wise men will 適用する their 治療（薬）s to 副／悪徳行為s, not to 指名するs; to the 原因（となる）s of evil which are 永久の, not to the 時折の 組織／臓器s by which they 行為／法令／行動する, and the transitory 方式s in which they appear. さもなければ you will be wise 歴史的に, a fool in practice. Seldom have two ages the same fashion in their pretexts and the same 方式s of mischief. Wickedness is a little more inventive. Whilst you are discussing fashion, the fashion is gone by. The very same 副／悪徳行為 assumes a new 団体／死体. The spirit transmigrates, and, far from losing its 原則 of life by the change of its 外見, it is renovated in its new 組織／臓器s with a fresh vigor of a juvenile activity. It walks abroad, it continues its 荒廃させるs, whilst you are gibbeting the carcass or 破壊するing the tomb. You are terrifying yourselves with ghosts and apparitions, whilst your house is the haunt of robbers. It is thus with all those who, …に出席するing only to the 爆撃する and husk of history, think they are 行うing war with intolerance, pride, and cruelty, whilst, under color of abhorring the ill 原則s of antiquate d parties, they are 権限を与えるing and feeding the same 嫌悪すべき 副／悪徳行為s in different 派閥s, and perhaps in worse.

Your 国民s of Paris 以前は had lent themselves as the ready 器具s to 虐殺（する） the 信奉者s of Calvin, at the 悪名高い 大虐殺 of St. Bartholomew. What should we say to those who could think of 報復するing on the Parisians of this day the abominations and horrors of that time? They are indeed brought to abhor that 大虐殺. Ferocious as they are, it is not difficult to make them dislike it, because the 政治家，政治屋s and 流行の／上流の teachers have no 利益／興味 in giving their passions 正確に／まさに the same direction. Still, however, they find it their 利益／興味 to keep the same savage dispositions alive. It was but the other day that they 原因（となる）d this very 大虐殺 to be 行為／法令／行動するd on the 行う／開催する／段階 for the 転換 of the 子孫s of those who committed it. In this 悲劇の farce they produced the 枢機けい／主要な of Lorraine in his 式服s of 機能（する）／行事, ordering general 虐殺（する）. Was this spectacle ーするつもりであるd to make the Parisians abhor 迫害 and loathe the effusion of 血?- No; it was to teach them to 迫害する their own 牧師s; it was to excite them, by raising a disgust and horror of their clergy, to an alacrity in 追跡（する）ing 負かす／撃墜する to 破壊 an order which, if it せねばならない 存在する at all, せねばならない 存在する not only in safety, but in reverence. It was to 刺激する their cannibal appetites (which one would think had been gorged 十分に) by variety and seasoning; and to quicken them to an alertness in new 殺人s and 大虐殺s, if it should 控訴 the 目的 of the Guises of the day. An 議会, in which sat a multitude of priests and prelates, was 強いるd to 苦しむ this 侮辱／冷遇 at its door. The author was not sent to the galleys, nor the players to the house of 是正. Not long after this 展示, those players （機の）カム 今後 to the 議会 to （人命などを）奪う，主張する the 儀式s of that very 宗教 which they had dared to expose, and to show their 売春婦d 直面するs in the 上院, whilst the 大司教 of Paris, whose 機能（する）／行事 was known to his people only by his 祈りs and benedictions, and his wealth only by his alms, is 軍隊d to abandon his house and to 飛行機で行く from his flock (as from ravenous wolves) because, truly, in the sixteenth century, the 枢機けい／主要な of Lorraine was a 反逆者／反逆する and a 殺害者.*

* This is on the supposition of the truth of the story, but he was not in フラン at the time. One 指名する serves 同様に as another.

Such is the 影響 of the perversion of history by those who, for the same nefarious 目的s, have perverted every other part of learning. But those who will stand upon that elevation of 推論する／理由 which places centuries under our 注目する，もくろむ and brings things to the true point of comparison, which obscures little 指名するs and effaces the colors of little parties, and to which nothing can 上がる but the spirit and moral 質 of human 活動／戦闘s, will say to the teachers of the Palais 王室の: The 枢機けい／主要な of Lorraine was the 殺害者 of the sixteenth century, you have the glory of 存在 the 殺害者s in the eighteenth, and this is the only difference between you. But history in the nineteenth century, better understood and better 雇うd, will, I 信用, teach a civilized posterity to abhor the misdeeds of both these barbarous ages. It will teach 未来 priests and 治安判事s not to 報復する upon the 思索的な and inactive atheists of 未来 times the enormities committed by the 現在の practical zealots and furious fanatics of that wretched error, which, in its quiescent 明言する／公表する, is more than punished whenever it is embraced. It will teach posterity not to make war upon either 宗教 or philosophy for the 乱用 which the hypocrites of both have made of the two most 価値のある blessings conferred upon us by the bounty of the 全世界の／万国共通の Patron, who in all things eminently 好意s and 保護するs the race of man.

If your clergy, or any clergy, should show themselves vicious beyond the fair bounds 許すd to human infirmity, and to those professional faults which can hardly be separated from professional virtues, though their 副／悪徳行為s never can countenance the 演習 of 圧迫, I do 収容する／認める that they would 自然に have the 影響 of abating very much of our indignation against the tyrants who 越える 手段 and 司法（官） in their 罰. I can 許す in clergymen, through all their 分割s, some tenaciousness of their own opinion, some overflowings of zeal for its propagation, some predilection to their own 明言する／公表する and office, some attachment to the 利益／興味s of their own 軍団, some preference to those who listen with docility to their doctrines, beyond those who 軽蔑（する） and deride them. I 許す all this, because I am a man who has to を取り引きする men, and who would not, through a 暴力／激しさ of toleration, run into the greatest of all intolerance. I must 耐える with infirmities until they fester into 罪，犯罪s.

Undoubtedly, the natural 進歩 of the passions, from frailty to 副／悪徳行為, せねばならない be 妨げるd by a watchful 注目する，もくろむ and a 会社／堅い 手渡す. But is it true that the 団体／死体 of your clergy had passed those 限界s of a just allowance? From the general style of your late 出版（物）s of all sorts one would be led to believe that your clergy in フラン were a sort of monsters, a horrible composition of superstition, ignorance, sloth, 詐欺, avarice, and tyranny. But is this true? Is it true that the lapse of time, the 停止 of 相反する 利益／興味s, the woeful experience of the evils resulting from party 激怒（する） have had no sort of 影響（力） 徐々に to meliorate their minds? Is it true that they were daily 新たにするing 侵略s on the civil 力／強力にする, troubling the 国内の 静かな of their country, and （判決などを）下すing the 操作／手術s of its 政府 feeble and 不安定な? Is it true that the clergy of our times have 圧力（をかける）d 負かす／撃墜する the laity with an アイロンをかける 手渡す and were in all places lighting up the 解雇する／砲火／射撃s of a savage 迫害? Did they by every 詐欺 努力する to 増加する their 広い地所s? Did they use to 越える the 予定 需要・要求するs on 広い地所s that were their own? Or, rigidly screwing up 権利 into wrong, did they 変える a 合法的な （人命などを）奪う，主張する into a vexatious ゆすり，強要? When not 所有するd of 力／強力にする, were they filled with the 副／悪徳行為s of those who envy it? Were they inflamed with a violent, litigious spirit of 論争? Goaded on with the ambition of 知識人 主権，独立, were they ready to 飛行機で行く in the 直面する of all magistracy, to 解雇する／砲火／射撃 churches, to 大虐殺 the priests of other descriptions, to pull 負かす／撃墜する altars, and to make their way over the 廃虚s of subverted 政府s to an empire of doctrine, いつかs flattering, いつかs 軍隊ing the 良心s of men from the 裁判権 of public 会・原則s into a submission of their personal 当局, beginning with a （人命などを）奪う，主張する of liberty and ending with an 職権乱用?

These, or some of these, were the 副／悪徳行為s 反対するd, and not wholly without 創立／基礎, to several of the churchmen of former times who belonged to the two 広大な／多数の／重要な parties which then divided and distracted Europe.

If there was in フラン, as in other countries there visibly is, a 広大な／多数の／重要な abatement rather than any 増加する of these 副／悪徳行為s, instead of 負担ing the 現在の clergy with the 罪，犯罪s of other men and the 嫌悪すべき character of other times, in ありふれた 公正，普通株主権 they せねばならない be 賞賛するd, encouraged, and supported in their 出発 from a spirit which 不名誉d their 前任者s, and for having assumed a temper of mind and manners more suitable to their sacred 機能（する）／行事.

When my occasions took me into フラン, toward the の近くに of the late 統治する, the clergy, under all their forms, engaged a かなりの part of my curiosity. So far from finding (except from one 始める，決める of men, not then very 非常に／多数の, though very active) the （民事の）告訴s and discontents against that 団体／死体, which some 出版（物）s had given me 推論する／理由 to 推定する／予想する, I perceived little or no public or 私的な uneasiness on their account. On その上の examination, I 設立する the clergy, in general, persons of 穏健な minds and decorous manners; I 含む the 世俗的なs and the 正規の／正選手s of both sexes. I had not the good fortune to know a 広大な／多数の／重要な many of the parochial clergy, but in general I received a perfectly good account of their morals and of their attention to their 義務s. With some of the higher clergy I had a personal 知識, and of the 残り／休憩（する） in that class a very good means of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）. They were, almost all of them, persons of noble birth. They 似ているd others of their own 階級; and where there was any difference, it was in their 好意. They were more fully educated than the 軍の noblesse, so as by no means to 不名誉 their profession by ignorance or by want of fitness for the 演習 of their 当局. They seemed to me, beyond the clerical character, 自由主義の and open, with the hearts of gentlemen and men of 栄誉（を受ける）, neither insolent nor servile in their manners and 行為／行う. They seemed to me rather a superior class, a 始める，決める of men amongst whom you would not be surprised to find a Fenelon. I saw の中で the clergy in Paris (many of the description are not to be met with anywhere) men of 広大な／多数の／重要な learning and candor; and I had 推論する／理由 to believe that this description was not 限定するd to Paris. What I 設立する in other places I know was 偶発の, and therefore to be 推定するd a fair example. I spent a few days in a 地方の town where, in the absence of the bishop, I passed my evenings with three clergymen, his vicars-general, persons who would have done 栄誉（を受ける） to any church. They were all 井戸／弁護士席 知らせるd; two of them of 深い, general, and 広範囲にわたる erudition, 古代の and modern, oriental and western, 特に in their own profession. They had a more 広範囲にわたる knowledge of our English divines than I 推定する／予想するd, and they entered into the genius of those writers with a 批判的な 正確. One of these gentlemen is since dead, the Abbe Morangis. I 支払う／賃金 this 尊敬の印, without 不本意, to the memory of that noble, reverend, learned, and excellent person; and I should do the same with equal cheerfulness to the 長所s of the others who, I believe, are still living, if I did not 恐れる to 傷つける those whom I am unable to serve.

Some of these ecclesiastics of 階級 are by all 肩書を与えるs persons deserving of general 尊敬（する）・点. They are deserving of 感謝 from me and from many English. If this letter should ever come into their 手渡すs, I hope they will believe there are those of our nation who feel for their unmerited 落ちる and for the cruel 没収 of their fortunes with no ありふれた sensibility. What I say of them is a 証言, as far as one feeble 発言する／表明する can go, which I 借りがある to truth. Whenever the question of this unnatural 迫害 is 関心d, I will 支払う／賃金 it. No one shall 妨げる me from 存在 just and 感謝する. The time is fitted for the 義務, and it is 特に becoming to show our 司法（官） and 感謝 when those who have deserved 井戸／弁護士席 of us and of mankind are laboring under popular obloquy and the 迫害s of oppressive 力／強力にする.

You had before your 革命 about a hundred and twenty bishops. A few of them were men of 著名な sanctity, and charity without 限界. When we talk of the heroic, of course we talk of rare virtue. I believe the instances of 著名な depravity may be as rare amongst them as those of transcendent goodness. Examples of avarice and of licentiousness may be 選ぶd out, I do not question it, by those who delight in the 調査 which leads to such 発見s. A man as old as I am will not be astonished that several, in every description, do not lead that perfect life of self-否定, with regard to wealth or to 楽しみ, which is wished for by all, by some 推定する／予想するd, but by 非，不，無 exacted with more rigor than by those who are the most attentive to their own 利益／興味s, or the most indulgent to their own passions. When I was in フラン, I am 確かな that the number of vicious prelates was not 広大な／多数の／重要な. 確かな individuals の中で them, not distinguishable for the regularity of their lives, made some 修正するs for their want of the 厳しい virtues in their 所有／入手 of the 自由主義の, and were endowed with 質s which made them useful in the church and 明言する／公表する. I am told that, with few exceptions, Louis the Sixteenth had been more attentive to character, in his 昇進／宣伝s to that 階級, than his 即座の 前任者; and I believe (as some spirit of 改革（する） has 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd through the whole 統治する) that it may be true. But the 現在の 判決，裁定 力／強力にする has shown a disposition only to plunder the church. It has punished all prelates, which is to 好意 the vicious, at least in point of 評判. It has made a degrading pensionary 設立 to which no man of 自由主義の ideas or 自由主義の 条件 will 運命にある his children. It must settle into the lowest classes of the people. As with you the inferior clergy are not 非常に／多数の enough for their 義務s; as these 義務s are, beyond 手段, minute and toilsome; as you have left no middle classes of clergy at their 緩和する, in 未来 nothing of science or erudition can 存在する in the Gallican chur ch. To 完全にする the 事業／計画（する） without the least attention to the 権利s of patrons, the 議会 has 供給するd in 未来 an elective clergy, an 協定 which will 運動 out of the clerical profession all men of sobriety, all who can pretend to independence in their 機能（する）／行事 or their 行為／行う, and which will throw the whole direction of the public mind into the 手渡すs of a 始める，決める of licentious, bold, crafty, factious, flattering wretches, of such 条件 and such habits of life as will make their contemptible 年金s (in comparison of which the stipend of an exciseman is lucrative and honorable) an 反対する of low and illiberal intrigue. Those officers whom they still call bishops are to be elected to a 準備／条項 comparatively mean, through the same arts (that is, electioneering arts), by men of all 宗教的な tenets that are known or can be invented. The new lawgivers have not ascertained anything どれでも 関心ing their 資格s 親族 either to doctrine or to morals, no more than they have done with regard to the subordinate clergy; nor does it appear but that both the higher and the lower may, at their discretion, practice or preach any 方式 of 宗教 or irreligion that they please. I do not yet see what the 裁判権 of bishops over their subordinates is to be, or whether they are to have any 裁判権 at all.

In short, Sir, it seems to me that this new ecclesiastical 設立 is ーするつもりであるd only to be 一時的な and 準備の to the utter 廃止, under any of its forms, of the Christian 宗教, whenever the minds of men are 用意が出来ている for this last 一打／打撃 against it, by the 業績／成就 of the 計画（する） for bringing its 大臣s into 全世界の／万国共通の contempt. They who will not believe that the philosophical fanatics who guide in these 事柄s have long entertained such a design are utterly ignorant of their character and 訴訟／進行s. These 熱中している人s do not scruple to avow their opinion that a 明言する／公表する can subsist without any 宗教 better than with one, and that they are able to 供給（する） the place of any good which may be in it by a 事業／計画（する） of their own- すなわち, by a sort of eduction they have imagined, 設立するd in a knowledge of the physical wants of men, progressively carried to an enlightened self-利益／興味 which, when 井戸／弁護士席 understood, they tell us, will identify with an 利益／興味 more 大きくするd and public. The 計画／陰謀 of this education has been long known. Of late they distinguish it (as they have got an 完全に new nomenclature of technical 条件) by the 指名する of a 市民の Education.

I hope their 同志／支持者s in England (to whom I rather せいにする very inconsiderate 行為／行う than the ultimate 反対する in this detestable design) will 後継する neither in the 略奪する of the ecclesiastics, nor in the introduction of a 原則 of popular 選挙 to our bishoprics and parochial cures. This, in the 現在の 条件 of the world, would be the last 汚職 of the church, the utter 廃虚 of the clerical character, the most dangerous shock that the 明言する／公表する ever received through a misunderstood 協定 of 宗教. I know 井戸／弁護士席 enough that the bishoprics and cures under kingly and seignioral patronage, as now they are in England, and as they have been lately in フラン, are いつかs acquired by unworthy methods; but the other 方式 of ecclesiastical canvass 支配するs them infinitely more surely and more 一般に to all the evil arts of low ambition, which, operating on and through greater numbers, will produce mischief in 割合.

Those of you who have robbed the clergy think that they shall easily reconcile their 行為／行う to all Protestant nations, because the clergy, whom they have thus plundered, degraded, and given over to mockery and 軽蔑（する）, are of the Roman カトリック教徒, that is, of their own pretended 説得／派閥. I have no 疑問 that some 哀れな bigots will be 設立する here, 同様に as どこかよそで, who hate sects and parties different from their own more than they love the 実体 of 宗教, and who are more angry with those who 異なる from them in their particular 計画（する）s and systems than displeased with those who attack the 創立／基礎 of our ありふれた hope. These men will 令状 and speak on the 支配する in the manner that is to be 推定する／予想するd from their temper and character. Burnet says that when he was in フラン, in the year 1683, "the method which carried over the men of the finest parts to Popery was this- they brought themselves to 疑問 of the whole Christian 宗教. When that was once done, it seemed a more indifferent thing of what 味方する or form they continued outwardly." If this was then the ecclesiastical 政策 of フラン, it is what they have since but too much 推論する／理由 to repent of. They preferred atheism to a form of 宗教 not agreeable to their ideas. They 後継するd in destroying that form; and atheism has 後継するd in destroying them. I can readily give credit to Burnet's story, because I have 観察するd too much of a 類似の spirit (for a little of it is "much too much") amongst ourselves. The humor, however, is not general.

THE teachers who 改革（する）d our 宗教 in England bore no sort of resemblance to your 現在の 改革（する）ing doctors in Paris. Perhaps they were (like those whom they …に反対するd) rather more than could be wished under the 影響（力） of a party spirit, but they were more sincere 信奉者s, men of the most 熱烈な and exalted piety, ready to die (as some of them did die) like true heroes in 弁護 of their particular ideas of Christianity, as they would with equal fortitude, and more cheerfully, for that 在庫／株 of general truth for the 支店s of which they 競うd with their 血. These men would have 否認するd with horror those wretches who （人命などを）奪う，主張するd a fellowship with them upon no other 肩書を与えるs than those of their having 略奪するd the persons with whom they 持続するd 論争s, and their having despised the ありふれた 宗教 for the 潔白 of which they 発揮するd themselves with a zeal which unequivocally bespoke their highest reverence for the 実体 of that system which they wished to 改革（する）. Many of their 子孫s have 保持するd the same zeal, but (as いっそう少なく engaged in 衝突) with more moderation. They do not forget that 司法（官） and mercy are 相当な parts of 宗教. Impious men do not recommend themselves to their communion by iniquity and cruelty toward any description of their fellow creatures.

We hear these new teachers continually 誇るing of their spirit of toleration. That those persons should 許容する all opinions, who think 非，不，無 to be of estimation, is a 事柄 of small 長所. Equal neglect is not impartial 親切. The 種類 of benevolence which arises from contempt is no true charity. There are in England 豊富 of men who 許容する in the true spirit of toleration. They think the dogmas of 宗教, though in different degrees, are all of moment, and that amongst them there is, as amongst all things of value, a just ground of preference. They 好意, therefore, and they 許容する. They 許容する, not because they despise opinions, but because they 尊敬（する）・点 司法（官）. They would reverently and affectionately 保護する all 宗教s because they love and venerate the 広大な／多数の／重要な 原則 upon which they all agree, and the 広大な／多数の／重要な 反対する to which they are all directed. They begin more and more plainly to discern that we have all a ありふれた 原因（となる）, as against a ありふれた enemy. They will not be so misled by the spirit of 派閥 as not to distinguish what is done in 好意 of their subdivision from those 行為／法令／行動するs of 敵意 which, through some particular description, are 目的（とする）d at the whole 軍団, in which they themselves, under another denomination, are 含むd. It is impossible for me to say what may be the character of every description of men amongst us. But I speak for the greater part; and for them, I must tell you that sacrilege is no part of their doctrine of good 作品; that, so far from calling you into their fellowship on such 肩書を与える, if your professors are 認める to their communion, they must carefully 隠す their doctrine of the lawfulness of the prescription of innocent men; and that they must make restitution of all 盗品 どれでも. Till then they are 非，不，無 of ours.

You may suppose that we do not 認可する your 没収 of the 歳入s of bishops, and deans, and 一時期／支部s, and parochial clergy 所有するing 独立した・無所属 広い地所s arising from land, because we have the same sort of 設立 in England. That 反対, you will say, cannot 持つ／拘留する as to the 没収 of the goods of 修道士s and 修道女s and the 廃止 of their order. It is true that this particular part of your general 没収 does not 影響する／感情 England, as a precedent in point; but the 推論する／理由 暗示するs, and it goes a 広大な／多数の／重要な way. The Long 議会 押収するd the lands of deans and 一時期／支部s in England on the same ideas upon which your 議会 始める，決める to sale the lands of the monastic orders. But it is in the 原則 of 不正 that the danger lies, and not in the description of persons on whom it is first 演習d. I see, in a country very 近づく us, a course of 政策 追求するd which 始める，決めるs 司法（官）, the ありふれた 関心 of mankind, at 反抗. With the 国家の 議会 of フラン 所有／入手 is nothing, 法律 and usage are nothing. I see the 国家の 議会 率直に reprobate the doctrine of prescription, which* one of the greatest of their own lawyers tells us, with 広大な／多数の／重要な truth, is a part of the 法律 of nature. He tells us that the 肯定的な ascertainment of its 限界s, and its 安全 from 侵略, were の中で the 原因（となる）s for which civil society itself has been 学校／設けるd. If prescription be once shaken, no 種類 of 所有物／資産／財産 is 安全な・保証する when it once becomes an 反対する large enough to tempt the cupidity of indigent 力／強力にする. I see a practice perfectly 特派員 to their contempt of this 広大な／多数の／重要な 根底となる part of natural 法律. I see the confiscators begin with bishops and 一時期／支部s, and 修道院s, but I do not see them end there. I see the princes of the 血, who by the oldest usages of that kingdom held large landed 広い地所s, (hardly with the compliment of a 審議) 奪うd of their 所有／入手s and, in lieu of their stable, 独立した・無所属 所有物／資産／財産, 減ずるd to the hope of some 不安定な, charitable 年金 at the pleasu re of an 議会 which of course will 支払う／賃金 little regard to the 権利s of pensioners at 楽しみ when it despises those of 合法的な proprietors. 紅潮／摘発するd with the insolence of their first inglorious victories, and 圧力（をかける）d by the 苦しめるs 原因（となる）d by their lust of unhallowed lucre, disappointed but not discouraged, they have at length 投機・賭けるd 完全に to subvert all 所有物／資産／財産 of all descriptions throughout the extent of a 広大な／多数の／重要な kingdom. They have compelled all men, in all 処理／取引s of 商業, in the 処分 of lands, in civil 取引，協定ing, and through the whole communion of life, to 受託する as perfect 支払い（額） and good and lawful tender the symbols of their 憶測s on a 事業／計画（する）d sale of their plunder. What 痕跡s of liberty or 所有物／資産／財産 have they left? The tenant 権利 of a cabbage garden, a year's 利益／興味 in a hovel, the 好意／親善 of an alehouse or a パン職人's shop, the very 影をつくる／尾行する of a 建設的な 所有物／資産／財産, are more ceremoniously 扱う／治療するd in our 議会 than with you the oldest and most 価値のある landed 所有／入手s, in the 手渡すs of the most respectable personages, or than the whole 団体／死体 of the monied and 商業の 利益／興味 of your country. We entertain a high opinion of the 法律を制定する 当局, but we have never dreamt that 議会s had any 権利 whatever to 侵害する／違反する 所有物／資産／財産, to overrule prescription, or to 軍隊 a 通貨 of their own fiction in the place of that which is real and 認めるd by the 法律 of nations. But you, who began with 辞退するing to 服従させる／提出する to the most 穏健な 抑制s, have ended by 設立するing an unheard-of 先制政治. I find the ground upon which your confiscators go is this: that, indeed, their 訴訟／進行s could not be supported in a 法廷，裁判所 of 司法（官）, but that the 支配するs of prescription cannot 貯蔵所d a 法律を制定する 議会.*(2) So that this 法律を制定する 議会 of a 解放する／自由な nation sits, not for the 安全, but for the 破壊, of 所有物／資産／財産, and not of 所有物／資産／財産 only, but of every 支配する and maxim which can give it 安定, and of those 器具s which can alone give it circula tion.

* Domat.

*(2) Speech of Mr. Camus, published by order of the 国家の 議会.

When the Anabaptists of Munster, in the sixteenth century, had filled Germany with 混乱 by their system of leveling and their wild opinions 関心ing 所有物／資産／財産, to what country in Europe did not the 進歩 of their fury furnish just 原因（となる） of alarm? Of all things, 知恵 is the most terrified with epidemical fanaticism, because of all enemies it is that against which she is the least able to furnish any 肉親，親類d of 資源. We cannot be ignorant of the spirit of atheistical fanaticism that is 奮起させるd by a multitude of writings 分散させるd with incredible assiduity and expense, and by sermons 配達するd in all the streets and places of public 訴える手段／行楽地 in Paris. These writings and sermons have filled the populace with a 黒人／ボイコット and savage 残虐（行為） of mind, which supersedes in them the ありふれた feelings of nature 同様に as all 感情s of morality and 宗教, insomuch that these wretches are induced to 耐える with a sullen patience the intolerable 苦しめるs brought upon them by the violent convulsions and permutations that have been made in 所有物／資産／財産.* The spirit of proselytism …に出席するs this spirit of fanaticism. They have societies to cabal and correspond at home and abroad for the propagation of their tenets. The 共和国 of Berne, one of the happiest, the most 繁栄する, and the best 治める／統治するd countries upon earth, is one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 反対するs at the 破壊 of which they 目的（とする）. I am told they have in some 手段 後継するd in （種を）蒔くing there the seeds of discontent. They are busy throughout Germany. Spain and Italy have not been untried. England is not left out of the 包括的な 計画／陰謀 of their malignant charity; and in England we find those who stretch out their 武器 to them, who recommend their example from more than one pulpit, and who choose in more than one 定期刊行物 会合 公然と to correspond with them, to applaud them, and to 持つ／拘留する them up as 反対するs for imitation; who receive from them 記念品s of confraternity, and 基準s consecrated まっただ中に their 儀式s and mysteries;*(2) who 示唆する to them leagues of perpetual 友好, at the very time when the 力／強力にする to which our 憲法 has 排他的に 委任する／代表d the federative capacity of this kingdom may find it expedient to make war upon them.

* Whether the に引き続いて description is 厳密に true, I know not; but it is what the publishers would have pass for true ーするために animate others. In a letter from Toul, given in one of their papers, is the に引き続いて passage 関心ing the people of that 地区: "Dans la 革命 actuelle, ils ont resiste a toutes les seductions du bigotisme, aux 迫害s, et aux tracasseries des ennemis de la 革命. Oubliant leurs 加える grands interets 注ぐ rendre hommage aux vues d'ordre general qui ont 決定する l'組み立てる／集結する 国家の, ils voient, sans se plaindre, supprimer cette foule detablissemens ecclesiastiques par lesquels ils subsistoient; et meme, en perdant leur 包囲 episcopal, la seule de toutes ces ressources qui pouvoit, ou plutot qui devoit, en toute equite, leur etre 保存する; condamnes a la 加える effrayante misere, sans avoir ete ni pu etre entendus, ils ne murmurent point, ils restent fideles aux principes du 加える pur patriotisme; ils sont encore prets a verser leur sang 注ぐ le maintien de la 憲法, qui va reduire leur ville a la 加える deplorable nullite." These people are not supposed to have 耐えるd those sufferings and 不正s in a struggle for liberty, for the same account 明言する／公表するs truly that they had been always 解放する／自由な; their patience in beggary and 廃虚, and their 苦しむing, without remonstrance, the most 極悪の and 自白するd 不正, if 厳密に true, can be nothing but the 影響 of this 悲惨な fanaticism. A 広大な／多数の／重要な multitude all over フラン is in the same 条件 and the same temper.

*(2) See the 訴訟／進行s of the 連合 at Nantz.

It is not the 没収 of our church 所有物／資産／財産 from this example in フラン that I dread, though I think this would be no trifling evil. The 広大な／多数の／重要な source of my solicitude is, lest it should ever be considered in England as the 政策 of a 明言する／公表する to 捜し出す a 資源 in 没収s of any 肉親，親類d, or that any one description of 国民s should be brought to regard any of the others as their proper prey.* Nations are wading deeper and deeper into an ocean of boundless 負債. Public 負債s, which at first were a 安全 to 政府s by 利益／興味ing many in the public tranquillity, are likely in their 超過 to become the means of their subversion. If 政府s 供給する for these 負債s by 激しい 課税s, they 死なせる／死ぬ by becoming 嫌悪すべき to the people. If they do not 供給する for them, they will be undone by the 成果／努力s of the most dangerous of all parties- I mean an 広範囲にわたる, discontented monied 利益／興味, 負傷させるd and not destroyed. The men who compose this 利益／興味 look for their 安全, in the first instance, to the fidelity of 政府; in the second, to its 力／強力にする. If they find the old 政府s effete, worn out, and with their springs relaxed, so as not to be of 十分な vigor for their 目的s, they may 捜し出す new ones that shall be 所有するd of more energy; and this energy will be derived, not from an 取得／買収 of 資源s, but from a contempt of 司法（官）. 革命s are 都合のよい to 没収; and it is impossible to know under what obnoxious 指名するs the next 没収s will be 権限を与えるd. I am sure that the 原則s predominant in フラン 延長する to very many persons and descriptions of persons, in all countries, who think their innoxious indolence their 安全. This 肉親，親類d of innocence in proprietors may be argued into inutility; and inutility into an unfitness for their 広い地所s. Many parts of Europe are in open disorder. In many others there is a hollow murmuring under ground; a 混乱させるd movement is felt that 脅すs a general 地震 in the political world. Already confederacies and corr espondencies of the most 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の nature are forming in several countries.*(2) In such a 明言する／公表する of things we せねばならない 持つ／拘留する ourselves upon our guard. In all 突然変異s (if 突然変異s must be) the circumstance which will serve most to blunt the 辛勝する／優位 of their mischief and to 促進する what good may be in them is that they should find us with our minds tenacious of 司法（官） and tender of 所有物／資産／財産.

* "Si plures sunt ii quibus improbe datum est, quam illi quibus injuste ademptum est, idcirco 加える etiam valent? 非，不，無 enim numero haec judicantur sed pondere. Quam autem habet aequitatem, ut agrum multis annis, aut etiam saeculis 賭け金 possessum, qui nullum habuit habeat; qui autem habuit amittat? Ac, propter hoc injuriae genus, Lacedaemonii Lysandrum Ephorum expulerunt: Agin regem (quod nunquam antea apud eos acciderat) necaverunt: exque eo tempore tantae discordiae secutae sunt, ut et tyranni existerint, et optimates exterminarentur, et preclarissime constituta respublica dilaberetur. Nec vero solum ipsa cecidit, sed etiam reliquam Graeciam evertit contagionibus malorum, quae a Lacedaemoniis profectae manarunt latius".- After speaking of the 行為／行う of the model of true 愛国者s, Aratus of Sicyon, which was in a very different spirit, he says, "Sic par est agere cum civibus; 非，不，無 ut bis jam vidimus, hastam in foro ponere et bona civium voci subjicere praeconis. At ille Graecus (id quod fuit sapientis et praestantis viri) omnibus consulendum esse putavit: eaque est summa 割合 et sapientia boni civis, commoda civium 非，不，無 divellere, sed omnes eadem aequitate continere." Cic. Off. 1. 2.

*(2) See two 調書をとる／予約するs する権利を与えるd, Einige Originalschriften des Illuminatenordens.- System und Folgen des Illuminatenordens. Munchen, 1787.

But it will be argued that this 没収 in フラン ought not to alarm other nations. They say it is not made from wanton rapacity, that it is a 広大な／多数の／重要な 手段 of 国家の 政策 可決する・採択するd to 除去する an 広範囲にわたる, inveterate, superstitious mischief. It is with the greatest difficulty that I am able to separate 政策 from 司法（官）. 司法（官） itself is the 広大な／多数の／重要な standing 政策 of civil society, and any 著名な 出発 from it, under any circumstances, lies under the 疑惑 of 存在 no 政策 at all.

When men are encouraged to go into a 確かな 方式 of life by the 存在するing 法律s, and 保護するd in that 方式 as in a lawful 占領／職業; when they have 融通するd all their ideas and all their habits to it; when the 法律 had long made their 固守 to its 支配するs a ground of 評判, and their 出発 from them a ground of 不名誉 and even of 刑罰，罰則- I am sure it is 不正な in 立法機関, by an 独断的な 行為／法令／行動する, to 申し込む／申し出 a sudden 暴力／激しさ to their minds and their feelings, 強制的に to degrade them from their 明言する／公表する and 条件 and to stigmatize with shame and infamy that character and those customs which before had been made the 手段 of their happiness and 栄誉（を受ける）. If to this be 追加するd an 追放 from their habitations and a 没収 of all their goods, I am not sagacious enough to discover how this despotic sport, made of the feelings, 良心s, prejudices, and 所有物／資産／財産s of men, can be 差別するd from the rankest tyranny.

If the 不正 of the course 追求するd in フラン be （疑いを）晴らす, the 政策 of the 手段, that is, the public 利益 to be 推定する／予想するd from it, せねばならない be at least as evident and at least as important. To a man who 行為／法令／行動するs under the 影響（力） of no passion, who has nothing in 見解（をとる） in his 事業／計画（する）s but the public good, a 広大な／多数の／重要な difference will すぐに strike him between what 政策 would dictate on the 初めの introduction of such 会・原則s and on a question of their total 廃止, where they have cast their roots wide and 深い, and where, by long habit, things more 価値のある than themselves are so adapted to them, and in a manner interwoven with them, that the one cannot be destroyed without 顕著に impairing the other. He might be embarrassed if the 事例／患者 were really such as sophisters 代表する it in their paltry style of 審議ing. But in this, as in most questions of 明言する／公表する, there is a middle. There is something else than the mere 代案／選択肢 of 絶対の 破壊 or unreformed 存在. Spartam nactus es; hanc exorna. This is, in my opinion, a 支配する of 深遠な sense and ought never to 出発／死 from the mind of an honest 改革者. I cannot conceive how any man can have brought himself to that pitch of presumption to consider his country as nothing but carte blanche - upon which he may scribble whatever he pleases. A man 十分な of warm, 思索的な benevolence may wish his society さもなければ 構成するd than he finds it, but a good 愛国者 and a true 政治家，政治屋 always considers how he shall make the most of the 存在するing 構成要素s of his country. A disposition to 保存する and an ability to 改善する, taken together, would be my 基準 of a 政治家. Everything else is vulgar in the conception, perilous in the 死刑執行.

There are moments in the fortune of 明言する／公表するs when particular men are called to make 改良s by 広大な／多数の／重要な mental exertion. In those moments, even when they seem to enjoy the 信用／信任 of their prince and country, and to be 投資するd with 十分な 当局, they have not always apt 器具s. A 政治家，政治屋, to do 広大な／多数の／重要な things, looks for a 力／強力にする what our workmen call a 購入（する）; and if he finds that 力／強力にする, in politics as in mechanics, he cannot be at a loss to 適用する it. In the monastic 会・原則s, in my opinion, was 設立する a 広大な／多数の／重要な 力／強力にする for the 機械装置 of politic benevolence. There were 歳入s with a public direction; there were men wholly 始める，決める apart and 献身的な to public 目的s, without any other than public 関係 and public 原則s; men without the 可能性 of 変えるing the 広い地所 of the community into a 私的な fortune; men 否定するd to self-利益／興味s, whose avarice is for some community; men to whom personal poverty is 栄誉（を受ける）, and implicit obedience stands in the place of freedom. In vain shall a man look to the 可能性 of making such things when he wants them. The 勝利，勝つd blow as they 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）. These 会・原則s are the 製品s of enthusiasm; they are the 器具s of 知恵. 知恵 cannot create 構成要素s; they are the gifts of nature or of chance; her pride is in the use. The perennial 存在 of 団体／死体s 法人組織の／企業の and their fortunes are things 特に ふさわしい to a man who has long 見解（をとる）s; who meditates designs that 要求する time in fashioning, and which 提案する duration when they are 遂行するd. He is not deserving to 階級 high, or even to be について言及するd in the order of 広大な／多数の／重要な statesmen, who, having 得るd the 命令（する） and direction of such a 力／強力にする as 存在するd in the wealth, the discipline, and the habits of such 会社／団体s, as those which you have rashly destroyed, cannot find any way of 変えるing it to the 広大な／多数の／重要な and 継続している 利益 of his country. On the 見解（をとる） of this 支配する, a thousand uses 示唆する themselves to a contriving mind. To destroy any 力／強力にする growing wild from the 階級 生産力のある fo rce of the human mind is almost tantamount, in the moral world, to the 破壊 of the 明らかに active 所有物／資産／財産s of 団体／死体s in the 構成要素. It would be like the 試みる／企てる to destroy (if it were in our competence to destroy) the expansive 軍隊 of 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 空気／公表する in nitre, or the 力／強力にする of steam, or of electricity, or of magnetism. These energies always 存在するd in nature, and they were always discernible. They seemed, some of them unserviceable, some noxious, some no better than a sport to children, until contemplative ability, 連合させるing with practic 技術, tamed their wild nature, subdued them to use, and （判決などを）下すd them at once the most powerful and the most tractable スパイ／執行官s in subservience to the 広大な／多数の／重要な 見解（をとる）s and designs of men. Did fifty thousand persons whose mental and whose bodily labor you might direct, and so many hundred thousand a year of a 歳入 which was neither lazy nor superstitious, appear too big for your abilities to （権力などを）行使する? Had you no way of using them but by 変えるing 修道士s into pensioners? Had you no way of turning the 歳入 to account but through the improvident 資源 of a spendthrift sale? If you were thus destitute of mental 基金s, the 訴訟／進行 is in its natural course. Your 政治家，政治屋s do not understand their 貿易（する）; and therefore they sell their 道具s.

But the 会・原則s savor of superstition in their very 原則, and they nourish it by a 永久の and standing 影響（力）. This I do not mean to 論争, but this ought not to 妨げる you from deriving from superstition itself any 資源s which may thence be furnished for the public advantage. You derive 利益s from many dispositions and many passions of the human mind which are of as doubtful a color, in the moral 注目する，もくろむ, as superstition itself. It was your 商売／仕事 to 訂正する and mitigate everything which was noxious in this passion, as in all the passions. But is superstition the greatest of all possible 副／悪徳行為s? In its possible 超過 I think it becomes a very 広大な／多数の／重要な evil. It is, however, a moral 支配する and, of course, 収容する／認めるs of all degrees and all modifications. Superstition is the 宗教 of feeble minds; and they must be 許容するd in an intermixture of it, in some trifling or some enthusiastic 形態／調整 or other, else you will 奪う weak minds of a 資源 設立する necessary to the strongest. The 団体／死体 of all true 宗教 consists, to be sure, in obedience to the will of the 君主 of the world, in a 信用／信任 in his 宣言s, and in imitation of his perfections. The 残り／休憩（する） is our own. It may be prejudicial to the 広大な／多数の／重要な end; it may be auxiliary. Wise men, who as such are not admirers (not admirers at least of the Munera Terrae), are not violently 大（公）使館員d to these things, nor do they violently hate them. 知恵 is not the most 厳しい corrector of folly. They are the 競争相手 follies which 相互に 行う so unrelenting a war, and which make so cruel a use of their advantages as they can happen to engage the immoderate vulgar, on the one 味方する or the other, in their quarrels. Prudence would be neuter, but if, in the 論争 between fond attachment and 猛烈な／残忍な 反感 関心ing things in their nature not made to produce such heats, a 慎重な man were 強いるd to make a choice of what errors and 超過s of enthusiasm he would 非難する or 耐える, perhaps he would think the superstition which builds to be mor e tolerable than that which 破壊するs; that which adorns a country, than that which deforms it; that which endows, than that which plunders; that which 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるs to mistaken beneficence, than that which 刺激するs to real 不正; that which leads a man to 辞退する to himself lawful 楽しみs, than that which snatches from others the scanty subsistence of their self-否定. Such, I think, is very nearly the 明言する／公表する of the question between the 古代の 創立者s of monkish superstition and the superstition of the pretended philosophers of the hour.

For the 現在の I 延期する all consideration of the supposed public 利益（をあげる） of the sale, which however I conceive to be perfectly delusive. I shall here only consider it as a 移転 of 所有物／資産／財産. On the 政策 of that 移転 I shall trouble you with a few thoughts.

In every 繁栄する community something more is produced than goes to the 即座の support of the 生産者. This 黒字／過剰 forms the income of the landed 資本主義者. It will be spent by a proprietor who does not labor. But this idleness is itself the spring of labor; this repose the 刺激（する） to 産業. The only 関心 of the 明言する／公表する is that the 資本／首都 taken in rent from the land should be returned again to the 産業 from whence it （機の）カム, and that its 支出 should be with the least possible detriment to the morals of those who expend it, and to those of the people to whom it is returned.

In all the 見解（をとる）s of 領収書, 支出, and personal 雇用, a sober 立法議員 would carefully compare the possessor whom he was recommended to 追放する with the stranger who was 提案するd to fill his place. Before the inconveniences are incurred which must …に出席する all violent 革命s in 所有物／資産／財産 through 広範囲にわたる 没収, we せねばならない have some 合理的な／理性的な 保証／確信 that the purchasers of the 押収するd 所有物／資産／財産 will be in a かなりの degree more laborious, more virtuous, more sober, いっそう少なく 性質の／したい気がして to だまし取る an 不当な 割合 of the 伸び（る）s of the 労働者, or to 消費する on themselves a larger 株 than is fit for the 手段 of an individual; or that they should be qualified to dispense the 黒字／過剰 in a more 安定した and equal 方式, so as to answer the 目的s of a politic 支出, than the old possessors, call those possessors bishops, or canons, or commendatory abbots, or 修道士s, or what you please. The 修道士s are lazy. Be it so. Suppose them no さもなければ 雇うd than by singing in the choir. They are as usefully 雇うd as those who neither sing nor say; as usefully even as those who sing upon the 行う／開催する／段階. They are as usefully 雇うd as if they worked from 夜明け to dark in the innumerable servile, degrading, unseemly, unmanly, and often most unwholesome and pestiferous 占領／職業s to which by the social economy so many wretches are 必然的に doomed. If it were not 一般に pernicious to 乱す the natural course of things and to 妨げる in any degree the 広大な／多数の／重要な wheel of 循環／発行部数 which is turned by the strangely-directed labor of these unhappy people, I should be infinitely more inclined 強制的に to 救助（する） them from their 哀れな 産業 than violently to 乱す the tranquil repose of monastic quietude. Humanity, and perhaps 政策, might better 正当化する me in the one than in the other. It is a 支配する on which I have often 反映するd, and never 反映するd without feeling from it. I am sure that no consideration, except the necessity of submitting to the yoke of 高級な and the despoti sm of fancy, who in their own imperious way will 分配する the 黒字／過剰 製品 of the 国／地域, can 正当化する the toleration of such 貿易（する）s and 雇用s in a 井戸／弁護士席-規制するd 明言する／公表する. But for this 目的 of 配当, it seems to me that the idle expenses of 修道士s are やめる 同様に directed as the idle expenses of us lay-loiterers.

When the advantages of the 所有／入手 and of the 事業／計画（する） are on a par, there is no 動機 for a change. But in the 現在の 事例／患者, perhaps, they are not upon a par, and the difference is in 好意 of the 所有／入手. It does not appear to me that the expenses of those whom you are going to 追放する do in fact take a course so 直接／まっすぐに and so 一般に 主要な to vitiate and degrade and （判決などを）下す 哀れな those through whom they pass as the expenses of those favorites whom you are intruding into their houses. Why should the 支出 of a 広大な／多数の／重要な landed 所有物／資産／財産, which is a dispersion of the 黒字／過剰 製品 of the 国／地域, appear intolerable to you or to me when it takes its course through the accumulation of 広大な libraries, which are the history of the 軍隊 and 証拠不十分 of the human mind; through 広大な／多数の／重要な collections of 古代の 記録，記録的な／記録するs, メダルs, and coins, which attest and explain 法律s and customs; through 絵s and statues that, by imitating nature, seem to 延長する the 限界s of 創造; through grand monuments of the dead, which continue the regards and 関係s of life beyond the 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な; through collections of the 見本／標本s of nature which become a 代表者／国会議員 議会 of all the classes and families of the world that by disposition 容易にする and, by exciting curiosity, open the avenues to science? If by 広大な／多数の／重要な 永久の 設立s all these 反対するs of expense are better 安全な・保証するd from the inconstant sport of personal caprice and personal extravagance, are they worse than if the same tastes 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in scattered individuals? Does not the sweat of the mason and carpenter, who toil ーするために partake of the sweat of the 小作農民, flow as pleasantly and as salubriously in the construction and 修理 of the majestic edifices of 宗教 as in the painted booths and sordid sties of 副／悪徳行為 and 高級な; as honorably and as profitably in 修理ing those sacred 作品 which grow hoary with innumerable years as on the momentary receptacles of transient voluptuousness; in オペラ houses, and 売春宿s, and gaming houses, and club houses, and obelisks in the Champ de 火星? Is the 黒字／過剰 製品 of the olive and the vine worse 雇うd in the frugal sustenance of persons whom the fictions of a pious imagination raise to dignity by construing in the service of God, than in pampering the innumerable multitude of those who are degraded by 存在 made useless 国内のs, subservient to the pride of man? Are the decorations of 寺s an 支出 いっそう少なく worthy a wise man than 略章s, and laces, and 国家の cockades, and petit maisons, and petit soupers, and all the innumerable fopperies and follies in which opulence sports away the 重荷（を負わせる） of its superfluity?

We 許容する even these, not from love of them, but for 恐れる of worse. We 許容する them because 所有物／資産／財産 and liberty, to a degree, 要求する that toleration. But why proscribe the other, and surely, in every point of 見解（をとる）, the more laudable, use of 広い地所s? Why, through the 違反 of all 所有物／資産／財産, through an 乱暴／暴力を加える upon every 原則 of liberty, 強制的に carry them from the better to the worse?

This comparison between the new individuals and the old 軍団 is made upon a supposition that no 改革（する） could be made in the latter. But in a question of reformation I always consider 法人組織の／企業の 団体／死体s, whether 単独の or consisting of many, to be much more susceptible of a public direction by the 力／強力にする of the 明言する／公表する, in the use of their 所有物／資産／財産 and in the 規則 of 方式s and habits of life in their members, than 私的な 国民s ever can be or, perhaps, せねばならない be; and this seems to me a very 構成要素 consideration for those who 請け負う anything which 長所s the 指名する of a politic 企業. - So far as to the 広い地所s of 修道院s.

With regard to the 広い地所s 所有するd by bishops and canons and commendatory abbots, I cannot find out for what 推論する／理由 some landed 広い地所s may not be held さもなければ than by 相続物件. Can any philosophic spoiler 請け負う to 論証する the 肯定的な or the comparative evil of having a 確かな , and that too a large, 部分 of landed 所有物／資産／財産 passing in succession through persons whose 肩書を与える to it is, always in theory and often in fact, an 著名な degree of piety, morals, and learning- a 所有物／資産／財産 which, by its 目的地, in their turn, and on the 得点する／非難する／２０ of 長所, gives to the noblest families 革新 and support, to the lowest the means of dignity and elevation; a 所有物／資産／財産 the 任期 of which is the 業績／成果 of some 義務 (whatever value you may choose to 始める，決める upon that 義務), and the character of whose proprietors 需要・要求するs, at least, an exterior decorum and gravity of manners; who are to 演習 a generous but temperate 歓待; part of whose income they are to consider as a 信用 for charity; and who, even when they fail in their 信用, when they slide from their character and degenerate into a mere ありふれた 世俗的な nobleman or gentleman, are in no 尊敬（する）・点 worse than those who may 後継する them in their 没収されるd 所有／入手s? Is it better that 広い地所s should be held by those who have no 義務 than by those who have one?- by those whose character and 目的地 point to virtues than by those who have no 支配する and direction in the 支出 of their 広い地所s but their own will and appetite? Nor are these 広い地所s held together in the character or with the evils supposed inherent in mortmain. They pass from 手渡す to 手渡す with a more 早い 循環／発行部数 than any other. No 超過 is good; and, therefore, too 広大な／多数の／重要な a 割合 of landed 所有物／資産／財産 may be held 公式に for life; but it does not seem to me of 構成要素 傷害 to any 連邦／共和国 that there should 存在する some 広い地所s that have a chance of 存在 acquired by other means than the previous 取得／買収 of money.

THIS LETTER HAS GROWN to a 広大な／多数の／重要な length, though it is, indeed, short with regard to the infinite extent of the 支配する. さまざまな avocations have from time to time called my mind from the 支配する. I was not sorry to give myself leisure to 観察する whether, in the 訴訟／進行s of the 国家の 議会, I might not find 推論する／理由s to change or to qualify some of my first 感情s. Everything has 確認するd me more 堅固に in my first opinions. It was my 初めの 目的 to take a 見解（をとる） of the 原則s of the 国家の 議会 with regard to the 広大な／多数の／重要な and 根底となる 設立s, and to compare the whole of what you have 代用品，人d in the place of what you have destroyed with the several members of our British 憲法. But this 計画（する） is of a greater extent than at first I 計算するd, and I find that you have little 願望（する） to take the advantage of any examples. At 現在の I must content myself with some 発言／述べるs upon your 設立s, reserving for another time what I 提案するd to say 関心ing the spirit of our British 君主国, aristocracy, and 僕主主義, as 事実上 they 存在する.

I have taken a 見解（をとる） of what has been done by the 治める／統治するing 力／強力にする in フラン. I have certainly spoken of it with freedom. Those whose 原則 it is to despise the 古代の, 永久の sense of mankind and to 始める，決める up a 計画／陰謀 of society on new 原則s must 自然に 推定する／予想する that such of us who think better of the judgment of the human race than of theirs should consider both them and their 装置s as men and 計画／陰謀s upon their 裁判，公判. They must take it for 認めるd that we …に出席する much to their 推論する／理由, but not at all to their 当局. They have not one of the 広大な／多数の／重要な 影響（力）ing prejudices of mankind in their 好意. They avow their 敵意 to opinion. Of course, they must 推定する／予想する no support from that 影響（力） which, with every other 当局, they have 退位させる／宣誓証言するd from the seat of its 裁判権.

I can never consider this 議会 as anything else than a voluntary 協会 of men who have availed themselves of circumstances to 掴む upon the 力／強力にする of the 明言する／公表する. They have not the 許可／制裁 and 当局 of the character under which they first met. They have assumed another of a very different nature and have 完全に altered and inverted all the relations in which they 初めは stood. They do not 持つ／拘留する the 当局 they 演習 under any 憲法の 法律 of the 明言する／公表する. They have 出発／死d from the 指示／教授／教育s of the people by whom they were sent, which 指示／教授／教育s, as the 議会 did not 行為／法令／行動する in virtue of any 古代の usage or settled 法律, were the 単独の source of their 当局. The most かなりの of their 行為／法令／行動するs have not been done by 広大な／多数の／重要な 大多数s; and in this sort of 近づく 分割s, which carry only the 建設的な 当局 of the whole, strangers will consider 推論する／理由s 同様に as 決意／決議s.

If they had 始める，決める up this new 実験の 政府 as a necessary 代用品，人 for an expelled tyranny, mankind would 心配する the time of prescription which, through long usage, mellows into 合法性 政府s that were violent in their 開始／学位授与式. All those who have affections which lead them to the 自然保護 of civil order would 認める, even in its cradle, the child as 合法的 which has been produced from those 原則s of cogent expediency to which all just 政府s 借りがある their birth, and on which they 正当化する their continuance. But they will be late and 気が進まない in giving any sort of countenance to the 操作／手術s of a 力／強力にする which has derived its birth from no 法律 and no necessity, but which, on the contrary, has had its origin in those 副／悪徳行為s and 悪意のある practices by which the social union is often 乱すd and いつかs destroyed. This 議会 has hardly a year's prescription. We have their own word for it that they have made a 革命. To make a 革命 is a 手段 which, prima 前線, 要求するs an 陳謝. To make a 革命 is to subvert the 古代の 明言する／公表する of our country; and no ありふれた 推論する／理由s are called for to 正当化する so violent a 訴訟／進行. The sense of mankind 権限を与えるs us to 診察する into the 方式 of acquiring new 力／強力にする, and to 非難する on the use that is made of it, with いっそう少なく awe and reverence than that which is usually 譲歩するd to a settled and 認めるd 当局.

In 得るing and 安全な・保証するing their 力／強力にする the 議会 proceeds upon 原則s the most opposite to those which appear to direct them in the use of it. An 観察 on this difference will let us into the true spirit of their 行為／行う. Everything which they have done, or continue to do. ーするために 得る and keep their 力／強力にする is by the most ありふれた arts. They proceed 正確に／まさに as their ancestors of ambition have done before them.- Trace them through all their artifices, 詐欺s, and 暴力／激しさs, you can find nothing at all that is new. They follow precedents and examples with the punctilious exactness of a pleader. They never 出発／死 an iota from the authentic 決まり文句／製法s of tyranny and usurpation. But in all the 規則s 親族 to the public good, the spirit has been the very 逆転する of this. There they commit the whole to the mercy of untried 憶測s; they abandon the dearest 利益／興味s of the public to those loose theories to which 非，不，無 of them would choose to 信用 the slightest of his 私的な 関心s. They make this difference, because in their 願望（する） of 得るing and 安全な・保証するing 力／強力にする they are 完全に in earnest; there they travel in the beaten road. The public 利益／興味s, because about them they have no real solicitude, they abandon wholly to chance; I say to chance, because their 計画／陰謀s have nothing in experience to 証明する their 傾向 有益な.

We must always see with a pity not unmixed with 尊敬（する）・点 the errors of those who are timid and doubtful of themselves with regard to points wherein the happiness of mankind is 関心d. But in these gentlemen there is nothing of the tender, parental solicitude which 恐れるs to 削減（する） up the 幼児 for the sake of an 実験. In the vastness of their 約束s and the 信用／信任 of their 予測s, they far outdo all the 誇るing of empirics. The arrogance of their pretensions in a manner 刺激するs and challenges us to an 調査 into their 創立／基礎.

I AM 納得させるd that there are men of かなりの parts の中で the popular leaders in the 国家の 議会. Some of them 陳列する，発揮する eloquence in their speeches and their writings. This cannot be without powerful and cultivated talents. But eloquence may 存在する without a proportionable degree of 知恵. When I speak of ability, I am 強いるd to distinguish. What they have done toward the support of their system bespeaks no ordinary men. In the system itself, taken as the 計画／陰謀 of a 共和国 建設するd for procuring the 繁栄 and 安全 of the 国民, and for 促進するing the strength and grandeur of the 明言する／公表する, I 自白する myself unable to find out anything which 陳列する，発揮するs in a 選び出す／独身 instance the work of a 包括的な and 配置する／処分する／したい気持ちにさせるing mind or even the 準備／条項s of a vulgar prudence. Their 目的 everywhere seems to have been to 避ける and slip aside from difficulty. This it has been the glory of the 広大な／多数の／重要な masters in all the arts to 直面する, and to 打ち勝つ; and when they had 打ち勝つ the first difficulty, to turn it into an 器具 for new conquests over new difficulties, thus to enable them to 延長する the empire of their science and even to 押し進める 今後, beyond the reach of their 初めの thoughts, the 目印s of the human understanding itself. Difficulty is a 厳しい 指導者, 始める，決める over us by the 最高の 法令／条例 of a parental 後見人 and 立法議員, who knows us better than we know ourselves, as he loves us better, too. Pater ipse colendi haud facilem esse viam voluit. He that 格闘するs with us 強化するs our 神経s and sharpens our 技術. Our antagonist is our helper. This 友好的な 衝突 with difficulty 強いるs us to an intimate 知識 with our 反対する and 強要するs us to consider it in all its relations. It will not 苦しむ us to be superficial. It is the want of 神経s of understanding for such a 仕事, it is the degenerate fondness for tricking shortcuts and little fallacious 施設s that has in so many parts of the world created 政府s with 独断的な 力／強力にするs. They have created the late 独断的な 君主国 of フラン. They have created the 独断的な 共和国 of Paris. With them defects in 知恵 are to be 供給（する）d by the plenitude of 軍隊. They get nothing by it. 開始するing their labors on a 原則 of sloth, they have the ありふれた fortune of slothful men. The difficulties, which they rather had eluded than escaped, 会合，会う them again in their course; they multiply and thicken on them; they are 伴う／関わるd, through a 迷宮／迷路 of 混乱させるd 詳細（に述べる）, in an 産業 without 限界 and without direction; and, in 結論, the whole of their work becomes feeble, vicious, and insecure.

It is this 無（不）能 to 格闘する with difficulty which has 強いるd the 独断的な 議会 of フラン to 開始する their 計画／陰謀s of 改革（する） with 廃止 and total 破壊.* But is it in destroying and pulling 負かす／撃墜する that 技術 is 陳列する，発揮するd? Your 暴徒 can do this 同様に at least as your 議会s. The shallowest understanding, the rudest 手渡す is more than equal to that 仕事. 激怒（する） and frenzy will pull 負かす／撃墜する more in half an hour than prudence, 審議, and foresight can build up in a hundred years. The errors and defects of old 設立s are 明白な and palpable. It calls for little ability to point them out; and where 絶対の 力／強力にする is given, it 要求するs but a word wholly to 廃止する the 副／悪徳行為 and the 設立 together. The same lazy but restless disposition which loves sloth and hates 静かな directs the 政治家，政治屋s when they come to work for 供給（する）ing the place of what they have destroyed. To make everything the 逆転する of what they have seen is やめる as 平易な as to destroy. No difficulties occur in what has never been tried. 批評 is almost baffled in discovering the defects of what has not 存在するd; and eager enthusiasm and cheating hope have all the wide field of imagination in which they may expatiate with little or no 対立.

* A 主要な member of the 議会, M. Rabaud de St. Etienne, has 表明するd the 原則 of all their 訴訟／進行s as 明確に as possible- Nothing can be more simple: "Tous les etablissemens en フラン couronnent le malheur du peuple: 注ぐ le rendre heureux il faut le renouveler; changer ses idees; changer ses loix; changer ses moeurs;... changer les hommes; changer les choses; changer les mots... tout detruire; oui, tout detruire; puisque tout est a recreer". This gentleman was chosen 大統領，／社長 in an 議会 not sitting at the Quinze-vingt, or the Petits Maisons; and composed of persons giving themselves out to be 合理的な／理性的な 存在s; but neither his ideas, language, or 行為／行う, 異なる in the smallest degree from the discourses, opinions, and 活動／戦闘s of those within and without the 議会, who direct the 操作／手術s of the machine now at work in フラン.

At once to 保存する and to 改革（する） is やめる another thing. When the useful parts of an old 設立 are kept, and what is superadded is to be fitted to what is 保持するd, a vigorous mind, 安定した, persevering attention, さまざまな 力／強力にするs of comparison and combination, and the 資源s of an understanding 実りの多い／有益な in expedients are to be 演習d; they are to be 演習d in a continued 衝突 with the 連合させるd 軍隊 of opposite 副／悪徳行為s, with the obstinacy that 拒絶するs all 改良 and the levity that is 疲労，（軍の）雑役d and disgusted with everything of which it is in 所有／入手. But you may 反対する- "A 過程 of this 肉親，親類d is slow. It is not fit for an 議会 which glories in 成し遂げるing in a few months the work of ages. Such a 方式 of 改革（する）ing, かもしれない, might （問題を）取り上げる many years". Without question it might; and it ought. It is one of the excellences of a method in which time is amongst the assistants, that its 操作／手術 is slow and in some 事例／患者s almost imperceptible. If circumspection and 警告を与える are a part of 知恵 when we work only upon inanimate 事柄, surely they become a part of 義務, too, when the 支配する of our demolition and construction is not brick and 木材／素質 but sentient 存在s, by the sudden alteration of whose 明言する／公表する, 条件, and habits multitudes may be （判決などを）下すd 哀れな. But it seems as if it were the 流布している opinion in Paris that an unfeeling heart and an undoubting 信用／信任 are the 単独の 資格s for a perfect 立法議員. Far different are my ideas of that high office. The true lawgiver せねばならない have a heart 十分な of sensibility. He せねばならない love and 尊敬（する）・点 his 肉親，親類d, and to 恐れる himself. It may be 許すd to his temperament to catch his ultimate 反対する with an intuitive ちらりと見ること, but his movements toward it せねばならない be 審議する／熟考する. Political 協定, as it is a work for social ends, is to be only wrought by social means. There mind must conspire with mind. Time is 要求するd to produce that union of minds which alone can produce all the good we 目的（とする） at. Our patience will 達成する more t han our 軍隊. If I might 投機・賭ける to 控訴，上告 to what is so much out of fashion in Paris, I mean to experience, I should tell you that in my course I have known and, によれば my 手段, have co-operated with 広大な／多数の／重要な men; and I have never yet seen any 計画（する） which has not been mended by the 観察 of those who were much inferior in understanding to the person who took the lead in the 商売／仕事. By a slow but 井戸／弁護士席-支えるd 進歩 the 影響 of each step is watched; the good or ill success of the first gives light to us in the second; and so, from light to light, we are 行為／行うd with safety through the whole series. We see that the parts of the system do not 衝突／不一致. The evils latent in the most 約束ing contrivances are 供給するd for as they arise. One advantage is as little as possible sacrificed to another. We 補償する, we reconcile, we balance. We are enabled to 部隊 into a 一貫した whole the さまざまな anomalies and 競うing 原則s that are 設立する in the minds and 事件／事情／状勢s of men. From hence arises, not an excellence in 簡単, but one far superior, an excellence in composition. Where the 広大な／多数の／重要な 利益／興味s of mankind are 関心d through a long succession of 世代s, that succession せねばならない be 認める into some 株 in the 会議s which are so 深く，強烈に to 影響する／感情 them. If 司法（官） 要求するs this, the work itself 要求するs the 援助（する） of more minds than one age can furnish. It is from this 見解（をとる） of things that the best 立法議員s have been often 満足させるd with the 設立 of some sure, solid, and 判決，裁定 原則 in 政府 - a 力／強力にする like that which some of the philosophers have called a plastic nature; and having 直す／買収する，八百長をするd the 原則, they have left it afterwards to its own 操作／手術.

To proceed in this manner, that is, to proceed with a 統括するing 原則 and a prolific energy is with me the criterion of 深遠な 知恵. What your 政治家，政治屋s think the 示すs of a bold, hardy genius are only proofs of a deplorable want of ability. By their violent haste and their 反抗 of the 過程 of nature, they are 配達するd over blindly to every projector and adventurer, to every alchemist and empiric. They despair of turning to account anything that is ありふれた. 国会 is nothing in their system of 治療（薬）. The worst of it is that this their despair of curing ありふれた distempers by 正規の／正選手 methods arises not only from defect of comprehension but, I 恐れる, from some malignity of disposition. Your 立法議員s seem to have taken their opinions of all professions, 階級s, and offices from the declamations and buffooneries of satirists; who would themselves be astonished if they were held to the letter of their own descriptions. By listening only to these, your leaders regard all things only on the 味方する of their 副／悪徳行為s and faults, and 見解（をとる） those 副／悪徳行為s and faults under every color of exaggeration. It is undoubtedly true, though it may seem paradoxical; but in general, those who are habitually 雇うd in finding and 陳列する，発揮するing faults are unqualified for the work of reformation, because their minds are not only unfurnished with patterns of the fair and good, but by habit they come to take no delight in the contemplation of those things. By hating 副／悪徳行為s too much, they come to love men too little. It is, therefore, not wonderful that they should be indisposed and unable to serve them. From hence arises the complexional disposition of some of your guides to pull everything in pieces. At this malicious game they 陳列する，発揮する the whole of their quadrimanous activity. As to the 残り／休憩（する）, the paradoxes of eloquent writers, brought 前へ／外へ 純粋に as a sport of fancy to try their talents, to rouse attention and excite surprise, are taken up by these gentlemen, not in the spirit of the 初めの authors, as means of cultivating their ta ste and 改善するing their style. These paradoxes become with them serious grounds of 活動／戦闘 upon which they proceed in 規制するing the most important 関心s of the 明言する／公表する. Cicero ludicrously 述べるs Cato as 努力するing to 行為／法令／行動する, in the 連邦／共和国, upon the school paradoxes which 演習d the wits of the junior students in the Stoic philosophy. If this was true of Cato, these gentlemen copy after him in the manner of some persons who lived about his time- pede nudo Catonem. Mr. Hume told me that he had from Rousseau himself the secret of his 原則s of composition. That 激烈な／緊急の though eccentric 観察者／傍聴者 had perceived that to strike and 利益／興味 the public the marvelous must be produced; that the marvelous of the heathen mythology had long since lost its 影響; that the 巨大（な）s, magicians, fairies, and heroes of romance which 後継するd had exhausted the 部分 of credulity which belonged to their age; that now nothing was left to the writer but that 種類 of the marvelous which might still be produced, and with as 広大な／多数の／重要な an 影響 as ever, though in another way; that is, the marvelous in life, in manners, in characters, and in 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の 状況／情勢s, giving rise to new and unlooked-for 一打／打撃s in politics and morals. I believe that were Rousseau alive and in one of his lucid intervals, he would be shocked at the practical frenzy of his scholars, who in their paradoxes are servile imitators, and even in their incredulity discover an implicit 約束.

Men who 請け負う かなりの things, even in a 正規の／正選手 way, せねばならない give us ground to 推定する ability. But the 内科医 of the 明言する／公表する who, not 満足させるd with the cure of distempers, 請け負うs to regenerate 憲法s せねばならない show uncommon 力／強力にするs. Some very unusual 外見s of 知恵 せねばならない 陳列する，発揮する themselves on the 直面する of the designs of those who 控訴，上告 to no practice, and who copy after no model. Has any such been manifested? I shall take a 見解（をとる） (it shall for the 支配する be a very short one) of what the 議会 has done with regard, first, to the 憲法 of the 立法機関; in the next place, to that of the (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 力／強力にする; then to that of the judicature; afterwards to the model of the army; and 結論する with the system of 財政／金融; to see whether we can discover in any part of their 計画／陰謀s the portentous ability which may 正当化する these bold undertakers in the 優越 which they assume over mankind.

[Continued in とじ込み／提出する 3]