IT MAY NOT BE UNNECESSARY to 知らせる the reader that the に引き続いて Reflections had their origin in a correspondence between the Author and a very young gentleman at Paris, who did him the 栄誉（を受ける） of 願望（する）ing his opinion upon the important 処理／取引s which then, and ever since, have so much 占領するd the attention of all men. An answer was written some time in the month of October 1789, but it was kept 支援する upon prudential considerations. That letter is alluded to in the beginning of the に引き続いて sheets. It has been since 今後d to the person to whom it was 演説（する）／住所d. The 推論する／理由s for the 延期する in sending it were 割り当てるd in a short letter to the same gentleman. This produced on his part a new and 圧力（をかける）ing 使用／適用 for the Author's 感情s.

The Author began a second and more 十分な discussion on the 支配する. This he had some thoughts of publishing 早期に in the last spring; but, the 事柄 伸び（る）ing upon him, he 設立する that what he had undertaken not only far 越えるd the 手段 of a letter, but that its importance 要求するd rather a more 詳細（に述べる）d consideration than at that time he had any leisure to bestow upon it. However, having thrown 負かす／撃墜する his first thoughts in the form of a letter, and, indeed, when he sat 負かす／撃墜する to 令状, having ーするつもりであるd it for a 私的な letter, he 設立する it difficult to change the form of 演説（する）／住所 when his 感情s had grown into a greater extent and had received another direction. A different 計画（する）, he is sensible, might be more 都合のよい to a commodious 分割 and 配当 of his 事柄.

DEAR SIR,

You are pleased to call again, and with some earnestness, for my thoughts on the late 訴訟／進行s in フラン. I will not give you 推論する／理由 to imagine that I think my 感情s of such value as to wish myself to be solicited about them. They are of too little consequence to be very anxiously either communicated or withheld. It was from attention to you, and to you only, that I hesitated at the time when you first 願望（する）d to receive them. In the first letter I had the 栄誉（を受ける） to 令状 to you, and which at length I send, I wrote neither for, nor from, any description of men, nor shall I in this. My errors, if any, are my own. My 評判 alone is to answer for them.

You see, Sir, by the long letter I have transmitted to you, that though I do most heartily wish that フラン may be animated by a spirit of 合理的な／理性的な liberty, and that I think you bound, in all honest 政策, to 供給する a 永久の 団体／死体 in which that spirit may reside, and an effectual 組織／臓器 by which it may 行為／法令／行動する, it is my misfortune to entertain 広大な／多数の／重要な 疑問s 関心ing several 構成要素 points in your late 処理／取引s.

YOU IMAGINED, WHEN YOU WROTE LAST, that I might かもしれない be reckoned の中で the approvers of 確かな 訴訟／進行s in フラン, from the solemn public 調印（する） of 許可／制裁 they have received from two clubs of gentlemen in London, called the 憲法の Society and the 革命 Society.

I certainly have the 栄誉（を受ける） to belong to more clubs than one, in which the 憲法 of this kingdom and the 原則s of the glorious 革命 are held in high reverence, and I reckon myself の中で the most 今後 in my zeal for 持続するing that 憲法 and those 原則s in their 最大の 潔白 and vigor. It is because I do so, that I think it necessary for me that there should be no mistake. Those who cultivate the memory of our 革命 and those who are 大（公）使館員d to the 憲法 of this kingdom will take good care how they are 伴う／関わるd with persons who, under the pretext of zeal toward the 革命 and 憲法, too frequently wander from their true 原則s and are ready on every occasion to 出発／死 from the 会社／堅い but 用心深い and 審議する／熟考する spirit which produced the one, and which 統括するs in the other. Before I proceed to answer the more 構成要素 particulars in your letter, I shall beg leave to give you such （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） as I have been able to 得る of the two clubs which have thought proper, as 団体／死体s, to 干渉する in the 関心s of フラン, first 保証するing you that I am not, and that I have never been, a member of either of those societies.

The first, calling itself the 憲法の Society, or Society for 憲法の （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状）, or by some such 肩書を与える, is, I believe, of seven or eight years standing. The 会・原則 of this society appears to be of a charitable and so far of a laudable nature; it was ーするつもりであるd for the 循環／発行部数, at the expense of the members, of many 調書をとる／予約するs which few others would be at the expense of buying, and which might 嘘（をつく） on the 手渡すs of the booksellers, to the 広大な／多数の／重要な loss of an useful 団体／死体 of men. Whether the 調書をとる／予約するs, so charitably 循環させるd, were ever as charitably read is more than I know. かもしれない several of them have been 輸出（する）d to フラン and, like goods not in request here, may with you have 設立する a market. I have heard much talk of the lights to be drawn from 調書をとる／予約するs that are sent from hence. What 改良s they have had in their passage (as it is said some アルコール飲料s are meliorated by crossing the sea) I cannot tell; but I never heard a man of ありふれた judgment or the least degree of （警察などへの）密告，告訴（状） speak a word in 賞賛する of the greater part of the 出版（物）s 循環させるd by that society, nor have their 訴訟／進行s been accounted, except by some of themselves, as of any serious consequence.

Your 国家の 議会 seems to entertain much the same opinion that I do of this poor charitable club. As a nation, you reserved the whole 在庫／株 of your eloquent acknowledgments for the 革命 Society, when their fellows in the 憲法の were, in 公正，普通株主権, する権利を与えるd to some 株. Since you have selected the 革命 Society as the 広大な／多数の／重要な 反対する of your 国家の thanks and 賞賛するs, you will think me excusable in making its late 行為／行う the 支配する of my 観察s. The 国家の 議会 of フラン has given importance to these gentlemen by 可決する・採択するing them; and they return the 好意 by 事実上の／代理 as a 委員会 in England for 延長するing the 原則s of the 国家の 議会. Henceforward we must consider them as a 肉親，親類d of 特権d persons, as no inconsiderable members in the 外交の 団体／死体. This is one の中で the 革命s which have given splendor to obscurity, and distinction to undiscerned 長所. Until very lately I do not recollect to have heard of this club. I am やめる sure that it never 占領するd a moment of my thoughts, nor, I believe, those of any person out of their own 始める，決める. I find, upon 調査, that on the 周年記念日 of the 革命 in 1688, a club of dissenters, but of what denomination I know not, have long had the custom of 審理，公聴会 a sermon in one of their churches; and that afterwards they spent the day cheerfully, as other clubs do, at the tavern. But I never heard that any public 手段 or political system, much いっそう少なく that the 長所s of the 憲法 of any foreign nation, had been the 支配する of a formal 訴訟／進行 at their festivals, until, to my inexpressible surprise, I 設立する them in a sort of public capacity, by a 祝賀の 演説（する）／住所, giving an 権威のある 許可／制裁 to the 訴訟／進行s of the 国家の 議会 in フラン.

In the 古代の 原則s and 行為／行う of the club, so far at least as they were 宣言するd, I see nothing to which I could take exception. I think it very probable that for some 目的 new members may have entered の中で them, and that some truly Christian 政治家，政治屋s, who love to dispense 利益s but are careful to 隠す the 手渡す which 分配するs the 施し物, may have made them the 器具s of their pious designs. Whatever I may have 推論する／理由 to 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う 関心ing 私的な 管理／経営, I shall speak of nothing as of a certainty but what is public.

For one, I should be sorry to be thought, 直接／まっすぐに or 間接に, 関心d in their 訴訟／進行s. I certainly take my 十分な 株, along with the 残り／休憩（する） of the world, in my individual and 私的な capacity, in 推測するing on what has been done or is doing on the public 行う／開催する／段階 in any place 古代の or modern; in the 共和国 of Rome or the 共和国 of Paris; but having no general apostolical 使節団, 存在 a 国民 of a particular 明言する／公表する and 存在 bound up, in a かなりの degree, by its public will, I should think it at least 妥当でない and 不規律な for me to open a formal public correspondence with the actual 政府 of a foreign nation, without the 表明する 当局 of the 政府 under which I live.

I should be still more unwilling to enter into that correspondence under anything like an equivocal description, which to many, unacquainted with our usages, might make the 演説（する）／住所, in which I joined, appear as the 行為／法令／行動する of persons in some sort of 法人組織の／企業の capacity 定評のある by the 法律s of this kingdom and 権限を与えるd to speak the sense of some part of it. On account of the ambiguity and 不確定 of unauthorized general descriptions, and of the deceit which may be practiced under them, and not from mere 形式順守, the House of ありふれたs would 拒絶する the most こそこそ動くing 嘆願（書） for the most trifling 反対する, under that 方式 of 署名 to which you have thrown open the 倍のing doors of your presence 議会, and have 勧めるd into your 国家の 議会 with as much 儀式 and parade, and with as 広大な／多数の／重要な a bustle of 賞賛, as if you have been visited by the whole 代表者／国会議員 majesty of the whole English nation. If what this society has thought proper to send 前へ／外へ had been a piece of argument, it would have 示す little whose argument it was. It would be neither the more nor the いっそう少なく 納得させるing on account of the party it （機の）カム from. But this is only a 投票（する） and 決意／決議. It stands 単独で on 当局; and in this 事例／患者 it is the mere 当局 of individuals, few of whom appear. Their 署名s ought, in my opinion, to have been 別館d to their 器具. The world would then have the means of knowing how many they are; who they are; and of what value their opinions may be, from their personal abilities, from their knowledge, their experience, or their lead and 当局 in this 明言する／公表する. To me, who am but a plain man, the 訴訟／進行 looks a little too 精製するd and too ingenious; it has too much the 空気／公表する of a political strategem 可決する・採択するd for the sake of giving, under a high-sounding 指名する, an importance to the public 宣言s of this club which, when the 事柄 （機の）カム to be closely 検査／視察するd, they did not altogether so 井戸／弁護士席 deserve. It is a 政策 that has very much the complexion of a 詐欺.

I flatter myself that I love a manly, moral, 規制するd liberty 同様に as any gentleman of that society, be he who he will; and perhaps I have given as good proofs of my attachment to that 原因（となる） in the whole course of my public 行為／行う. I think I envy liberty as little as they do to any other nation. But I cannot stand 今後 and give 賞賛する or 非難する to anything which relates to human 活動／戦闘s, and human 関心s, on a simple 見解（をとる） of the 反対する, as it stands stripped of every relation, in all the nakedness and 孤独 of metaphysical abstraction. Circumstances (which with some gentlemen pass for nothing) give in reality to every political 原則 its distinguishing color and 差別するing 影響. The circumstances are what （判決などを）下す every civil and political 計画／陰謀 有益な or noxious to mankind. Abstractedly speaking, 政府, 同様に as liberty, is good; yet could I, in ありふれた sense, ten years ago, have felicitated フラン on her enjoyment of a 政府 (for she then had a 政府) without 調査 what the nature of that 政府 was, or how it was 治めるd? Can I now congratulate the same nation upon its freedom? Is it because liberty in the abstract may be classed amongst the blessings of mankind, that I am 本気で to felicitate a madman, who has escaped from the 保護するing 抑制 and wholesome 不明瞭 of his 独房, on his 復古／返還 to the enjoyment of light and liberty? Am I to congratulate a highwayman and 殺害者 who has broke 刑務所，拘置所 upon the 回復 of his natural 権利s? This would be to 行為／法令／行動する over again the scene of the 犯罪のs 非難するd to the galleys, and their heroic deliverer, the metaphysic Knight of the Sorrowful Countenance.

When I see the spirit of liberty in 活動／戦闘, I see a strong 原則 at work; and this, for a while, is all I can かもしれない know of it. The wild gas, the 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 空気／公表する, is plainly broke loose; but we せねばならない 一時停止する our judgment until the first effervescence is a little 沈下するd, till the アルコール飲料 is （疑いを）晴らすd, and until we see something deeper than the agitation of a troubled and frothy surface. I must be tolerably sure, before I 投機・賭ける 公然と to congratulate men upon a blessing, that they have really received one. Flattery corrupts both the receiver and the giver, and adulation is not of more service to the people than to kings. I should, therefore, 一時停止する my congratulations on the new liberty of フラン until I was 知らせるd how it had been 連合させるd with 政府, with public 軍隊, with the discipline and obedience of armies, with the collection of an 効果的な and 井戸／弁護士席-分配するd 歳入, with morality and 宗教, with the solidity of 所有物／資産／財産, with peace and order, with civil and social manners. All these (in their way) are good things, too, and without them liberty is not a 利益 whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long. The 影響 of liberty to individuals is that they may do what they please; we せねばならない see what it will please them to do, before we 危険 congratulations which may be soon turned into （民事の）告訴s. Prudence would dictate this in the 事例／患者 of separate, 絶縁するd, 私的な men, but liberty, when men 行為／法令／行動する in 団体／死体s, is 力／強力にする. Considerate people, before they 宣言する themselves, will 観察する the use which is made of 力／強力にする and 特に of so trying a thing as new 力／強力にする in new persons of whose 原則s, tempers, and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in 状況／情勢s where those who appear the most stirring in the scene may かもしれない not be the real movers.

ALL these considerations, however, were below the transcendental dignity of the 革命 Society. Whilst I continued in the country, from whence I had the 栄誉（を受ける） of 令状ing to you, I had but an imperfect idea of their 処理／取引s. On my coming to town, I sent for an account of their 訴訟／進行s, which had been published by their 当局, 含む／封じ込めるing a sermon of Dr. Price, with the Duke de Rochefoucault's and the 大司教 of Aix's letter, and several other 文書s 別館d. The whole of that 出版（物）, with the manifest design of connecting the 事件／事情／状勢s of フラン with those of England by 製図／抽選 us into an imitation of the 行為／行う of the 国家の 議会, gave me a かなりの degree of uneasiness. The 影響 of that 行為／行う upon the 力／強力にする, credit, 繁栄, and tranquility of フラン became every day more evident. The form of 憲法 to be settled for its 未来 polity became more （疑いを）晴らす. We are now in a 条件 to discern, with tolerable exactness, the true nature of the 反対する held up to our imitation. If the prudence of reserve and decorum dictates silence in some circumstances, in others prudence of a higher order may 正当化する us in speaking our thoughts. The beginnings of 混乱 with us in England are at 現在の feeble enough, but, with you, we have seen an 幼少／幼藍期 still more feeble growing by moments into a strength to heap mountains upon mountains and to 行う war with heaven itself. Whenever our neighbor's house is on 解雇する／砲火／射撃, it cannot be amiss for the engines to play a little on our own. Better to be despised for too anxious 逮捕s than 廃虚d by too 確信して a 安全.

Solicitous 主として for the peace of my own country, but by no means unconcerned for yours, I wish to communicate more 大部分は what was at first ーするつもりであるd only for your 私的な satisfaction. I shall still keep your 事件／事情／状勢s in my 注目する，もくろむ and continue to 演説（する）／住所 myself to you. Indulging myself in the freedom of epistolary intercourse, I beg leave to throw out my thoughts and 表明する my feelings just as they arise in my mind, with very little attention to formal method. I 始める，決める out with the 訴訟／進行s of the 革命 Society, but I shall not 限定する myself to them. Is it possible I should? It appears to me as if I were in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 危機, not of the 事件／事情／状勢s of フラン alone, but of all Europe, perhaps of more than Europe. All circumstances taken together, the French 革命 is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world. The most wonderful things are brought about, in many instances by means the most absurd and ridiculous, in the most ridiculous 方式s, and 明らかに by the most contemptible 器具s. Everything seems out of nature in this strange 大混乱 of levity and ferocity, and of all sorts of 罪，犯罪s jumbled together with all sorts of follies. In 見解（をとる）ing this monstrous tragicomic scene, the most opposite passions やむを得ず 後継する and いつかs mix with each other in the mind: 補欠／交替の／交替する contempt and indignation, 補欠／交替の／交替する laughter and 涙／ほころびs, 補欠／交替の／交替する 軽蔑（する） and horror.

It cannot, however, be 否定するd that to some this strange scene appeared in やめる another point of 見解（をとる）. Into them it 奮起させるd no other 感情s than those of exultation and rapture. They saw nothing in what has been done in フラン but a 会社／堅い and temperate exertion of freedom, so 一貫した, on the whole, with morals and with piety as to make it deserving not only of the 世俗的な 賞賛 of dashing Machiavellian 政治家，政治屋s, but to （判決などを）下す it a fit 主題 for all the devout effusions of sacred eloquence.

On the forenoon of the fourth of November last, Doctor Richard Price, a 非，不，無-適合するing 大臣 of eminence, preached, at the dissenting 会合 house of the Old Jewry, to his club or society, a very 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の miscellaneous sermon, in which there are some good moral and 宗教的な 感情s, and not ill 表明するd, mixed up in a sort of porridge of さまざまな political opinions and reflections; but the 革命 in フラン is the grand 成分 in the cauldron. I consider the 演説（する）／住所 transmitted by the 革命 Society to the 国家の 議会, through Earl Stanhope, as 起こる／始まるing in the 原則s of the sermon and as a corollary from them. It was moved by the preacher of that discourse. It was passed by those who （機の）カム reeking from the 影響 of the sermon without any 非難 or 資格, 表明するd or 暗示するd. If, however, any of the gentlemen 関心d shall wish to separate the sermon from the 決意／決議, they know how to 認める the one and to 否認する the other. They may do it: I cannot.

For my part, I looked on that sermon as the public 宣言 of a man much connected with literary caballers and intriguing philosophers, with political theologians and theological 政治家，政治屋s both at home and abroad. I know they 始める，決める him up as a sort of oracle, because, with the best 意向s in the world, he 自然に philippizes and 詠唱するs his prophetic song in exact unison with their designs.

That sermon is in a 緊張する which I believe has not been heard in this kingdom, in any of the pulpits which are 許容するd or encouraged in it, since the year 1648, when a 前任者 of Dr. Price, the Rev. Hugh Peters, made the 丸天井 of the king's own chapel at St. James's （犯罪の）一味 with the 栄誉（を受ける） and 特権 of the saints, who, with the "high 賞賛するs of God in their mouths, and a two-辛勝する／優位d sword in their 手渡すs, were to 遂行する／発効させる judgment on the heathen, and 罰s upon the people; to 貯蔵所d their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of アイロンをかける".* Few harangues from the pulpit, except in the days of your league in フラン or in the days of our Solemn League and Covenant in England, have ever breathed いっそう少なく of the spirit of moderation than this lecture in the Old Jewry. Supposing, however, that something like moderation were 明白な in this political sermon, yet politics and the pulpit are 条件 that have little 協定. No sound せねばならない be heard in the church but the 傷をいやす／和解させるing 発言する／表明する of Christian charity. The 原因（となる） of civil liberty and civil 政府 伸び（る）s as little as that of 宗教 by this 混乱 of 義務s. Those who やめる their proper character to assume what does not belong to them are, for the greater part, ignorant both of the character they leave and of the character they assume. Wholly unacquainted with the world in which they are so fond of 干渉, and inexperienced in all its 事件／事情／状勢s on which they pronounce with so much 信用／信任, they have nothing of politics but the passions they excite. Surely the church is a place where one day's 一時休戦 せねばならない be 許すd to the dissensions and animosities of mankind.

* Psalm CXLIX.

This pulpit style, 生き返らせるd after so long a discontinuance, had to me the 空気／公表する of novelty, and of a novelty not wholly without danger. I do not 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 this danger 平等に to every part of the discourse. The hint given to a noble and reverend lay divine, who is supposed high in office in one of our universities,* and other lay divines "of 階級 and literature" may be proper and ある時節に特有の, though somewhat new. If the noble 探検者s should find nothing to 満足させる their pious fancies in the old 中心的要素 of the 国家の church, or in all the rich variety to be 設立する in the 井戸／弁護士席-assorted 倉庫／問屋s of the dissenting congregations, Dr. Price advises them to 改善する upon 非，不，無-順応／服従 and to 始める，決める up, each of them, a separate 会合 house upon his own particular 原則s.*(2) It is somewhat remarkable that this reverend divine should be so earnest for setting up new churches and so perfectly indifferent 関心ing the doctrine which may be taught in them. His zeal is of a curious character. It is not for the propagation of his own opinions, but of any opinions. It is not for the diffusion of truth, but for the spreading of contradiction. Let the noble teachers but dissent, it is no 事柄 from whom or from what. This 広大な／多数の／重要な point once 安全な・保証するd, it is taken for 認めるd their 宗教 will be 合理的な／理性的な and manly. I 疑問 whether 宗教 would 得る all the 利益s which the calculating divine 計算するs from this "広大な／多数の／重要な company of 広大な／多数の／重要な preachers". It would certainly be a 価値のある 新規加入 of nondescripts to the ample collection of known classes, genera and 種類, which at 現在の beautify the hortus siccus of dissent. A sermon from a noble duke, or a noble marquis, or a noble earl, or baron bold would certainly 増加する and diversify the amusements of this town, which begins to grow satiated with the uniform 一連の会議、交渉／完成する of its vapid dissipations. I should only 規定する that these new Mess-Johns in 式服s and coronets should keep some sort of bounds in the democratic and leveling 原則s which are 推定する／予想するd from their 肩書を与えるd pulpi ts. The new evangelists will, I dare say, disappoint the hopes that are conceived of them. They will not become, literally 同様に as figuratively, polemic divines, nor be 性質の／したい気がして so to 演習 their congregations that they may, as in former blessed times, preach their doctrines to 連隊s of dragoons and 軍団 of infantry and 大砲. Such 手はず／準備, however 都合のよい to the 原因（となる） of compulsory freedom, civil and 宗教的な, may not be 平等に 役立つ to the 国家の tranquility. These few 制限s I hope are no 広大な／多数の／重要な stretches of intolerance, no very violent exertions of 先制政治.

* Discourse on the Love of our Country, Nov. 4, 1789, by Dr. Richard Price, 3d ed., pp. 17, 18.

*(2) "Those who dislike that 方式 of worship which is 定める／命ずるd by public 当局, ought, if they can find no worship out of the church which they 認可する, to 始める，決める up a separate worship for themselves; and by doing this, and giving an example of a 合理的な／理性的な and manly worship, men of 負わせる from their 階級 and literature may do the greatest service to society and the world".- P 18, Dr. Price's Sermon.

BUT I MAY SAY of our preacher "utinam nugis tota illa dedisset tempora saevitiae".- All things in this his fulminating bull are not of so innoxious a 傾向. His doctrines 影響する／感情 our 憲法 in its 決定的な parts. He tells the 革命 Society in this political sermon that his Majesty "is almost the only lawful king in the world because the only one who 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people." As to the kings of the world, all of whom (except one) this archpontiff of the 権利s of men, with all the plenitude and with more than the boldness of the papal 退位させる／宣誓証言するing 力／強力にする in its meridian fervor of the twelfth century, puts into one 広範囲にわたる 条項 of 禁止（する） and anathema and 布告するs usurpers by circles of longitude and latitude, over the whole globe, it behooves them to consider how they 収容する／認める into their 領土s these apostolic missionaries who are to tell their 支配するs they are not lawful kings. That is their 関心. It is ours, as a 国内の 利益／興味 of some moment, 本気で to consider the solidity of the only 原則 upon which these gentlemen 認める a king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain to be する権利を与えるd to their 忠誠.

This doctrine, as 適用するd to the prince now on the British 王位, either is nonsense and therefore neither true nor 誤った, or it 断言するs a most unfounded, dangerous, 違法な, and 憲法違反の position. によれば this spiritual doctor of politics, if his Majesty does not 借りがある his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people, he is no lawful king. Now nothing can be more untrue than that the 栄冠を与える of this kingdom is so held by his Majesty. Therefore, if you follow their 支配する, the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain, who most certainly does not 借りがある his high office to any form of popular 選挙, is in no 尊敬（する）・点 better than the 残り／休憩（する） of the ギャング（団） of usurpers who 統治する, or rather 略奪する, all over the 直面する of this our 哀れな world without any sort of 権利 or 肩書を与える to the 忠誠 of their people. The 政策 of this general doctrine, so qualified, is evident enough. The propagators of this political gospel are in hopes that their abstract 原則 (their 原則 that a popular choice is necessary to the 合法的な 存在 of the 君主 magistracy) would be overlooked, whilst the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain was not 影響する／感情d by it. In the 合間 the ears of their congregations would be 徐々に habituated to it, as if it were a first 原則 認める without 論争. For the 現在の it would only operate as a theory, pickled in the 保存するing juices of pulpit eloquence, and laid by for 未来 use. Condo et compono quae mox depromere possim. By this 政策, whilst our 政府 is soothed with a 保留（地）／予約 in its 好意, to which it has no （人命などを）奪う，主張する, the 安全 which it has in ありふれた with all 政府s, so far as opinion is 安全, is taken away.

Thus these 政治家，政治屋s proceed whilst little notice is taken of their doctrines; but when they come to be 診察するd upon the plain meaning of their words and the direct 傾向 of their doctrines, then equivocations and slippery constructions come into play. When they say the king 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people and is therefore the only lawful 君主 in the world, they will perhaps tell us they mean to say no more than that some of the king's 前任者s have been called to the 王位 by some sort of choice, and therefore he 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people. Thus, by a 哀れな subterfuge, they hope to （判決などを）下す their proposition 安全な by （判決などを）下すing it nugatory. They are welcome to the 亡命 they 捜し出す for their 罪／違反, since they take 避難 in their folly. For if you 収容する／認める this 解釈／通訳, how does their idea of 選挙 異なる from our idea of 相続物件?

And how does the 解決／入植地 of the 栄冠を与える in the Brunswick line derived from James the First come to 合法化する our 君主国 rather than that of any of the 隣接地の countries? At some time or other, to be sure, all the beginners of 王朝s were chosen by those who called them to 治める／統治する. There is ground enough for the opinion that all the kingdoms of Europe were, at a remote period, elective, with more or より小数の 制限s in the 反対するs of choice. But whatever kings might have been here or どこかよそで a thousand years ago, or in whatever manner the 判決，裁定 王朝s of England or フラン may have begun, the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain is, at this day, king by a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 支配する of succession によれば the 法律s of his country; and whilst the 合法的な 条件s of the compact of 主権，独立 are 成し遂げるd by him (as they are 成し遂げるd), he 持つ／拘留するs his 栄冠を与える in contempt of the choice of the 革命 Society, who have not a 選び出す／独身 投票（する） for a king amongst them, either 個々に or collectively, though I make no 疑問 they would soon 築く themselves into an 選挙（人）の college if things were 熟した to give 影響 to their （人命などを）奪う，主張する. His Majesty's 相続人s and 後継者s, each in his time and order, will come to the 栄冠を与える with the same contempt of their choice with which his Majesty has 後継するd to that he wears.

Whatever may be the success of 回避 in explaining away the 甚だしい／１２ダース error of fact, which supposes that his Majesty (though he 持つ／拘留するs it in concurrence with the wishes) 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people, yet nothing can 避ける their 十分な explicit 宣言 関心ing the 原則 of a 権利 in the people to choose; which 権利 is 直接／まっすぐに 持続するd and tenaciously 固執するd to. All the oblique insinuations 関心ing 選挙 底（に届く） in this proposition and are referable to it. Lest the 創立／基礎 of the king's 排除的 合法的な 肩書を与える should pass for a mere rant of adulatory freedom, the political divine proceeds dogmatically to 主張する* that, by the 原則s of the 革命, the people of England have acquired three 根底となる 権利s, all which, with him, compose one system and 嘘（をつく） together in one short 宣告，判決, すなわち, that we have acquired a 権利:

(1) to choose our own 知事s.

(2) to cashier them for 不品行／姦通.

(3) to でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる a 政府 for ourselves.

This new and hitherto unheard-of 法案 of 権利s, though made in the 指名する of the whole people, belongs to those gentlemen and their 派閥 only. The 団体／死体 of the people of England have no 株 in it. They utterly disclaim it. They will resist the practical 主張 of it with their lives and fortunes. They are bound to do so by the 法律s of their country made at the time of that very 革命 which is 控訴，上告d to in 好意 of the fictitious 権利s （人命などを）奪う，主張するd by the Society which 乱用s its 指名する.

* Discourse on the Love of our Country, by Dr. Price, p. 34.

THESE GENTLEMEN OF THE OLD JEWRY, in all their reasonings on the 革命 of 1688, have a 革命 which happened in England about forty years before and the late French 革命, so much before their 注目する，もくろむs and in their hearts that they are 絶えず confounding all the three together. It is necessary that we should separate what they confound. We must 解任する their erring fancies to the 行為／法令／行動するs of the 革命 which we 深い尊敬の念を抱く, for the 発見 of its true 原則s. If the 原則s of the 革命 of 1688 are anywhere to be 設立する, it is in the 法令 called the 宣言 of 権利. In that most wise, sober, and considerate 宣言, drawn up by 広大な／多数の／重要な lawyers and 広大な／多数の／重要な statesmen, and not by warm and inexperienced 熱中している人s, not one word is said, nor one suggestion made, of a general 権利 "to choose our own 知事s, to cashier them for 不品行／姦通, and to form a 政府 for ourselves".

This 宣言 of 権利 (the 行為／法令／行動する of the 1st of William and Mary, sess. 2, ch. 2) is the cornerstone of our 憲法 as 増強するd, explained, 改善するd, and in its 根底となる 原則s for ever settled. It is called, "An 行為／法令／行動する for 宣言するing the 権利s and liberties of the 支配する, and for settling the succession of the 栄冠を与える". You will 観察する that these 権利s and this succession are 宣言するd in one 団体／死体 and bound indissolubly together.

A few years after this period, a second 適切な時期 申し込む／申し出d for 主張するing a 権利 of 選挙 to the 栄冠を与える. On the prospect of a total 失敗 of 問題／発行する from King William, and from the Princess, afterwards Queen Anne, the consideration of the 解決／入植地 of the 栄冠を与える and of a その上の 安全 for the liberties of the people again （機の）カム before the 立法機関. Did they this second time make any 準備／条項 for 合法化するing the 栄冠を与える on the spurious 革命 原則s of the Old Jewry? No. They followed the 原則s which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in the 宣言 of 権利, 示すing with more precision the persons who were to 相続する in the Protestant line. This 行為／法令／行動する also 会社にする／組み込むd, by the same 政策, our liberties and an hereditary succession in the same 行為／法令／行動する. Instead of a 権利 to choose our own 知事s, they 宣言するd that the succession in that line (the Protestant line drawn from James the First), was 絶対 necessary "for the peace, 静かな, and 安全 of the realm", and that it was 平等に 緊急の on them "to 持続する a certainty in the succession thereof, to which the 支配するs may 安全に have 頼みの綱 for their 保護". Both these 行為／法令／行動するs, in which are heard the unerring, unambiguous oracles of 革命 政策, instead of countenancing the delusive, gipsy 予測s of a "権利 to choose our 知事s", 証明する to a demonstration how 全く 逆の the 知恵 of the nation was from turning a 事例／患者 of necessity into a 支配する of 法律.

Unquestionably, there was at the 革命, in the person of King William, a small and a 一時的な deviation from the strict order of a 正規の／正選手 hereditary succession; but it is against all 本物の 原則s of jurisprudence to draw a 原則 from a 法律 made in a special 事例／患者 and regarding an individual person. Privilegium 非，不，無 輸送 in exemplum. If ever there was a time 都合のよい for 設立するing the 原則 that a king of popular choice was the only 合法的な king, without all 疑問 it was at the 革命. Its not 存在 done at that time is a proof that the nation was of opinion it ought not to be done at any time. There is no person so 完全に ignorant of our history as not to know that the 大多数 in 議会 of both parties were so little 性質の／したい気がして to anything 似ているing that 原則 that at first they were 決定するd to place the 空いている 栄冠を与える, not on the 長，率いる of the Prince of Orange, but on that of his wife Mary, daughter of King James, the eldest born of the 問題／発行する of that king, which they 定評のある as undoubtedly his. It would be to repeat a very trite story, to 解任する to your memory all those circumstances which 論証するd that their 受託するing King William was not 適切に a choice; but to all those who did not wish, in 影響, to 解任する King James or to deluge their country in 血 and again to bring their 宗教, 法律s, and liberties into the 危険，危なくする they had just escaped, it was an 行為／法令／行動する of necessity, in the strictest moral sense in which necessity can be taken.

In the very 行為／法令／行動する in which for a time, and in a 選び出す／独身 事例／患者, 議会 出発／死d from the strict order of 相続物件 in 好意 of a prince who, though not next, was, however, very 近づく in the line of succession, it is curious to 観察する how Lord Somers, who drew the 法案 called the 宣言 of 権利, has comported himself on that delicate occasion. It is curious to 観察する with what 演説（する）／住所 this 一時的な 解答 of 連続 is kept from the 注目する，もくろむ, whilst all that could be 設立する in this 行為／法令／行動する of necessity to countenance the idea of an hereditary succession is brought 今後, and fostered, and made the most of, by this 広大な／多数の／重要な man and by the 立法機関 who followed him. Quitting the 乾燥した，日照りの, imperative style of an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会, he makes the Lords and ありふれたs 落ちる to a pious, 法律を制定する ejaculation and 宣言する that they consider it "as a marvellous providence and 慈悲の goodness of God to this nation to 保存する their said Majesties' 王室の persons most happily to 統治する over us on the 王位 of their ancestors, for which, from the 底（に届く） of their hearts, they return their humblest thanks and 賞賛するs".- The 立法機関 plainly had in 見解（をとる） the 行為／法令／行動する of 承認 of the first of Queen Elizabeth, chap. 3rd, and of that of James the First, chap. 1st, both 行為／法令／行動するs 堅固に declaratory of the inheritable nature of the 栄冠を与える; and in many parts they follow, with a nearly literal precision, the words and even the form of thanksgiving which is 設立する in these old declaratory 法令s.

The two Houses, in the 行為／法令／行動する of King William, did not thank God that they had 設立する a fair 適切な時期 to 主張する a 権利 to choose their own 知事s, much いっそう少なく to make an 選挙 the only lawful 肩書を与える to the 栄冠を与える. Their having been in a 条件 to 避ける the very 外見 of it, as much as possible, was by them considered as a providential escape. They threw a politic, 井戸／弁護士席-wrought 隠す over every circumstance tending to 弱める the 権利s which in the meliorated order of succession they meant to perpetuate, or which might furnish a precedent for any 未来 出発 from what they had then settled forever. Accordingly, that they might not relax the 神経s of their 君主国, and that they might 保存する a の近くに 順応／服従 to the practice of their ancestors, as it appeared in the declaratory 法令s of Queen Mary* and Queen Elizabeth, in the next 条項 they vest, by 承認, in their Majesties all the 合法的な prerogatives of the 栄冠を与える, 宣言するing "that in them they are most fully, rightfully, and 完全に 投資するd, 会社にする／組み込むd, 部隊d, and 別館d". In the 条項 which follows, for 妨げるing questions by 推論する／理由 of any pretended 肩書を与えるs to the 栄冠を与える, they 宣言する (観察するing also in this the traditionary language, along with the traditionary 政策 of the nation, and repeating as from a rubric the language of the 先行する 行為／法令／行動するs of Elizabeth and James,) that on the 保存するing "a certainty in the succession thereof, the まとまり, peace, and tranquillity of this nation doth, under God, wholly depend".

* 1st Mary, sess. 3, ch. 1.

They knew that a doubtful 肩書を与える of succession would but too much 似ている an 選挙, and that an 選挙 would be utterly destructive of the "まとまり, peace, and tranquillity of this nation", which they thought to be considerations of some moment. To 供給する for these 反対するs and, therefore, to 除外する for ever the Old Jewry doctrine of "a 権利 to choose our own 知事s", they follow with a 条項 含む／封じ込めるing a most solemn 誓約（する）, taken from the 先行する 行為／法令／行動する of Queen Elizabeth, as solemn a 誓約（する） as ever was or can be given in 好意 of an hereditary succession, and as solemn a renunciation as could be made of the 原則s by this Society imputed to them: The Lords spiritual and temporal, and ありふれたs, do, in the 指名する of all the people aforesaid, most 謙虚に and faithfully 服従させる／提出する themselves, their 相続人s and posterities for ever; and do faithfully 約束 that they will stand to 持続する, and defend their said Majesties, and also the 制限 of the 栄冠を与える, herein 明示するd and 含む／封じ込めるd, to the 最大の of their 力／強力にするs, etc. etc.

So far is it from 存在 true that we acquired a 権利 by the 革命 to elect our kings that, if we had 所有するd it before, the English nation did at that time most solemnly 放棄する and abdicate it, for themselves and for all their posterity forever. These gentlemen may value themselves as much as they please on their whig 原則s, but I never 願望（する） to be thought a better whig than Lord Somers, or to understand the 原則s of the 革命 better than those, by whom it was brought about, or to read in the 宣言 of 権利 any mysteries unknown to those whose 侵入するing style has engraved in our 法令／条例s, and in our hearts, the words and spirit of that immortal 法律.

It is true that, 補佐官d with the 力／強力にするs derived from 軍隊 and 適切な時期, the nation was at that time, in some sense, 解放する／自由な to take what course it pleased for filling the 王位, but only 解放する／自由な to do so upon the same grounds on which they might have wholly 廃止するd their 君主国 and every other part of their 憲法. However, they did not think such bold changes within their （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限. It is indeed difficult, perhaps impossible, to give 限界s to the mere abstract competence of the 最高の 力／強力にする, such as was 演習d by 議会 at that time, but the 限界s of a moral competence 支配するing, even in 力／強力にするs more indisputably 君主, 時折の will to 永久の 推論する／理由 and to the 安定した maxims of 約束, 司法（官）, and 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 根底となる 政策, are perfectly intelligible and perfectly binding upon those who 演習 any 当局, under any 指名する or under any 肩書を与える, in the 明言する／公表する. The House of Lords, for instance, is not morally competent to 解散させる the House of ありふれたs, no, nor even to 解散させる itself, nor to abdicate, if it would, its 部分 in the 立法機関 of the kingdom. Though a king may abdicate for his own person, he cannot abdicate for the 君主国. By as strong, or by a stronger 推論する／理由, the House of ありふれたs cannot 放棄する its 株 of 当局. The 約束／交戦 and 協定／条約 of society, which 一般に goes by the 指名する of the 憲法, forbids such 侵略 and such 降伏する. The 選挙権を持つ／選挙人 parts of a 明言する／公表する are 強いるd to 持つ／拘留する their public 約束 with each other and with all those who derive any serious 利益／興味 under their 約束／交戦s, as much as the whole 明言する／公表する is bound to keep its 約束 with separate communities. さもなければ competence and 力／強力にする would soon be confounded and no 法律 be left but the will of a 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing 軍隊. On this 原則 the succession of the 栄冠を与える has always been what it now is, an hereditary succession by 法律; in the old line it was a succession by the ありふれた 法律; in the new, by the 法令 法律 operating on the 原則s of the ありふれた 法律, not changing the 実体, b ut 規制するing the 方式 and 述べるing the persons. Both these descriptions of 法律 are of the same 軍隊 and are derived from an equal 当局 emanating from the ありふれた 協定 and 初めの compact of the 明言する／公表する, communi sponsione reipublicae, and as such are 平等に binding on king and people, too, as long as the 条件 are 観察するd and they continue the same 団体／死体 politic.

It is far from impossible to reconcile, if we do not 苦しむ ourselves to be entangled in the mazes of metaphysic sophistry, the use both of a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 支配する and an 時折の deviation: the sacredness of an hereditary 原則 of succession in our 政府 with a 力／強力にする of change in its 使用／適用 in 事例／患者s of extreme 緊急. Even in that extremity (if we take the 手段 of our 権利s by our 演習 of them at the 革命), the change is to be 限定するd to the peccant part only, to the part which produced the necessary deviation; and even then it is to be 影響d without a decomposition of the whole civil and political 集まり for the 目的 of 起こる／始まるing a new civil order out of the first elements of society.

A 明言する／公表する without the means of some change is without the means of its 自然保護. Without such means it might even 危険 the loss of that part of the 憲法 which it wished the most religiously to 保存する. The two 原則s of 自然保護 and 是正 operated 堅固に at the two 批判的な periods of the 復古／返還 and 革命, when England 設立する itself without a king. At both those periods the nation had lost the 社債 of union in their 古代の edifice; they did not, however, 解散させる the whole fabric. On the contrary, in both 事例／患者s they regenerated the deficient part of the old 憲法 through the parts which were not impaired. They kept these old parts 正確に／まさに as they were, that the part 回復するd might be ふさわしい to them. They 行為／法令／行動するd by the 古代の 組織するd 明言する／公表するs in the 形態／調整 of their old organization, and not by the 有機の moleculae of a 解散するd people. At no time, perhaps, did the 君主 立法機関 manifest a more tender regard to that 根底となる 原則 of British 憲法の 政策 than at the time of the 革命, when it deviated from the direct line of hereditary succession. The 栄冠を与える was carried somewhat out of the line in which it had before moved, but the new line was derived from the same 在庫／株. It was still a line of hereditary 降下／家系, still an hereditary 降下／家系 in the same 血, though an hereditary 降下／家系 qualified with Protestantism. When the 立法機関 altered the direction, but kept the 原則, they showed that they held it inviolable.

On this 原則, the 法律 of 相続物件 had 認める some 改正 in the old time, and long before the 時代 of the 革命. Some time after the Conquest, 広大な／多数の／重要な questions arose upon the 合法的な 原則s of hereditary 降下／家系. It became a 事柄 of 疑問 whether the 相続人 per capita or the 相続人 per stirpes was to 後継する; but whether the 相続人 per capita gave way when the heirdom per stirpes took place, or the カトリック教徒 相続人 when the Protestant was preferred, the inheritable 原則 生き残るd with a sort of immortality through all transmigrations- multosque per annos stat fortuna domus, et avi numerantur avorum. This is the spirit of our 憲法, not only in its settled course, but in all its 革命s. Whoever （機の）カム in, or however he （機の）カム in, whether he 得るd the 栄冠を与える by 法律 or by 軍隊, the hereditary succession was either continued or 可決する・採択するd.

The gentlemen of the Society for 革命 see nothing in that of 1688 but the deviation from the 憲法; and they take the deviation from the 原則 for the 原則. They have little regard to the obvious consequences of their doctrine, though they must see that it leaves 肯定的な 当局 in very few of the 肯定的な 会・原則s of this country. When such an unwarrantable maxim is once 設立するd, that no 王位 is lawful but the elective, no one 行為／法令／行動する of the princes who に先行するd this 時代 of fictitious 選挙 can be valid. Do these 理論家s mean to imitate some of their 前任者s who dragged the 団体／死体s of our 古代の 君主s out of the 静かな of their tombs? Do they mean to attaint and 無能にする backward all the kings that have 統治するd before the 革命, and その結果 to stain the 王位 of England with the blot of a continual usurpation? Do they mean to 無効にする, 無効にする, or to call into question, together with the 肩書を与えるs of the whole line of our kings, that 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体 of our 法令 法律 which passed under those whom they 扱う／治療する as usurpers, to 無効にする 法律s of inestimable value to our liberties- of as 広大な／多数の／重要な value at least as any which have passed at or since the period of the 革命? If kings who did not 借りがある their 栄冠を与える to the choice of their people had no 肩書を与える to make 法律s, what will become of the 法令 de tallagio 非，不，無 concedendo?- of the 嘆願（書） of 権利? - of the 行為／法令／行動する of 人身保護（令状）? Do these new doctors of the 権利s of men 推定する to 主張する that King James the Second, who （機の）カム to the 栄冠を与える as next of 血, によれば the 支配するs of a then unqualified succession, was not to all 意図s and 目的s a lawful king of England before he had done any of those 行為／法令／行動するs which were 正確に，正当に construed into an abdication of his 栄冠を与える? If he was not, much trouble in 議会 might have been saved at the period these gentlemen 祝う／追悼する. But King James was a bad king with a good 肩書を与える, and not an usurper. The princes who 後継するd, によれば the 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 which settled the cro wn on the Electress Sophia and on her 子孫s, 存在 Protestants, （機の）カム in as much by a 肩書を与える of 相続物件 as King James did. He （機の）カム in によれば the 法律 as it stood at his 即位 to the 栄冠を与える; and the princes of the House of Brunswick （機の）カム to the 相続物件 of the 栄冠を与える, not by 選挙, but by the 法律 as it stood at their several 即位s of Protestant 降下／家系 and 相続物件, as I hope I have shown 十分に.

The 法律 by which this 王室の family is 特に 運命にあるd to the succession is the 行為／法令／行動する of the 12th and 13th of King William. The 条件 of this 行為／法令／行動する 貯蔵所d "us and our 相続人s, and our posterity, to them, their 相続人s, and their posterity", 存在 Protestants, to the end of time, in the same words as the 宣言 of 権利 had bound us to the 相続人s of King William and Queen Mary. It therefore 安全な・保証するs both an hereditary 栄冠を与える and an hereditary 忠誠. On what ground, except the 憲法の 政策 of forming an 設立 to 安全な・保証する that 肉親，親類d of succession which is to 妨げる a choice of the people forever, could the 立法機関 have fastidiously 拒絶するd the fair and abundant choice which our country 現在のd to them and searched in strange lands for a foreign princess from whose womb the line of our 未来 支配者s were to derive their 肩書を与える to 治める／統治する millions of men through a 一連の ages?

The Princess Sophia was 指名するd in the 行為／法令／行動する of 解決／入植地 of the 12th and 13th of King William for a 在庫／株 and root of 相続物件 to our kings, and not for her 長所s as a 一時的な administratrix of a 力／強力にする which she might not, and in fact did not, herself ever 演習. She was 可決する・採択するd for one 推論する／理由, and for one only, because, says the 行為／法令／行動する, "the most excellent Princess Sophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover, is daughter of the most excellent Princess Elizabeth, late Queen of Bohemia, daughter of our late 君主 lord King James the First, of happy memory, and is hereby 宣言するd to be the next in succession in the Protestant line etc., etc., and the 栄冠を与える shall continue to the 相続人s of her 団体／死体, 存在 Protestants." This 制限 was made by 議会, that through the Princess Sophia an inheritable line not only was to be continued in 未来, but (what they thought very 構成要素) that through her it was to be connected with the old 在庫／株 of 相続物件 in King James the First, in order that the 君主国 might 保存する an 無傷の まとまり through all ages and might be 保存するd (with safety to our 宗教) in the old 認可するd 方式 by 降下／家系, in which, if our liberties had been once 危うくするd, they had often, through all 嵐／襲撃するs and struggles of prerogative and 特権, been 保存するd. They did 井戸／弁護士席. No experience has taught us that in any other course or method than that of an hereditary 栄冠を与える our liberties can be 定期的に perpetuated and 保存するd sacred as our hereditary 権利. An 不規律な, convulsive movement may be necessary to throw off an 不規律な, convulsive 病気. But the course of succession is the healthy habit of the British 憲法. Was it that the 立法機関 手配中の，お尋ね者, at the 行為／法令／行動する for the 制限 of the 栄冠を与える in the Hanoverian line, drawn through the 女性（の） 子孫s of James the First, a 予定 sense of the inconveniences of having two or three, or かもしれない more, foreigners in succession to the British 王位? No!- they had a 予定 sense of the evils which might happen from s uch foreign 支配する, and more than a 予定 sense of them. But a more 決定的な proof cannot be given of the 十分な 有罪の判決 of the British nation that the 原則s of the 革命 did not 権限を与える them to elect kings at their 楽しみ, and without any attention to the 古代の 根底となる 原則s of our 政府, than their continuing to 可決する・採択する a 計画（する） of hereditary Protestant succession in the old line, with all the dangers and all the inconveniences of its 存在 a foreign line 十分な before their 注目する，もくろむs and operating with the 最大の 軍隊 upon their minds.

A few years ago I should be ashamed to overload a 事柄 so 有能な of supporting itself by the then unnecessary support of any argument; but this seditious, 憲法違反の doctrine is now 公然と taught, avowed, and printed. The dislike I feel to 革命s, the signals for which have so often been given from pulpits; the spirit of change that is gone abroad; the total contempt which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs with you, and may come to 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる with us, of all 古代の 会・原則s when 始める，決める in 対立 to a 現在の sense of convenience or to the bent of a 現在の inclination: all these considerations make it not unadvisable, in my opinion, to call 支援する our attention to the true 原則s of our own 国内の 法律s; that you, my French friend, should begin to know, and that we should continue to 心にいだく them. We ought not, on either 味方する of the water, to 苦しむ ourselves to be 課すd upon by the 偽造の wares which some persons, by a 二塁打 詐欺, 輸出（する） to you in illicit 底（に届く）s as raw 商品／必需品s of British growth, though wholly 外国人 to our 国／地域, in order afterwards to 密輸する them 支援する again into this country, 製造（する）d after the newest Paris fashion of an 改善するd liberty.

The people of England will not ape the fashions they have never tried, nor go 支援する to those which they have 設立する mischievous on 裁判，公判. They look upon the 合法的な hereditary succession of their 栄冠を与える as の中で their 権利s, not as の中で their wrongs; as a 利益, not as a grievance; as a 安全 for their liberty, not as a badge of servitude. They look on the でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる of their 連邦／共和国, such as it stands, to be of inestimable value, and they conceive the undisturbed succession of the 栄冠を与える to be a 誓約（する） of the 安定 and perpetuity of all the other members of our 憲法.

I shall beg leave, before I go any その上の, to take notice of some paltry artifices which the 教唆犯s of 選挙, as the only lawful 肩書を与える to the 栄冠を与える, are ready to 雇う ーするために （判決などを）下す the support of the just 原則s of our 憲法 a 仕事 somewhat invidious. These sophisters 代用品，人 a fictitious 原因（となる） and feigned personages, in whose 好意 they suppose you engaged whenever you defend the inheritable nature of the 栄冠を与える. It is ありふれた with them to 論争 as if they were in a 衝突 with some of those 爆発するd fanatics of slavery, who 以前は 持続するd what I believe no creature now 持続するs, "that the 栄冠を与える is held by divine hereditary and indefeasible 権利".- These old fanatics of 選び出す／独身 独断的な 力／強力にする dogmatized as if hereditary 王族 was the only lawful 政府 in the world, just as our new fanatics of popular 独断的な 力／強力にする 持続する that a popular 選挙 is the 単独の lawful source of 当局. The old prerogative 熱中している人s, it is true, did 推測する foolishly, and perhaps impiously too, as if 君主国 had more of a divine 許可／制裁 than any other 方式 of 政府; and as if a 権利 to 治める／統治する by 相続物件 were in strictness indefeasible in every person who should be 設立する in the succession to a 王位, and under every circumstance, which no civil or political 権利 can be. But an absurd opinion 関心ing the king's hereditary 権利 to the 栄冠を与える does not prejudice one that is 合理的な／理性的な and 底（に届く）d upon solid 原則s of 法律 and 政策. If all the absurd theories of lawyers and divines were to vitiate the 反対するs in which they are conversant, we should have no 法律 and no 宗教 left in the world. But an absurd theory on one 味方する of a question forms no justification for 主張するing a 誤った fact or promulgating mischievous maxims on the other.

THE SECOND CLAIM of the 革命 Society is "a 権利 of cashiering their 知事s for 不品行／姦通". Perhaps the 逮捕s our ancestors entertained of forming such a precedent as that "of cashiering for 不品行／姦通" was the 原因（となる） that the 宣言 of the 行為／法令／行動する, which 暗示するd the abdication of King James, was, if it had any fault, rather too guarded and too circumstantial.* But all this guard and all this accumulation of circumstances serves to show the spirit of 警告を与える which predominated in the 国家の 会議s in a 状況／情勢 in which men irritated by 圧迫, and elevated by a 勝利 over it, are apt to abandon themselves to violent and extreme courses; it shows the 苦悩 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な men who 影響（力）d the 行為／行う of 事件／事情／状勢s at that 広大な／多数の／重要な event to make the 革命 a parent of 解決／入植地, and not a nursery of 未来 革命s.

* "That King James the Second, having 努力するd to subvert the 憲法 of the kingdom by breaking the 初めの 契約 between king and people, and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having 侵害する／違反するd the 根底となる 法律s, and having 孤立した himself out of the kingdom, hath abdicated the 政府, and the 王位 is その為に 空いている".

No 政府 could stand a moment if it could be blown 負かす／撃墜する with anything so loose and 不明確な／無期限の as an opinion of "不品行／姦通". They who led at the 革命 grounded the 事実上の abdication of King James upon no such light and uncertain 原則. They 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d him with nothing いっそう少なく than a design, 確認するd by a multitude of 違法な overt 行為／法令／行動するs, to subvert the Protestant church and 明言する／公表する, and their 根底となる, unquestionable 法律s and liberties; they 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d him with having broken the 初めの 契約 between king and people. This was more than 不品行／姦通. A 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and overruling necessity 強いるd them to take the step they took, and took with infinite 不本意, as under that most rigorous of all 法律s. Their 信用 for the 未来 保護 of the 憲法 was not in 未来 革命s. The grand 政策 of all their 規則s was to （判決などを）下す it almost impracticable for any 未来 君主 to 強要する the 明言する／公表するs of the kingdom to have again 頼みの綱 to those violent 治療（薬）s. They left the 栄冠を与える what, in the 注目する，もくろむ and estimation of 法律, it had ever been-perfectly irresponsible. ーするために lighten the 栄冠を与える still その上の, they 悪化させるd 責任／義務 on 大臣s of 明言する／公表する. By the 法令 of the 1st of King William, sess. 2nd, called "the 行為／法令／行動する for 宣言するing the 権利s and liberties of the 支配する, and for settling the succession of the 栄冠を与える", they 制定するd that the 大臣s should serve the 栄冠を与える on the 条件 of that 宣言. They 安全な・保証するd soon after the たびたび（訪れる） 会合s of 議会, by which the whole 政府 would be under the constant 査察 and active 支配（する）／統制する of the popular 代表者／国会議員 and of the 有力者／大事業家s of the kingdom. In the next 広大な／多数の／重要な 憲法の 行為／法令／行動する, that of the 12th and 13th of King William, for the その上の 制限 of the 栄冠を与える and better 安全な・保証するing the 権利s and liberties of the 支配する, they 供給するd "that no 容赦 under the 広大な／多数の／重要な 調印（する） of England should be pleadable to an 告発 by the ありふれたs in 議会". The 支配する laid 負かす／撃墜する for 政府 in the 宣言 of Righ t, the constant 査察 of 議会, the practical （人命などを）奪う，主張する of 告発, they thought infinitely a better 安全, not only for their 憲法の liberty, but against the 副／悪徳行為s of 行政, than the 保留（地）／予約 of a 権利 so difficult in the practice, so uncertain in the 問題／発行する, and often so mischievous in the consequences, as that of "cashiering their 知事s".

Dr. Price, in this sermon,* 非難するs very 適切に the practice of 甚だしい／１２ダース, adulatory 演説（する）／住所s to kings. Instead of this fulsome style, he 提案するs that his Majesty should be told, on occasions of congratulation, that "he is to consider himself as more 適切に the servant than the 君主 of his people". For a compliment, this new form of 演説（する）／住所 does not seem to be very soothing. Those who are servants in 指名する, 同様に as in 影響, do not like to be told of their 状況／情勢, their 義務, and their 義務s. The slave, in the old play, tells his master, "Haec commemoratio est quasi exprobatio". It is not pleasant as compliment; it is not wholesome as 指示／教授／教育. After all, if the king were to bring himself to echo this new 肉親，親類d of 演説（する）／住所, to 可決する・採択する it ーに関して／ーの点でs, and even to take the 呼称 of Servant of the People as his 王室の style, how either he or we should be much mended by it I cannot imagine. I have seen very assuming letters, 調印するd "Your most obedient, humble servant". The proudest denomination that ever was 耐えるd on earth took a 肩書を与える of still greater humility than that which is now 提案するd for 君主s by the Apostle of Liberty. Kings and nations were trampled upon by the foot of one calling himself "the Servant of Servants"; and 委任統治（領）s for 退位させる／宣誓証言するing 君主s were 調印（する）d with the signet of "the Fisherman".

* Pp. 22-24.

I should have considered all this as no more than a sort of flippant, vain discourse, in which, as in an unsavory ガス／煙, several persons 苦しむ the spirit of liberty to evaporate, if it were not plainly in support of the idea and a part of the 計画／陰謀 of "cashiering kings for 不品行／姦通". In that light it is 価値（がある） some 観察.

Kings, in one sense, are undoubtedly the servants of the people because their 力／強力にする has no other 合理的な／理性的な end than that of the general advantage; but it is not true that they are, in the ordinary sense (by our 憲法, at least), anything like servants; the essence of whose 状況／情勢 is to obey the 命令（する）s of some other and to be removable at 楽しみ. But the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain obeys no other person; all other persons are 個々に, and collectively too, under him and 借りがある to him a 合法的な obedience. The 法律, which knows neither to flatter nor to 侮辱, calls this high 治安判事 not our servant, as this humble divine calls him, but "our 君主 Lord the king"; and we, on our parts, have learned to speak only the 原始の language of the 法律, and not the 混乱させるd jargon of their Babylonian pulpits.

As he is not to obey us, but as we are to obey the 法律 in him, our 憲法 has made no sort of 準備／条項 toward （判決などを）下すing him, as a servant, in any degree responsible. Our 憲法 knows nothing of a 治安判事 like the Justicia of Aragon, nor of any 法廷，裁判所 合法的に 任命するd, nor of any 過程 合法的に settled, for submitting the king to the 責任／義務 belonging to all servants. In this he is not distinguished from the ありふれたs and the Lords, who, in their several public capacities, can never be called to an account for their 行為／行う, although the 革命 Society chooses to 主張する, in direct 対立 to one of the wisest and most beautiful parts of our 憲法, that "a king is no more than the first servant of the public, created by it, and responsible to it"

Ill would our ancestors at the 革命 have deserved their fame for 知恵 if they had 設立する no 安全 for their freedom but in （判決などを）下すing their 政府 feeble in its 操作／手術s, and 不安定な in its 任期; if they had been able to contrive no better 治療（薬） against 独断的な 力／強力にする than civil 混乱. Let these gentlemen 明言する／公表する who that 代表者／国会議員 public is to whom they will 断言する the king, as a servant, to be responsible. It will then be time enough for me to produce to them the 肯定的な 法令 法律 which 断言するs that he is not.

The 儀式 of cashiering kings, of which these gentlemen talk so much at their 緩和する, can rarely, if ever, be 成し遂げるd without 軍隊. It then becomes a 事例／患者 of war, and not of 憲法. 法律s are 命令（する）d to 持つ／拘留する their tongues amongst 武器, and 法廷s 落ちる to the ground with the peace they are no longer able to 支持する. The 革命 of 1688 was 得るd by a just war, in the only 事例／患者 in which any war, and much more a civil war, can be just. Justa bella quibus necessaria. The question of dethroning or, if these gentlemen like the phrase better, "cashiering kings" will always be, as it has always been, an 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の question of 明言する／公表する, and wholly out of the 法律- a question (like all other questions of 明言する／公表する) of dispositions and of means and of probable consequences rather than of 肯定的な 権利s. As it was not made for ありふれた 乱用s, so it is not to be agitated by ありふれた minds. The 思索的な line of 境界設定 where obedience せねばならない end and 抵抗 must begin is faint, obscure, and not easily definable. It is not a 選び出す／独身 行為／法令／行動する, or a 選び出す／独身 event, which 決定するs it. 政府s must be 乱用d and deranged, indeed, before it can be thought of; and the prospect of the 未来 must be as bad as the experience of the past. When things are in that lamentable 条件, the nature of the 病気 is to 示す the 治療（薬） to those whom nature has qualified to 治める in extremities this 批判的な, あいまいな, bitter potion to a distempered 明言する／公表する. Times and occasions and 誘発s will teach their own lessons. The wise will 決定する from the gravity of the 事例／患者; the irritable, from sensibility to opp

THE third 長，率いる of 権利, 主張するd by the pulpit of the Old Jewry, すなわち, the "権利 to form a 政府 for ourselves", has, at least, as little countenance from anything done at the 革命, either in precedent or 原則, as the two first of their （人命などを）奪う，主張するs. The 革命 was made to 保存する our 古代の, indisputable 法律s and liberties and that 古代の 憲法 of 政府 which is our only 安全 for 法律 and liberty. If you are desirous of knowing the spirit of our 憲法 and the 政策 which predominated in that 広大な／多数の／重要な period which has 安全な・保証するd it to this hour, pray look for both in our histories, in our 記録，記録的な／記録するs, in our 行為／法令／行動するs of 議会, and 定期刊行物s of 議会, and not in the sermons of the Old Jewry and the after-dinner toasts of the 革命 Society. In the former you will find other ideas and another language. Such a （人命などを）奪う，主張する is as ill-ふさわしい to our temper and wishes as it is unsupported by any 外見 of 当局. The very idea of the 捏造／製作 of a new 政府 is enough to fill us with disgust and horror. We wished at the period of the 革命, and do now wish, to derive all we 所有する as an 相続物件 from our forefathers. Upon that 団体／死体 and 在庫／株 of 相続物件 we have taken care not to inoculate any cyon 外国人 to the nature of the 初めの 工場／植物. All the reformations we have hitherto made have proceeded upon the 原則 of reverence to antiquity; and I hope, nay, I am 説得するd, that all those which かもしれない may be made hereafter will be carefully formed upon analogical precedent, 当局, and example.

Our oldest reformation is that of Magna Charta. You will see that Sir Edward Coke, that 広大な／多数の／重要な oracle of our 法律, and indeed all the 広大な／多数の／重要な men who follow him, to Blackstone,* are industrious to 証明する the pedigree of our liberties. They 努力する to 証明する that the 古代の 借り切る／憲章, the Magna Charta of King John, was connected with another 肯定的な 借り切る／憲章 from Henry I, and that both the one and the other were nothing more than a reaffirmance of the still more 古代の standing 法律 of the kingdom. In the 事柄 of fact, for the greater part these authors appear to be in the 権利; perhaps not always; but if the lawyers mistake in some particulars, it 証明するs my position still the more 堅固に, because it 論証するs the powerful prepossession toward antiquity, with which the minds of all our lawyers and 立法議員s, and of all the people whom they wish to 影響（力）, have been always filled, and the 静止している 政策 of this kingdom in considering their most sacred 権利s and franchises as an 相続物件.

* See Blackstone's Magna Charta, printed at Oxford, 1759.

In the famous 法律 of the 3rd of Charles I, called the 嘆願（書） of 権利, the 議会 says to the king, "Your 支配するs have 相続するd this freedom", （人命などを）奪う，主張するing their franchises not on abstract 原則s "as the 権利s of men", but as the 権利s of Englishmen, and as a patrimony derived from their forefathers. Selden and the other profoundly learned men who drew this 嘆願（書） of 権利 were 同様に 熟知させるd, at least, with all the general theories 関心ing the "権利s of men" as any of the discoursers in our pulpits or on your tribune; 十分な 同様に as Dr. Price or as the Abbe Sieyes. But, for 推論する／理由s worthy of that practical 知恵 which superseded their theoretic science, they preferred this 肯定的な, 記録，記録的な／記録するd, hereditary 肩書を与える to all which can be dear to the man and the 国民, to that vague 思索的な 権利 which exposed their sure 相続物件 to be 緊急発進するd for and torn to pieces by every wild, litigious spirit.

The same 政策 pervades all the 法律s which have since been made for the 保護 of our liberties. In the 1st of William and Mary, in the famous 法令 called the 宣言 of 権利, the two Houses utter not a syllable of "a 権利 to でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる a 政府 for themselves". You will see that their whole care was to 安全な・保証する the 宗教, 法律s, and liberties that had been long 所有するd, and had been lately 危うくするd. "Taking* into their most serious consideration the best means for making such an 設立, that their 宗教, 法律s, and liberties might not be in danger of 存在 again subverted", they auspicate all their 訴訟／進行s by 明言する／公表するing as some of those best means, "in the first place" to do "as their ancestors in like 事例／患者s have usually done for vindicating their 古代の 権利s and liberties, to 宣言する"- and then they pray the king and queen "that it may be 宣言するd and 制定するd that all and singular the 権利s and liberties 主張するd and 宣言するd are the true 古代の and indubitable 権利s and liberties of the people of this kingdom".

* W. and M.

You will 観察する that from Magna Charta to the 宣言 of 権利 it has been the uniform 政策 of our 憲法 to （人命などを）奪う，主張する and 主張する our liberties as an entailed 相続物件 derived to us from our forefathers, and to be transmitted to our posterity- as an 広い地所 特に belonging to the people of this kingdom, without any 言及／関連 whatever to any other more general or 事前の 権利. By this means our 憲法 保存するs a まとまり in so 広大な／多数の／重要な a 多様制 of its parts. We have an inheritable 栄冠を与える, an inheritable peerage, and a House of ありふれたs and a people 相続するing 特権s, franchises, and liberties from a long line of ancestors.

This 政策 appears to me to be the result of 深遠な reflection, or rather the happy 影響 of に引き続いて nature, which is 知恵 without reflection, and above it. A spirit of 革新 is 一般に the result of a selfish temper and 限定するd 見解（をとる）s. People will not look 今後 to posterity, who never look backward to their ancestors. Besides, the people of England 井戸／弁護士席 know that the idea of 相続物件 furnishes a sure 原則 of 自然保護 and a sure 原則 of 伝達／伝染, without at all 除外するing a 原則 of 改良. It leaves 取得／買収 解放する／自由な, but it 安全な・保証するs what it acquires. Whatever advantages are 得るd by a 明言する／公表する 訴訟／進行 on these maxims are locked 急速な／放蕩な as in a sort of family 解決／入植地, しっかり掴むd as in a 肉親，親類d of mortmain forever. By a 憲法の 政策, working after the pattern of nature, we receive, we 持つ／拘留する, we 送信する／伝染させる our 政府 and our 特権s in the same manner in which we enjoy and 送信する／伝染させる our 所有物／資産／財産 and our lives. The 会・原則s of 政策, the goods of fortune, the gifts of providence are 手渡すd 負かす／撃墜する to us, and from us, in the same course and order. Our political system is placed in a just correspondence and symmetry with the order of the world and with the 方式 of 存在 法令d to a 永久の 団体／死体 composed of transitory parts, wherein, by the disposition of a stupendous 知恵, molding together the 広大な／多数の／重要な mysterious 合併／会社設立 of the human race, the whole, at one time, is never old or middle-老年の or young, but, in a 条件 of unchangeable constancy, moves on through the 変化させるd tenor of perpetual decay, 落ちる, 革新, and progression. Thus, by 保存するing the method of nature in the 行為／行う of the 明言する／公表する, in what we 改善する we are never wholly new; in what we 保持する we are never wholly obsolete. By 固執するing in this manner and on those 原則s to our forefathers, we are guided not by the superstition of antiquarians, but by the spirit of philosophic analogy. In this choice of 相続物件 we have given to our でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる of polity the image of a relation i n 血, binding up the 憲法 of our country with our dearest 国内の 関係, 可決する・採択するing our 根底となる 法律s into the bosom of our family affections, keeping inseparable and 心にいだくing with the warmth of all their 連合させるd and 相互に 反映するd charities our 明言する／公表する, our hearths, our sepulchres, and our altars.

Through the same 計画（する） of a 順応／服従 to nature in our 人工的な 会・原則s, and by calling in the 援助（する） of her unerring and powerful instincts to 防備を堅める／強化する the fallible and feeble contrivances of our 推論する／理由, we have derived several other, and those no small, 利益s from considering our liberties in the light of an 相続物件. Always 事実上の／代理 as if in the presence of canonized forefathers, the spirit of freedom, 主要な in itself to misrule and 超過, is tempered with an awful gravity. This idea of a 自由主義の 降下／家系 奮起させるs us with a sense of habitual native dignity which 妨げるs that upstart insolence almost 必然的に 固執するing to and 不名誉ing those who are the first acquirers of any distinction. By this means our liberty becomes a noble freedom. It carries an 課すing and majestic 面. It has a pedigree and illustrating ancestors. It has its bearings and its ensigns armorial. It has its gallery of portraits, its monumental inscriptions, its 記録，記録的な／記録するs, 証拠s, and 肩書を与えるs. We procure reverence to our civil 会・原則s on the 原則 upon which nature teaches us to 深い尊敬の念を抱く individual men: on account of their age and on account of those from whom they are descended. All your sophisters cannot produce anything better adapted to 保存する a 合理的な／理性的な and manly freedom than the course that we have 追求するd, who have chosen our nature rather than our 憶測s, our breasts rather than our 発明s, for the 広大な／多数の／重要な 温室s and magazines of our 権利s and 特権s.

YOU MIGHT, IF YOU PLEASED, have 利益（をあげる）d of our example and have given to your 回復するd freedom a 特派員 dignity. Your 特権s, though discontinued, were not lost to memory. Your 憲法, it is true, whilst you were out of 所有／入手, 苦しむd waste and dilapidation; but you 所有するd in some parts the 塀で囲むs and in all the 創立／基礎s of a noble and venerable 城. You might have 修理d those 塀で囲むs; you might have built on those old 創立／基礎s. Your 憲法 was 一時停止するd before it was perfected, but you had the elements of a 憲法 very nearly as good as could be wished. In your old 明言する／公表するs you 所有するd that variety of parts corresponding with the さまざまな descriptions of which your community was happily composed; you had all that combination and all that 対立 of 利益／興味s; you had that 活動／戦闘 and counteraction which, in the natural and in the political world, from the 相互の struggle of discordant 力／強力にするs, draws out the harmony of the universe. These …に反対するd and 相反する 利益／興味s which you considered as so 広大な／多数の／重要な a blemish in your old and in our 現在の 憲法 interpose a slosely 検査／視察するd, they did not altogether so 井戸／弁護士席 deserve. It is a 政策 that has very much the complexion of a 詐欺.

I flatter myself that I love a manly, moral, 規制するd liberty 同様に as any gentleman of that society, be he who he will; and perhaps I have given as good proofs of my attachment to that 原因（となる） in the whole course of my public 行為／行う. I think I envy liberty as little as they do to any other nation. But I cannot stand 今後 and give 賞賛する or 非難する to anything which relates to human 活動／戦闘s, and human 関心s, on a simple 見解（をとる） of the 反対する, as it stands stripped of every relation, in all the nakedness and 孤独 of metaphysical abstraction. Circumstances (which with some gentlemen pass for nothing) give in reality to every political 原則 its distinguishing color and 差別するing 影響. The circumstances are what （判決などを）下す every civil and political 計画／陰謀 有益な or noxious to mankind. Abstractedly speaking, 政府, 同様に as liberty, is good; yet could I, in ありふれた sense, ten years ago, have felicitated フラン on her enjoyment of a 政府 (for she then had a 政府) without 調査 what the nature of that 政府 was, or how it was 治めるd? Can I now congratulate the same nation upon its freedom? Is it because liberty in the abstract may be classed amongst the blessings of mankind, that I am 本気で to felicitate a madman, who has escaped from the 保護するing 抑制 and wholesome 不明瞭 of his 独房, on his 復古／返還 to the enjoyment of light and liberty? Am I to congratulate a highwayman and 殺害者 who has broke 刑務所，拘置所 upon the 回復 of his natural 権利s? This would be to 行為／法令／行動する over again the scene of the 犯罪のs 非難するd to the galleys, and their heroic deliverer, the metaphysic Knight of the Sorrowful Countenance.

When I see the spirit of liberty in 活動／戦闘, I see a strong 原則 at work; and this, for a while, is all I can かもしれない know of it. The wild gas, the 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 空気／公表する, is plainly broke loose; but we せねばならない 一時停止する our judgment until the first effervescence is a little 沈下するd, till the アルコール飲料 is （疑いを）晴らすd, and until we see something deeper than the agitation of a troubled and frothy surface. I must be tolerably sure, before I 投機・賭ける 公然と to congratulate men upon a blessing, that they have really received one. Flattery corrupts both the receiver and the giver, and adulation is not of more service to the people than to kings. I should, therefore, 一時停止する my congratulations on the new liberty of フラン until I was 知らせるd how it had been 連合させるd with 政府, with public 軍隊, with the discipline and obedience of armies, with the collection of an 効果的な and 井戸／弁護士席-分配するd 歳入, with morality and 宗教, with the solidity of 所有物／資産／財産, with peace and order, with civil and social manners. All these (in their way) are good things, too, and without them liberty is not a 利益 whilst it lasts, and is not likely to continue long. The 影響 of liberty to individuals is that they may do what they please; we せねばならない see what it will please them to do, before we 危険 congratulations which may be soon turned into （民事の）告訴s. Prudence would dictate this in the 事例／患者 of separate, 絶縁するd, 私的な men, but liberty, when men 行為／法令／行動する in 団体／死体s, is 力／強力にする. Considerate people, before they 宣言する themselves, will 観察する the use which is made of 力／強力にする and 特に of so trying a thing as new 力／強力にする in new persons of whose 原則s, tempers, and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in 状況／情勢s where those who appear the most stirring in the scene may かもしれない not be the real movers.

ALL these considerations, however, were below the transcendental dignity of the 革命 Society. Whilst I continued in the country, from whence I had the 栄誉（を受ける） of 令状ing to you, I had but an imperfect idea of their 処理／取引s. On my coming to town, I sent for an account of their 訴訟／進行s, which had been published by their 当局, 含む／封じ込めるing a sermon of Dr. Price, with the Duke de Rochefoucault's and the 大司教 of Aix's letter, and several other 文書s 別館d. The whole of that 出版（物）, with the manifest design of connecting the 事件／事情／状勢s of フラン with those of England by 製図／抽選 us into an imitation of the 行為／行う of the 国家の 議会, gave me a かなりの degree of uneasiness. The 影響 of that 行為／行う upon the 力／強力にする, credit, 繁栄, and tranquility of フラン became every day more evident. The form of 憲法 to be settled for its 未来 polity became more （疑いを）晴らす. We are now in a 条件 to discern, with tolerable exactness, the true nature of the 反対する held up to our imitation. If the prudence of reserve and decorum dictates silence in some circumstances, in others prudence of a higher order may 正当化する us in speaking our thoughts. The beginnings of 混乱 with us in England are at 現在の feeble enough, but, with you, we have seen an 幼少／幼藍期 still more feeble growing by moments into a strength to heap mountains upon mountains and to 行う war with heaven itself. Whenever our neighbor's house is on 解雇する／砲火／射撃, it cannot be amiss for the engines to play a little on our own. Better to be despised for too anxious 逮捕s than 廃虚d by too 確信して a 安全.

Solicitous 主として for the peace of my own country, but by no means unconcerned for yours, I wish to communicate more 大部分は what was at first ーするつもりであるd only for your 私的な satisfaction. I shall still keep your 事件／事情／状勢s in my 注目する，もくろむ and continue to 演説（する）／住所 myself to you. Indulging myself in the freedom of epistolary intercourse, I beg leave to throw out my thoughts and 表明する my feelings just as they arise in my mind, with very little attention to formal method. I 始める，決める out with the 訴訟／進行s of the 革命 Society, but I shall not 限定する myself to them. Is it possible I should? It appears to me as if I were in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 危機, not of the 事件／事情／状勢s of フラン alone, but of all Europe, perhaps of more than Europe. All circumstances taken together, the French 革命 is the most astonishing that has hitherto happened in the world. The most wonderful things are brought about, in many instances by means the most absurd and ridiculous, in the most ridiculous 方式s, and 明らかに by the most contemptible 器具s. Everything seems out of nature in this strange 大混乱 of levity and ferocity, and of all sorts of 罪，犯罪s jumbled together with all sorts of follies. In 見解（をとる）ing this monstrous tragicomic scene, the most opposite passions やむを得ず 後継する and いつかs mix with each other in the mind: 補欠／交替の／交替する contempt and indignation, 補欠／交替の／交替する laughter and 涙／ほころびs, 補欠／交替の／交替する 軽蔑（する） and horror.

It cannot, however, be 否定するd that to some this strange scene appeared in やめる another point of 見解（をとる）. Into them it 奮起させるd no other 感情s than those of exultation and rapture. They saw nothing in what has been done in フラン but a 会社／堅い and temperate exertion of freedom, so 一貫した, on the whole, with morals and with piety as to make it deserving not only of the 世俗的な 賞賛 of dashing Machiavellian 政治家，政治屋s, but to （判決などを）下す it a fit 主題 for all the devout effusions of sacred eloquence.

On the forenoon of the fourth of November last, Doctor Richard Price, a 非，不，無-適合するing 大臣 of eminence, preached, at the dissenting 会合 house of the Old Jewry, to his club or society, a very 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の miscellaneous sermon, in which there are some good moral and 宗教的な 感情s, and not ill 表明するd, mixed up in a sort of porridge of さまざまな political opinions and reflections; but the 革命 in フラン is the grand 成分 in the cauldron. I consider the 演説（する）／住所 transmitted by the 革命 Society to the 国家の 議会, through Earl Stanhope, as 起こる／始まるing in the 原則s of the sermon and as a corollary from them. It was moved by the preacher of that discourse. It was passed by those who （機の）カム reeking from the 影響 of the sermon without any 非難 or 資格, 表明するd or 暗示するd. If, however, any of the gentlemen 関心d shall wish to separate the sermon from the 決意／決議, they know how to 認める the one and to 否認する the other. They may do it: I cannot.

For my part, I looked on that sermon as the public 宣言 of a man much connected with literary caballers and intriguing philosophers, with political theologians and theological 政治家，政治屋s both at home and abroad. I know they 始める，決める him up as a sort of oracle, because, with the best 意向s in the world, he 自然に philippizes and 詠唱するs his prophetic song in exact unison with their designs.

That sermon is in a 緊張する which I believe has not been heard in this kingdom, in any of the pulpits which are 許容するd or encouraged in it, since the year 1648, when a 前任者 of Dr. Price, the Rev. Hugh Peters, made the 丸天井 of the king's own chapel at St. James's （犯罪の）一味 with the 栄誉（を受ける） and 特権 of the saints, who, with the "high 賞賛するs of God in their mouths, and a two-辛勝する／優位d sword in their 手渡すs, were to 遂行する／発効させる judgment on the heathen, and 罰s upon the people; to 貯蔵所d their kings with chains, and their nobles with fetters of アイロンをかける".* Few harangues from the pulpit, except in the days of your league in フラン or in the days of our Solemn League and Covenant in England, have ever breathed いっそう少なく of the spirit of moderation than this lecture in the Old Jewry. Supposing, however, that something like moderation were 明白な in this political sermon, yet politics and the pulpit are 条件 that have little 協定. No sound せねばならない be heard in the church but the 傷をいやす／和解させるing 発言する／表明する of Christian charity. The 原因（となる） of civil liberty and civil 政府 伸び（る）s as little as that of 宗教 by this 混乱 of 義務s. Those who やめる their proper character to assume what does not belong to them are, for the greater part, ignorant both of the character they leave and of the character they assume. Wholly unacquainted with the world in which they are so fond of 干渉, and inexperienced in all its 事件／事情／状勢s on which they pronounce with so much 信用／信任, they have nothing of politics but the passions they excite. Surely the church is a place where one day's 一時休戦 せねばならない be 許すd to the dissensions and animosities of mankind.

* Psalm CXLIX.

This pulpit style, 生き返らせるd after so long a discontinuance, had to me the 空気／公表する of novelty, and of a novelty not wholly without danger. I do not 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 this danger 平等に to every part of the discourse. The hint given to a noble and reverend lay divine, who is supposed high in office in one of our universities,* and other lay divines "of 階級 and literature" may be proper and ある時節に特有の, though somewhat new. If the noble 探検者s should find nothing to 満足させる their pious fancies in the old 中心的要素 of the 国家の church, or in all the rich variety to be 設立する in the 井戸／弁護士席-assorted 倉庫／問屋s of the dissenting congregations, Dr. Price advises them to 改善する upon 非，不，無-順応／服従 and to 始める，決める up, each of them, a separate 会合 house upon his own particular 原則s.*(2) It is somewhat remarkable that this reverend divine should be so earnest for setting up new churches and so perfectly indifferent 関心ing the doctrine which may be taught in them. His zeal is of a curious character. It is not for the propagation of his own opinions, but of any opinions. It is not for the diffusion of truth, but for the spreading of contradiction. Let the noble teachers but dissent, it is no 事柄 from whom or from what. This 広大な／多数の／重要な point once 安全な・保証するd, it is taken for 認めるd their 宗教 will be 合理的な／理性的な and manly. I 疑問 whether 宗教 would 得る all the 利益s which the calculating divine 計算するs from this "広大な／多数の／重要な company of 広大な／多数の／重要な preachers". It would certainly be a 価値のある 新規加入 of nondescripts to the ample collection of known classes, genera and 種類, which at 現在の beautify the hortus siccus of dissent. A sermon from a noble duke, or a noble marquis, or a noble earl, or baron bold would certainly 増加する and diversify the amusements of this town, which begins to grow satiated with the uniform 一連の会議、交渉／完成する of its vapid dissipations. I should only 規定する that these new Mess-Johns in 式服s and coronets should keep some sort of bounds in the democratic and leveling 原則s which are 推定する／予想するd from their 肩書を与えるd pulpi ts. The new evangelists will, I dare say, disappoint the hopes that are conceived of them. They will not become, literally 同様に as figuratively, polemic divines, nor be 性質の／したい気がして so to 演習 their congregations that they may, as in former blessed times, preach their doctrines to 連隊s of dragoons and 軍団 of infantry and 大砲. Such 手はず／準備, however 都合のよい to the 原因（となる） of compulsory freedom, civil and 宗教的な, may not be 平等に 役立つ to the 国家の tranquility. These few 制限s I hope are no 広大な／多数の／重要な stretches of intolerance, no very violent exertions of 先制政治.

* Discourse on the Love of our Country, Nov. 4, 1789, by Dr. Richard Price, 3d ed., pp. 17, 18.

*(2) "Those who dislike that 方式 of worship which is 定める／命ずるd by public 当局, ought, if they can find no worship out of the church which they 認可する, to 始める，決める up a separate worship for themselves; and by doing this, and giving an example of a 合理的な／理性的な and manly worship, men of 負わせる from their 階級 and literature may do the greatest service to society and the world".- P 18, Dr. Price's Sermon.

BUT I MAY SAY of our preacher "utinam nugis tota illa dedisset tempora saevitiae".- All things in this his fulminating bull are not of so innoxious a 傾向. His doctrines 影響する／感情 our 憲法 in its 決定的な parts. He tells the 革命 Society in this political sermon that his Majesty "is almost the only lawful king in the world because the only one who 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people." As to the kings of the world, all of whom (except one) this archpontiff of the 権利s of men, with all the plenitude and with more than the boldness of the papal 退位させる／宣誓証言するing 力／強力にする in its meridian fervor of the twelfth century, puts into one 広範囲にわたる 条項 of 禁止（する） and anathema and 布告するs usurpers by circles of longitude and latitude, over the whole globe, it behooves them to consider how they 収容する／認める into their 領土s these apostolic missionaries who are to tell their 支配するs they are not lawful kings. That is their 関心. It is ours, as a 国内の 利益／興味 of some moment, 本気で to consider the solidity of the only 原則 upon which these gentlemen 認める a king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain to be する権利を与えるd to their 忠誠.

This doctrine, as 適用するd to the prince now on the British 王位, either is nonsense and therefore neither true nor 誤った, or it 断言するs a most unfounded, dangerous, 違法な, and 憲法違反の position. によれば this spiritual doctor of politics, if his Majesty does not 借りがある his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people, he is no lawful king. Now nothing can be more untrue than that the 栄冠を与える of this kingdom is so held by his Majesty. Therefore, if you follow their 支配する, the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain, who most certainly does not 借りがある his high office to any form of popular 選挙, is in no 尊敬（する）・点 better than the 残り／休憩（する） of the ギャング（団） of usurpers who 統治する, or rather 略奪する, all over the 直面する of this our 哀れな world without any sort of 権利 or 肩書を与える to the 忠誠 of their people. The 政策 of this general doctrine, so qualified, is evident enough. The propagators of this political gospel are in hopes that their abstract 原則 (their 原則 that a popular choice is necessary to the 合法的な 存在 of the 君主 magistracy) would be overlooked, whilst the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain was not 影響する／感情d by it. In the 合間 the ears of their congregations would be 徐々に habituated to it, as if it were a first 原則 認める without 論争. For the 現在の it would only operate as a theory, pickled in the 保存するing juices of pulpit eloquence, and laid by for 未来 use. Condo et compono quae mox depromere possim. By this 政策, whilst our 政府 is soothed with a 保留（地）／予約 in its 好意, to which it has no （人命などを）奪う，主張する, the 安全 which it has in ありふれた with all 政府s, so far as opinion is 安全, is taken away.

Thus these 政治家，政治屋s proceed whilst little notice is taken of their doctrines; but when they come to be 診察するd upon the plain meaning of their words and the direct 傾向 of their doctrines, then equivocations and slippery constructions come into play. When they say the king 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people and is therefore the only lawful 君主 in the world, they will perhaps tell us they mean to say no more than that some of the king's 前任者s have been called to the 王位 by some sort of choice, and therefore he 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people. Thus, by a 哀れな subterfuge, they hope to （判決などを）下す their proposition 安全な by （判決などを）下すing it nugatory. They are welcome to the 亡命 they 捜し出す for their 罪／違反, since they take 避難 in their folly. For if you 収容する／認める this 解釈／通訳, how does their idea of 選挙 異なる from our idea of 相続物件?

And how does the 解決／入植地 of the 栄冠を与える in the Brunswick line derived from James the First come to 合法化する our 君主国 rather than that of any of the 隣接地の countries? At some time or other, to be sure, all the beginners of 王朝s were chosen by those who called them to 治める／統治する. There is ground enough for the opinion that all the kingdoms of Europe were, at a remote period, elective, with more or より小数の 制限s in the 反対するs of choice. But whatever kings might have been here or どこかよそで a thousand years ago, or in whatever manner the 判決，裁定 王朝s of England or フラン may have begun, the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain is, at this day, king by a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 支配する of succession によれば the 法律s of his country; and whilst the 合法的な 条件s of the compact of 主権，独立 are 成し遂げるd by him (as they are 成し遂げるd), he 持つ／拘留するs his 栄冠を与える in contempt of the choice of the 革命 Society, who have not a 選び出す／独身 投票（する） for a king amongst them, either 個々に or collectively, though I make no 疑問 they would soon 築く themselves into an 選挙（人）の college if things were 熟した to give 影響 to their （人命などを）奪う，主張する. His Majesty's 相続人s and 後継者s, each in his time and order, will come to the 栄冠を与える with the same contempt of their choice with which his Majesty has 後継するd to that he wears.

Whatever may be the success of 回避 in explaining away the 甚だしい／１２ダース error of fact, which supposes that his Majesty (though he 持つ／拘留するs it in concurrence with the wishes) 借りがあるs his 栄冠を与える to the choice of his people, yet nothing can 避ける their 十分な explicit 宣言 関心ing the 原則 of a 権利 in the people to choose; which 権利 is 直接／まっすぐに 持続するd and tenaciously 固執するd to. All the oblique insinuations 関心ing 選挙 底（に届く） in this proposition and are referable to it. Lest the 創立／基礎 of the king's 排除的 合法的な 肩書を与える should pass for a mere rant of adulatory freedom, the political divine proceeds dogmatically to 主張する* that, by the 原則s of the 革命, the people of England have acquired three 根底となる 権利s, all which, with him, compose one system and 嘘（をつく） together in one short 宣告，判決, すなわち, that we have acquired a 権利:

(1) to choose our own 知事s.

(2) to cashier them for 不品行／姦通.

(3) to でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる a 政府 for ourselves.

This new and hitherto unheard-of 法案 of 権利s, though made in the 指名する of the whole people, belongs to those gentlemen and their 派閥 only. The 団体／死体 of the people of England have no 株 in it. They utterly disclaim it. They will resist the practical 主張 of it with their lives and fortunes. They are bound to do so by the 法律s of their country made at the time of that very 革命 which is 控訴，上告d to in 好意 of the fictitious 権利s （人命などを）奪う，主張するd by the Society which 乱用s its namright "to choose our own 知事s, to cashier them for 不品行／姦通, and to form a 政府 for ourselves".

This 宣言 of 権利 (the 行為／法令／行動する of the 1st of William and Mary, sess. 2, ch. 2) is the cornerstone of our 憲法 as 増強するd, explained, 改善するd, and in its 根底となる 原則s for ever settled. It is called, "An 行為／法令／行動する for 宣言するing the 権利s and liberties of the 支配する, and for settling the succession of the 栄冠を与える". You will 観察する that these 権利s and this succession are 宣言するd in one 団体／死体 and bound indissolubly together.

A few years after this period, a second 適切な時期 申し込む／申し出d for 主張するing a 権利 of 選挙 to the 栄冠を与える. On the prospect of a total 失敗 of 問題／発行する from King William, and from the Princess, afterwards Queen Anne, the consideration of the 解決／入植地 of the 栄冠を与える and of a その上の 安全 for the liberties of the people again （機の）カム before the 立法機関. Did they this second time make any 準備／条項 for 合法化するing the 栄冠を与える on the spurious 革命 原則s of the Old Jewry? No. They followed the 原則s which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるd in the 宣言 of 権利, 示すing with more precision the persons who were to 相続する in the Protestant line. This 行為／法令／行動する also 会社にする／組み込むd, by the same 政策, our liberties and an hereditary succession in the same 行為／法令／行動する. Instead of a 権利 to choose our own 知事s, they 宣言するd that the succession in that line (the Protestant line drawn from James the First), was 絶対 necessary "for the peace, 静かな, and 安全 of the realm", and that it was 平等に 緊急の on them "to 持続する a certainty in the succession thereof, to which the 支配するs may 安全に have 頼みの綱 for their 保護". Both these 行為／法令／行動するs, in which are heard the unerring, unambiguous oracles of 革命 政策, instead of countenancing the delusive, gipsy 予測s of a "権利 to choose our 知事s", 証明する to a demonstration how 全く 逆の the 知恵 of the nation was from turning a 事例／患者 of necessity into a 支配する of 法律.

Unquestionably, there was at the 革命, in the person of King William, a small and a 一時的な deviation from the strict order of a 正規の／正選手 hereditary succession; but it is against all 本物の 原則s of jurisprudence to draw a 原則 from a 法律 made in a special 事例／患者 and regarding an individual person. Privilegium 非，不，無 輸送 in exemplum. If ever there was a time 都合のよい for 設立するing the 原則 that a king of popular choice was the only 合法的な king, without all 疑問 it was at the 革命. Its not 存在 done at that time is a proof that the nation was of opinion it ought not to be done at any time. There is no person so 完全に ignorant of our history as not to know that the 大多数 in 議会 of both parties were so little 性質の／したい気がして to anything 似ているing that 原則 that at first they were 決定するd to place the 空いている 栄冠を与える, not on the 長，率いる of the Prince of Orange, but on that of his wife Mary, daughter of King James, the eldest born of the 問題／発行する of that king, which they 定評のある as undoubtedly his. It would be to repeat a very trite story, to 解任する to your memory all those circumstances which 論証するd that their 受託するing King William was not 適切に a choice; but to all those who did not wish, in 影響, to 解任する King James or to deluge their country in 血 and again to bring their 宗教, 法律s, and liberties into the 危険，危なくする they had just escaped, it was an 行為／法令／行動する of necessity, in the strictest moral sense in which necessity can be taken.

In the very 行為／法令／行動する in which for a time, and in a 選び出す／独身 事例／患者, 議会 出発／死d from the strict order of 相続物件 in 好意 of a prince who, though not next, was, however, very 近づく in the line of succession, it is curious to 観察する how Lord Somers, who drew the 法案 called the 宣言 of 権利, has comported himself on that delicate occasion. It is curious to 観察する with what 演説（する）／住所 this 一時的な 解答 of 連続 is kept from the 注目する，もくろむ, whilst all that could be 設立する in this 行為／法令／行動する of necessity to countenance the idea of an hereditary succession is brought 今後, and fostered, and made the most of, by this 広大な／多数の／重要な man and by the 立法機関 who followed him. Quitting the 乾燥した，日照りの, imperative style of an 行為／法令／行動する of 議会, he makes the Lords and ありふれたs 落ちる to a pious, 法律を制定する ejaculation and 宣言する that they consider it "as a marvellous providence and 慈悲の goodness of God to this nation to 保存する their said Majesties' 王室の persons most happily to 統治する over us on the 王位 of their ancestors, for which, from the 底（に届く） of their hearts, they return their humblest thanks and 賞賛するs".- The 立法機関 plainly had in 見解（をとる） the 行為／法令／行動する of 承認 of the first of Queen Elizabeth, chap. 3rd, and of that of James the First, chap. 1st, both 行為／法令／行動するs 堅固に declaratory of the inheritable nature of the 栄冠を与える; and in many parts they follow, with a nearly literal precision, the words and even the form of thanksgiving which is 設立する in these old declaratory 法令s.

The two Houses, in the 行為／法令／行動する of King William, did not thank God that they had 設立する a fair 適切な時期 to 主張する a 権利 to choose their own 知事s, much いっそう少なく to make an 選挙 the only lawful 肩書を与える to the 栄冠を与える. Their having been in a 条件 to 避ける the very 外見 of it, as much as possible, was by them considered as a providential escape. They threw a politic, 井戸／弁護士席-wrought 隠す over every circumstance tending to 弱める the 権利s which in the meliorated order of succession they meant to perpetuate, or which might furnish a precedent for any 未来 出発 from what they had then settled forever. Accordingly, that they might not relax the 神経s of their 君主国, and that they might 保存する a の近くに 順応／服従 to the practice of their ancestors, as it appeared in the declaratory 法令s of Queen Mary* and Queen Elizabeth, in the next 条項 they vest, by 承認, in their Majesties all the 合法的な prerogatives of the 栄冠を与える, 宣言するing "that in them they are most fully, rightfully, and 完全に 投資するd, 会社にする／組み込むd, 部隊d, and 別館d". In the 条項 which follows, for 妨げるing questions by 推論する／理由 of any pretended 肩書を与えるs to the 栄冠を与える, they 宣言する (観察するing also in this the traditionary language, along with the traditionary 政策 of the nation, and repeating as from a rubric the language of the 先行する 行為／法令／行動するs of Elizabeth and James,) that on the 保存するing "a certainty in the succession thereof, the まとまり, peace, and tranquillity of this nation doth, under God, wholly depend".

* 1st Mary, sess. 3, ch. 1.

They knew that a doubtful 肩書を与える of succession would but too much 似ている an 選挙, and that an 選挙 would be utterly destructive of the "まとまり, peace, and tranquillity of this nation", which they thought to be considerations of some moment. To 供給する for these 反対するs and, therefore, to 除外する for ever the Old Jewry doctrine of "a 権利 to choose our own 知事s", they follow with a 条項 含む／封じ込めるing a most solemn 誓約（する）, taken from the 先行する 行為／法令／行動する of Queen Elizabeth, as solemn a 誓約（する） as ever was or can be given in 好意 of an hereditary succession, and as solemn a renunciation as could be made of the 原則s by this Society imputed to them: The Lords spiritual and temporal, and ありふれたs, do, in the 指名する of all the people aforesaid, most 謙虚に and faithfully 服従させる／提出する themselves, their 相続人s and posterities for ever; and do faithfully 約束 that they will stand to 持続する, and defend their said Majesties, and also the 制限 of the 栄冠を与える, herein 明示するd and 含む／封じ込めるd, to the 最大の of their 力／強力にするs, etc. etc.

So far is it from 存在 true that we acquired a 権利 by the 革命 to elect our kings that, if we had 所有するd it before, the English nation did at that time most solemnly 放棄する and abdicate it, for themselves and for all their posterity forever. These gentlemen may value themselves as much as they please on their whig 原則s, but I never 願望（する） to be thought a better whig than Lord Somers, or to understand the 原則s of the 革命 better than those, by whom it was brought about, or to read in the 宣言 of 権利 any mysteries unknown to those whose 侵入するing style has engraved in our 法令／条例s, and in our hearts, the words and spirit of that immortal 法律.

It is true that, 補佐官d with the 力／強力にするs derived from 軍隊 and 適切な時期, the nation was at that time, in some sense, 解放する／自由な to take what course it pleased for filling the 王位, but only 解放する／自由な to do so upon the same grounds on which they might have wholly 廃止するd their 君主国 and every other part of their 憲法. However, they did not think such bold changes within their （売買）手数料，委託（する）／委員会／権限. It is indeed difficult, perhaps impossible, to give 限界s to the mere abstract competence of the 最高の 力／強力にする, such as was 演習d by 議会 at that time, but the 限界s of a moral competence 支配するing, even in 力／強力にするs more indisputably 君主, 時折の will to 永久の 推論する／理由 and to the 安定した maxims of 約束, 司法（官）, and 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 根底となる 政策, are perfectly intelligible and perfectly binding upon those who 演習 any 当局, under any 指名する or under any 肩書を与える, in the 明言する／公表する. The House of Lords, for instance, is not morally competent to 解散させる the House of ありふれたs, no, nor even to 解散させる itself, nor to abdicate, if it would, its 部分 in the 立法機関 of the kingdom. Though a king may abdicate for his own person, he cannot abdicate for the 君主国. By as strong, or by a stronger 推論する／理由, the House of ありふれたs cannot 放棄する its 株 of 当局. The 約束／交戦 and 協定／条約 of society, which 一般に goes by the 指名する of the 憲法, forbids such 侵略 and such 降伏する. The 選挙権を持つ／選挙人 parts of a 明言する／公表する are 強いるd to 持つ／拘留する their public 約束 with each other and with all those who derive any serious 利益／興味 under their 約束／交戦s, as much as the whole 明言する／公表する is bound to keep its 約束 with separate communities. さもなければ competence and 力／強力にする would soon be confounded and no 法律 be left but the will of a 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるing 軍隊. On this 原則 the succession of the 栄冠を与える has always been what it now is, an hereditary succession by 法律; in the old line it was a succession by the ありふれた 法律; in the new, by the 法令 法律 operating on the 原則s of the ありふれた 法律, not changing the 実体, b ut 規制するing the 方式 and 述べるing the persons. Both these descriptions of 法律 are of the same 軍隊 and are derived from an equal 当局 emanating from the ありふれた 協定 and 初めの compact of the 明言する／公表する, communi sponsione reipublicae, and as such are 平等に binding on king and people, too, as long as the 条件 are 観察するd and they continue the same 団体／死体 politic.

It is far from impossible to reconcile, if we do not 苦しむ ourselves to be entangled in the mazes of metaphysic sophistry, the use both of a 直す／買収する，八百長をするd 支配する and an 時折の deviation: the sacredness of an hereditary 原則 of succession in our 政府 with a 力／強力にする of change in its 使用／適用 in 事例／患者s of extreme 緊急. Even in that extremity (if we take the 手段 of our 権利s by our 演習 of them at the 革命), the change is to be 限定するd to the peccant part only, to the part which produced the necessary deviation; and even then it is to be 影響d without a decomposition of the whole civil and political 集まり for the 目的 of 起こる／始まるing a new civil order out of the first elements of society.

A 明言する／公表する without the means of some change is without the means of its 自然保護. Without such means it might even 危険 the loss of that part of the 憲法 which it wished the most religiously to 保存する. The two 原則s of 自然保護 and 是正 operated 堅固に at the two 批判的な periods of the 復古／返還 and 革命, when England 設立する itself without a king. At both those periods the nation had lost the 社債 of union in their 古代の edifice; they did not, however, 解散させる the whole fabric. On the contrary, in both 事例／患者s they regenerated the deficient part of the old 憲法 through the parts which were not impaired. They kept these old parts 正確に／まさに as they were, that the part 回復するd might be ふさわしい to them. They 行為／法令／行動するd by the 古代の 組織するd 明言する／公表するs in the 形態／調整 of their old organization, and not by the 有機の moleculae of a 解散するd people. At no time, perhaps, did the 君主 立法機関 manifest a more tender regard to that 根底となる 原則 of British 憲法の 政策 than at the time of the 革命, when it deviated from the direct line of hereditary succession. The 栄冠を与える was carried somewhat out of the line in which it had before moved, but the new line was derived from the same 在庫／株. It was still a line of hereditary 降下／家系, still an hereditary 降下／家系 in the same 血, though an hereditary 降下／家系 qualified with Protestantism. When the 立法機関 altered the direction, but kept the 原則, they showed that they held it inviolable.

On this 原則, the 法律 of 相続物件 had 認める some 改正 in the old time, and long before the 時代 of the 革命. Some time after the Conquest, 広大な／多数の／重要な questions arose upon the 合法的な 原則s of hereditary 降下／家系. It became a 事柄 of 疑問 whether the 相続人 per capita or the 相続人 per stirpes was to 後継する; but whether the 相続人 per capita gave way when the heirdom per stirpes took place, or the カトリック教徒 相続人 when the Protestant was preferred, the inheritable 原則 生き残るd with a sort of immortality through all transmigrations- multosque per annos stat fortuna domus, et avi numerantur avorum. This is the spirit of our 憲法, not only in its settled course, but in all its 革命s. Whoever （機の）カム in, or however he （機の）カム in, whether he 得るd the 栄冠を与える by 法律 or by 軍隊, the hereditary succession was either continued or 可決する・採択するd.

The gentlemen of the Society for 革命 see nothing in that of 1688 but the deviation from the 憲法; and they take the deviation from the 原則 for the 原則. They have little regard to the obvious consequences of their doctrine, though they must see that it leaves 肯定的な 当局 in very few of the 肯定的な 会・原則s of this country. When such an unwarrantable maxim is once 設立するd, that no 王位 is lawful but the elective, no one 行為／法令／行動する of the princes who に先行するd this 時代 of fictitious 選挙 can be valid. Do these 理論家s mean to imitate some of their 前任者s who dragged the 団体／死体s of our 古代の 君主s out of the 静かな of their tombs? Do they mean to attaint and 無能にする backward all the kings that have 統治するd before the 革命, and その結果 to stain the 王位 of England with the blot of a continual usurpation? Do they mean to 無効にする, 無効にする, or to call into question, together with the 肩書を与えるs of the whole line of our kings, that 広大な／多数の／重要な 団体／死体 of our 法令 法律 which passed under those whom they 扱う／治療する as usurpers, to 無効にする 法律s of inestimable value to our liberties- of as 広大な／多数の／重要な value at least as any which have passed at or since the period of the 革命? If kings who did not 借りがある their 栄冠を与える to the choice of their people had no 肩書を与える to make 法律s, what will become of the 法令 de tallagio 非，不，無 concedendo?- of the 嘆願（書） of 権利? - of the 行為／法令／行動する of 人身保護（令状）? Do these new doctors of the 権利s of men 推定する to 主張する that King James the Second, who （機の）カム to the 栄冠を与える as next of 血, によれば the 支配するs of a then unqualified succession, was not to all 意図s and 目的s a lawful king of England before he had done any of those 行為／法令／行動するs which were 正確に，正当に construed into an abdication of his 栄冠を与える? If he was not, much trouble in 議会 might have been saved at the period these gentlemen 祝う／追悼する. But King James was a bad king with a good 肩書を与える, and not an usurper. The princes who 後継するd, によれば the 行為／法令／行動する of 議会 which settled the cro wn on the Electress Sophia and on her 子孫s, 存在 Protestants, （機の）カム in as much by a 肩書を与える of 相続物件 as King James did. He （機の）カム in によれば the 法律 as it stood at his 即位 to the 栄冠を与える; and the princes of the House of Brunswick （機の）カム to the 相続物件 of the 栄冠を与える, not by 選挙, but by the 法律 as it stood at their several 即位s of Protestant 降下／家系 and 相続物件, as I hope I have shown 十分に.

The 法律 by which this 王室の family is 特に 運命にあるd to the succession is the 行為／法令／行動する of the 12th and 13th of King William. The 条件 of this 行為／法令／行動する 貯蔵所d "us and our 相続人s, and our posterity, to them, their 相続人s, and their posterity", 存在 Protestants, to the end of time, in the same words as the 宣言 of 権利 had bound us to the 相続人s of King William and Queen Mary. It therefore 安全な・保証するs both an hereditary 栄冠を与える and an hereditary 忠誠. On what ground, except the 憲法の 政策 of forming an 設立 to 安全な・保証する that 肉親，親類d of succession which is to 妨げる a choice of the people forever, could the 立法機関 have fastidiously 拒絶するd the fair and abundant choice which our country 現在のd to them and searched in strange lands for a foreign princess from whose womb the line of our 未来 支配者s were to derive their 肩書を与える to 治める／統治する millions of men through a 一連の ages?

The Princess Sophia was 指名するd in the 行為／法令／行動する of 解決／入植地 of the 12th and 13th of King William for a 在庫／株 and root of 相続物件 to our kings, and not for her 長所s as a 一時的な administratrix of a 力／強力にする which she might not, and in fact did not, herself ever 演習. She was 可決する・採択するd for one 推論する／理由, and for one only, because, says the 行為／法令／行動する, "the most excellent Princess Sophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover, is daughter of the most excellent Princess Elizabeth, late Queen of Bohemia, daughter of our late 君主 lord King James the First, of happy memory, and is hereby 宣言するd to be the next in succession in the Protestant line etc., etc., and the 栄冠を与える shall continue to the 相続人s of her 団体／死体, 存在 Protestants." This 制限 was made by 議会, that through the Princess Sophia an inheritable line not only was to be continued in 未来, but (what they thought very 構成要素) that through her it was to be connected with the old 在庫／株 of 相続物件 in King James the First, in order that the 君主国 might 保存する an 無傷の まとまり through all ages and might be 保存するd (with safety to our 宗教) in the old 認可するd 方式 by 降下／家系, in which, if our liberties had been once 危うくするd, they had often, through all 嵐／襲撃するs and struggles of prerogative and 特権, been 保存するd. They did 井戸／弁護士席. No experience has taught us that in any other course or method than that of an hereditary 栄冠を与える our liberties can be 定期的に perpetuated and 保存するd sacred as our hereditary 権利. An 不規律な, convulsive movement may be necessary to throw off an 不規律な, convulsive 病気. But the course of succession is the healthy habit of the British 憲法. Was it that the 立法機関 手配中の，お尋ね者, at the 行為／法令／行動する for the 制限 of the 栄冠を与える in the Hanoverian line, drawn through the 女性（の） 子孫s of James the First, a 予定 sense of the inconveniences of having two or three, or かもしれない more, foreigners in succession to the British 王位? No!- they had a 予定 sense of the evils which might happen from s uch foreign 支配する, and more than a 予定 sense of them. But a more 決定的な proof cannot be given of the 十分な 有罪の判決 of the British nation that the 原則s of the 革命 did not 権限を与える them to elect kings at their 楽しみ, and without any attention to the 古代の 根底となる 原則s of our 政府, than their continuing to 可決する・採択する a 計画（する） of hereditary Protestant succession in the old line, with all the dangers and all the inconveniences of its 存在 a foreign line 十分な before their 注目する，もくろむs and operating with the 最大の 軍隊 upon their minds.

A few years ago I should be ashamed to overload a 事柄 so 有能な of supporting itself by the then unnecessary support of any argument; but this seditious, 憲法違反の doctrine is now 公然と taught, avowed, and printed. The dislike I feel to 革命s, the signals for which have so often been given from pulpits; the spirit of change that is gone abroad; the total contempt which 勝つ／広く一帯に広がるs with you, and may come to 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる with us, of all 古代の 会・原則s when 始める，決める in 対立 to a 現在の sense of convenience or to the bent of a 現在の inclination: all these considerations make it not unadvisable, in my opinion, to call 支援する our attention to the true 原則s of our own 国内の 法律s; that you, my French friend, should begin to know, and that we should continue to 心にいだく them. We ought not, on either 味方する of the water, to 苦しむ ourselves to be 課すd upon by the 偽造の wares which some persons, by a 二塁打 詐欺, 輸出（する） to you in illicit 底（に届く）s as raw 商品／必需品s of British growth, though wholly 外国人 to our 国／地域, in order afterwards to 密輸する them 支援する again into this country, 製造（する）d after the newest Paris fashion of an 改善するd liberty.

The people of England will not ape the fashions they have never tried, nor go 支援する to those which they have 設立する mischievous on 裁判，公判. They look upon the 合法的な hereditary succession of their 栄冠を与える as の中で their 権利s, not as の中で their wrongs; as a 利益, not as a grievance; as a 安全 for their liberty, not as a badge of servitude. They look on the でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる of their 連邦／共和国, such as it stands, to be of inestimable value, and they conceive the undisturbed succession of the 栄冠を与える to be a 誓約（する） of the 安定 and perpetuity of all the other members of our 憲法.

I shall beg leave, before I go any その上の, to take notice of some paltry artifices which the 教唆犯s of 選挙, as the only lawful 肩書を与える to the 栄冠を与える, are ready to 雇う ーするために （判決などを）下す the support of the just 原則s of our 憲法 a 仕事 somewhat invidious. These sophisters 代用品，人 a fictitious 原因（となる） and feigned personages, in whose 好意 they suppose you engaged whenever you defend the inheritable nature of the 栄冠を与える. It is ありふれた with them to 論争 as if they were in a 衝突 with some of those 爆発するd fanatics of slavery, who 以前は 持続するd what I believe no creature now 持続するs, "that the 栄冠を与える is held by divine hereditary and indefeasible 権利".- These old fanatics of 選び出す／独身 独断的な 力／強力にする dogmatized as if hereditary 王族 was the only lawful 政府 in the world, just as our new fanatics of popular 独断的な 力／強力にする 持続する that a popular 選挙 is the 単独の lawful source of 当局. The old prerogative 熱中している人s, it is true, did 推測する foolishly, and perhaps impiously too, as if 君主国 had more of a divine 許可／制裁 than any other 方式 of 政府; and as if a 権利 to 治める／統治する by 相続物件 were in strictness indefeasible in every person who should be 設立する in the succession to a 王位, and under every circumstance, which no civil or political 権利 can be. But an absurd opinion 関心ing the king's hereditary 権利 to the 栄冠を与える does not prejudice one that is 合理的な／理性的な and 底（に届く）d upon solid 原則s of 法律 and 政策. If all the absurd theories of lawyers and divines were to vitiate the 反対するs in which they are conversant, we should have no 法律 and no 宗教 left in the world. But an absurd theory on one 味方する of a question forms no justification for 主張するing a 誤った fact or promulgating mischievous maxims on the other.

THE SECOND CLAIM of the 革命 Society is "a 権利 of cashiering their 知事s for 不品行／姦通". Perhaps the 逮捕s our ancestors entertained of forming such a precedent as that "of cashiering for 不品行／姦通" was the 原因（となる） that the 宣言 of the 行為／法令／行動する, which 暗示するd the abdication of King James, was, if it had any fault, rather too guarded and too circumstantial.* But all this guard and all this accumulation of circumstances serves to show the spirit of 警告を与える which predominated in the 国家の 会議s in a 状況／情勢 in which men irritated by 圧迫, and elevated by a 勝利 over it, are apt to abandon themselves to violent and extreme courses; it shows the 苦悩 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な men who 影響（力）d the 行為／行う of 事件／事情／状勢s at that 広大な／多数の／重要な event to make the 革命 a parent of 解決／入植地, and not a nursery of 未来 革命s.

* "That King James the Second, having 努力するd to subvert the 憲法 of the kingdom by breaking the 初めの 契約 between king and people, and, by the advice of Jesuits and other wicked persons, having 侵害する／違反するd the 根底となる 法律s, and having 孤立した himself out of the kingdom, hath abdicated the 政府, and the 王位 is その為に 空いている".

No 政府 could stand a moment if it could be blown 負かす／撃墜する with anything so loose and 不明確な／無期限の as an opinion of "不品行／姦通". They who led at the 革命 grounded the 事実上の abdication of King James upon no such light and uncertain 原則. They 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d him with nothing いっそう少なく than a design, 確認するd by a multitude of 違法な overt 行為／法令／行動するs, to subvert the Protestant church and 明言する／公表する, and their 根底となる, unquestionable 法律s and liberties; they 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金d him with having broken the 初めの 契約 between king and people. This was more than 不品行／姦通. A 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and overruling necessity 強いるd them to take the step they took, and took with infinite 不本意, as under that most rigorous of all 法律s. Their 信用 for the 未来 保護 of the 憲法 was not in 未来 革命s. The grand 政策 of all their 規則s was to （判決などを）下す it almost impracticable for any 未来 君主 to 強要する the 明言する／公表するs of the kingdom to have again 頼みの綱 to those violent 治療（薬）s. They left the 栄冠を与える what, in the 注目する，もくろむ and estimation of 法律, it had ever been-perfectly irresponsible. ーするために lighten the 栄冠を与える still その上の, they 悪化させるd 責任／義務 on 大臣s of 明言する／公表する. By the 法令 of the 1st of King William, sess. 2nd, called "the 行為／法令／行動する for 宣言するing the 権利s and liberties of the 支配する, and for settling the succession of the 栄冠を与える", they 制定するd that the 大臣s should serve the 栄冠を与える on the 条件 of that 宣言. They 安全な・保証するd soon after the たびたび（訪れる） 会合s of 議会, by which the whole 政府 would be under the constant 査察 and active 支配（する）／統制する of the popular 代表者／国会議員 and of the 有力者／大事業家s of the kingdom. In the next 広大な／多数の／重要な 憲法の 行為／法令／行動する, that of the 12th and 13th of King William, for the その上の 制限 of the 栄冠を与える and better 安全な・保証するing the 権利s and liberties of the 支配する, they 供給するd "that no 容赦 under the 広大な／多数の／重要な 調印（する） of England should be pleadable to an 告発 by the ありふれたs in 議会". The 支配する laid 負かす／撃墜する for 政府 in the 宣言 of Righ t, the constant 査察 of 議会, the practical （人命などを）奪う，主張する of 告発, they thought infinitely a better 安全, not only for their 憲法の liberty, but against the 副／悪徳行為s of 行政, than the 保留（地）／予約 of a 権利 so difficult in the practice, so uncertain in the 問題／発行する, and often so mischievous in the consequences, as that of "cashiering their 知事s".

Dr. Price, in this sermon,* 非難するs very 適切に the practice of 甚だしい／１２ダース, adulatory 演説（する）／住所s to kings. Instead of this fulsome style, he 提案するs that his Majesty should be told, on occasions of congratulation, that "he is to consider himself as more 適切に the servant than the 君主 of his people". For a compliment, this new form of 演説（する）／住所 does not seem to be very soothing. Those who are servants in 指名する, 同様に as in 影響, do not like to be told of their 状況／情勢, their 義務, and their 義務s. The slave, in the old play, tells his master, "Haec commemoratio est quasi exprobatio". It is not pleasant as compliment; it is not wholesome as 指示／教授／教育. After all, if the king were to bring himself to echo this new 肉親，親類d of 演説（する）／住所, to 可決する・採択する it ーに関して／ーの点でs, and even to take the 呼称 of Servant of the People as his 王室の style, how either he or we should be much mended by it I cannot imagine. I have seen very assuming letters, 調印するd "Your most obedient, humble servant". The proudest denomination that ever was 耐えるd on earth took a 肩書を与える of still greater humility than that which is now 提案するd for 君主s by the Apostle of Liberty. Kings and nations were trampled upon by the foot of one calling himself "the Servant of Servants"; and 委任統治（領）s for 退位させる／宣誓証言するing 君主s were 調印（する）d with the signet of "the Fisherman".

* Pp. 22-24.

I should have considered all this as no more than a sort of flippant, vain discourse, in which, as in an unsavory ガス／煙, several persons 苦しむ the spirit of liberty to evaporate, if it were not plainly in support of the idea and a part of the 計画／陰謀 of "cashiering kings for 不品行／姦通". In that light it is 価値（がある） some 観察.

Kings, in one sense, are undoubtedly the servants of the people because their 力／強力にする has no other 合理的な／理性的な end than that of the general advantage; but it is not true that they are, in the ordinary sense (by our 憲法, at least), anything like servants; the essence of whose 状況／情勢 is to obey the 命令（する）s of some other and to be removable at 楽しみ. But the king of 広大な／多数の／重要な Britain obeys no other person; all other persons are 個々に, and collectively too, under him and 借りがある to him a 合法的な obedience. The 法律, which knows neither to flatter nor to 侮辱, calls this high 治安判事 not our servant, as this humble divine calls him, but "our 君主 Lord the king"; and we, on our parts, have learned to speak only the 原始の language of the 法律, and not the 混乱させるd jargon of their Babylonian pulpits.

As he is not to obey us, but as we are to obey the 法律 in him, our 憲法 has made no sort of 準備／条項 toward （判決などを）下すing him, as a servant, in any degree responsible. Our 憲法 knows nothing of a 治安判事 like the Justicia of Aragon, nor of any 法廷，裁判所 合法的に 任命するd, nor of any 過程 合法的に settled, for submitting the king to the 責任／義務 belonging to all servants. In this he is not distinguished from the ありふれたs and the Lords, who, in their several public capacities, can never be called to an account for their 行為／行う, although the 革命 Society chooses to 主張する, in direct 対立 to one of the wisest and most beautiful parts of our 憲法, that "a king is no more than the first servant of the public, created by it, and responsible to it"

Ill would our ancestors at the 革命 have deserved their fame for 知恵 if they had 設立する no 安全 for their freedom but in （判決などを）下すing their 政府 feeble in its 操作／手術s, and 不安定な in its 任期; if they had been able to contrive no better 治療（薬） against 独断的な 力／強力にする than civil 混乱. Let these gentlemen 明言する／公表する who that 代表者／国会議員 public is to whom they will 断言する the king, as a servant, to be responsible. It will then be time enough for me to produce to them the 肯定的な 法令 法律 which 断言するs that he is not.

The 儀式 of cashiering kings, of which these gentlemen talk so much at their 緩和する, can rarely, if ever, be 成し遂げるd without 軍隊. It then becomes a 事例／患者 of war, and not of 憲法. 法律s are 命令（する）d to 持つ／拘留する their tongues amongst 武器, and 法廷s 落ちる to the ground with the peace they are no longer able to 支持する. The 革命 of 1688 was 得るd by a just war, in the only 事例／患者 in which any war, and much more a civil war, can be just. Justa bella quibus necessaria. The question of dethroning or, if these gentlemen like the phrase better, "cashiering kings" will always be, as it has always been, an 驚くべき／特命の／臨時の question of 明言する／公表する, and wholly out of the 法律- a question (like all other questions of 明言する／公表する) of dispositions and of means and of probable consequences rather than of 肯定的な 権利s. As it was not made for ありふれた 乱用s, so it is not to be agitated by ありふれた minds. The 思索的な line of 境界設定 where obedience せねばならない end and 抵抗 must begin is faint, obscure, and not easily definable. It is not a 選び出す／独身 行為／法令／行動する, or a 選び出す／独身 event, which 決定するs it. 政府s must be 乱用d and deranged, indeed, before it can be thought of; and the prospect of the 未来 must be as bad as the experience of the past. When things are in that lamentable 条件, the nature of the 病気 is to 示す the 治療（薬） to those whom nature has qualified to 治める in extremities this 批判的な, あいまいな, bitter potion to a distempered 明言する／公表する. Times and occasions and 誘発s will teach their own lessons. The wise will 決定する from the gravity of the 事例／患者; the irritable, from sensibility to oppts of their 産業 and to the means of making their 産業 実りの多い／有益な. They have a 権利 to the 取得／買収s of their parents, to the nourishment and 改良 of their offspring, to 指示／教授／教育 in life, and to なぐさみ in death. Whatever each man can 分かれて do, without trespassing upon others, he has a 権利 to do for himself; and he has a 権利 to a fair 部分 of all which society, with all its combinations of 技術 and 軍隊, can do in his 好意. In this 共同 all men have equal 権利s, but not to equal things. He that has but five shillings in the 共同 has as good a 権利 to it as he that has five hundred 続けざまに猛撃するs has to his larger 割合. But he has not a 権利 to an equal （株主への）配当 in the 製品 of the 共同の 在庫／株; and as to the 株 of 力／強力にする, 当局, and direction which each individual せねばならない have in the 管理／経営 of the 明言する／公表する, that I must 否定する to be amongst the direct 初めの 権利s of man in civil society; for I have in my contemplation the civil social man, and no other. It is a thing to be settled by 条約.

If civil society be the offspring of 条約, that 条約 must be its 法律. That 条約 must 限界 and 修正する all the descriptions of 憲法 which are formed under it. Every sort of 法律を制定する, judicial, or executory 力／強力にする are its creatures. They can have no 存在 in any other 明言する／公表する of things; and how can any man （人命などを）奪う，主張する under the 条約s of civil society 権利s which do not so much as suppose its 存在- 権利s which are 絶対 repugnant to it? One of the first 動機s to civil society, and which becomes one of its 根底となる 支配するs, is that no man should be 裁判官 in his own 原因（となる）. By this each person has at once divested himself of the first 根底となる 権利 of uncovenanted man, that is, to 裁判官 for himself and to 主張する his own 原因（となる）. He abdicates all 権利 to be his own 知事. He inclusively, in a 広大な／多数の／重要な 手段, abandons the 権利 of self-弁護, the first 法律 of nature. Men cannot enjoy the 権利s of an uncivil and of a civil 明言する／公表する together. That he may 得る 司法（官）, he gives up his 権利 of 決定するing what it is in points the most 必須の to him. That he may 安全な・保証する some liberty, he makes a 降伏する in 信用 of the whole of it.

政府 is not made in virtue of natural 権利s, which may and do 存在する in total independence of it, and 存在する in much greater clearness and in a much greater degree of abstract perfection; but their abstract perfection is their practical defect. By having a 権利 to everything they want everything. 政府 is a contrivance of human 知恵 to 供給する for human wants. Men have a 権利 that these wants should be 供給するd for by this 知恵. の中で these wants is to be reckoned the want, out of civil society, of a 十分な 抑制 upon their passions. Society 要求するs not only that the passions of individuals should be 支配するd, but that even in the 集まり and 団体／死体, 同様に as in the individuals, the inclinations of men should frequently be 妨害するd, their will controlled, and their passions brought into subjection. This can only be done by a 力／強力にする out of themselves, and not, in the 演習 of its 機能（する）／行事, 支配する to that will and to those passions which it is its office to bridle and subdue. In this sense the 抑制s on men, 同様に as their liberties, are to be reckoned の中で their 権利s. But as the liberties and the 制限s 変化させる with times and circumstances and 収容する／認める to infinite modifications, they cannot be settled upon any abstract 支配する; and nothing is so foolish as to discuss them upon that 原則.

The moment you abate anything from the 十分な 権利s of men, each to 治める／統治する himself, and 苦しむ any 人工的な, 肯定的な 制限 upon those 権利s, from that moment the whole organization of 政府 becomes a consideration of convenience. This it is which makes the 憲法 of a 明言する／公表する and the 予定 配当 of its 力／強力にするs a 事柄 of the most delicate and 複雑にするd 技術. It 要求するs a 深い knowledge of human nature and human necessities, and of the things which 容易にする or 妨害する the さまざまな ends which are to be 追求するd by the 機械装置 of civil 会・原則s. The 明言する／公表する is to have 新採用するs to its strength, and 治療（薬）s to its distempers. What is the use of discussing a man's abstract 権利 to food or 薬／医学? The question is upon the method of procuring and 治めるing them. In that 審議 I shall always advise to call in the 援助（する） of the 農業者 and the 内科医 rather than the professor of metaphysics.

The science of 建設するing a 連邦／共和国, or renovating it, or 改革（する）ing it, is, like every other 実験の science, not to be taught a priori. Nor is it a short experience that can 教える us in that practical science, because the real 影響s of moral 原因（となる）s are not always 即座の; but that which in the first instance is prejudicial may be excellent in its remoter 操作／手術, and its excellence may arise even from the ill 影響s it produces in the beginning. The 逆転する also happens: and very plausible 計画／陰謀s, with very pleasing 開始／学位授与式s, have often shameful and lamentable 結論s. In 明言する／公表するs there are often some obscure and almost latent 原因（となる）s, things which appear at first 見解（をとる） of little moment, on which a very 広大な／多数の／重要な part of its 繁栄 or adversity may most essentially depend. The science of 政府 存在 therefore so practical in itself and ーするつもりであるd for such practical 目的s- a 事柄 which 要求するs experience, and even more experience than any person can 伸び（る） in his whole life, however sagacious and 観察するing he may be - it is with infinite 警告を与える that any man せねばならない 投機・賭ける upon pulling 負かす／撃墜する an edifice which has answered in any tolerable degree for ages the ありふれた 目的s of society, or on building it up again without having models and patterns of 認可するd 公共事業（料金）／有用性 before his 注目する，もくろむs.

These metaphysic 権利s entering into ありふれた life, like rays of light which pierce into a dense medium, are by the 法律s of nature refracted from their straight line. Indeed, in the 甚だしい／１２ダース and 複雑にするd 集まり of human passions and 関心s the 原始の 権利s of men を受ける such a variety of refractions and reflections that it becomes absurd to talk of them as if they continued in the 簡単 of their 初めの direction. The nature of man is intricate; the 反対するs of society are of the greatest possible 複雑さ; and, therefore, no simple disposition or direction of 力／強力にする can be suitable either to man's nature or to the 質 of his 事件／事情／状勢s. When I hear the 簡単 of contrivance 目的（とする）d at and 誇るd of in any new political 憲法s, I am at no loss to decide that the artificers are grossly ignorant of their 貿易（する） or 全く negligent of their 義務. The simple 政府s are fundamentally 欠陥のある, to say no worse of them. If you were to 熟視する／熟考する society in but one point of 見解（をとる）, all these simple 方式s of polity are infinitely captivating. In 影響 each would answer its 選び出す／独身 end much more perfectly than the more コンビナート／複合体 is able to 達成する all its コンビナート／複合体 目的s. But it is better that the whole should be imperfectly and anomalously answered than that, while some parts are 供給するd for with 広大な／多数の／重要な exactness, others might be 全く neglected or perhaps materially 負傷させるd by the over-care of a favorite member.

The pretended 権利s of these 理論家s are all extremes; and in 割合 as they are metaphysically true, they are morally and 政治上 誤った. The 権利s of men are in a sort of middle, incapable of 鮮明度／定義, but not impossible to be discerned. The 権利s of men in 政府s are their advantages; and these are often in balances between differences of good, in 妥協s いつかs between good and evil, and いつかs between evil and evil. Political 推論する／理由 is a 計算するing 原則: 追加するing, subtracting, multiplying, and dividing, morally and not metaphysically or mathematically, true moral denominations.

By these 理論家s the 権利 of the people is almost always sophistically confounded with their 力／強力にする. The 団体／死体 of the community, whenever it can come to 行為／法令／行動する, can 会合，会う with no effectual 抵抗; but till 力／強力にする and 権利 are the same, the whole 団体／死体 of them has no 権利 inconsistent with virtue, and the first of all virtues, prudence. Men have no 権利 to what is not reasonable and to what is not for their 利益; for though a pleasant writer said, liceat perire poetis, when one of them, in 冷淡な 血, is said to have leaped into the 炎上s of a 火山の 革命, ardentem frigidus Aetnam insiluit, I consider such a frolic rather as an 正統化できない poetic license than as one of the franchises of Parnassus; and whether he was a poet, or divine, or 政治家，政治屋 that chose to 演習 this 肉親，親類d of 権利, I think that more wise, because more charitable, thoughts would 勧める me rather to save the man than to 保存する his brazen slippers as the monuments of his folly.

The 肉親，親類d of 周年記念日 sermons to which a 広大な／多数の／重要な part of what I 令状 言及するs, if men are not shamed out of their 現在の course in 祝う／追悼するing the fact, will cheat many out of the 原則s, and 奪う them of the 利益s, of the 革命 they 祝う／追悼する. I 自白する to you, Sir, I never liked this continual talk of 抵抗 and 革命, or the practice of making the extreme 薬／医学 of the 憲法 its daily bread. It （判決などを）下すs the habit of society 危険に valetudinary; it is taking 定期刊行物 doses of 水銀柱，温度計 sublimate and swallowing 負かす／撃墜する repeated 挑発的なs of cantharides to our love of liberty.

This distemper of 治療（薬）, grown habitual, relaxes and wears out, by a vulgar and 売春婦d use, the spring of that spirit which is to be 発揮するd on 広大な／多数の／重要な occasions. It was in the most 患者 period of Roman servitude that 主題s of tyrannicide made the ordinary 演習 of boys at school- cum perimit saevos classis numerosa tyrannos. In the ordinary 明言する／公表する of things, it produces in a country like ours the worst 影響s, even on the 原因（となる） of that liberty which it 乱用s with the dissoluteness of an extravagant 憶測. Almost all the high-bred 共和国の／共和党のs of my time have, after a short space, become the most decided, 徹底的な-paced courtiers; they soon left the 商売／仕事 of a tedious, 穏健な, but practical 抵抗 to those of us whom, in the pride and intoxication of their theories, they have slighted as not much better than Tories. Hypocrisy, of course, delights in the most sublime 憶測s, for, never ーするつもりであるing to go beyond 憶測, it costs nothing to have it magnificent. But even in 事例／患者s where rather levity than 詐欺 was to be 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑うd in these ranting 憶測s, the 問題／発行する has been much the same. These professors, finding their extreme 原則s not applicable to 事例／患者s which call only for a qualified or, as I may say, civil and 合法的な 抵抗, in such 事例／患者s 雇う no 抵抗 at all. It is with them a war or a 革命, or it is nothing. Finding their 計画／陰謀s of politics not adapted to the 明言する／公表する of the world in which they live, they often come to think lightly of all public 原則, and are ready, on their part, to abandon for a very trivial 利益／興味 what they find of very trivial value. Some, indeed, are of more 安定した and persevering natures, but these are eager 政治家，政治屋s out of 議会 who have little to tempt them to abandon their favorite 事業／計画（する）s. They have some change in the church or 明言する／公表する, or both, 絶えず in their 見解（をとる）. When that is the 事例／患者, they are always bad 国民s and perfectly 自信のない 関係s. For, considering their 思索的な designs as of infini te value, and the actual 協定 of the 明言する／公表する as of no estimation, they are at best indifferent about it. They see no 長所 in the good, and no fault in the vicious, 管理／経営 of public 事件／事情／状勢s; they rather rejoice in the latter, as more propitious to 革命. They see no 長所 or demerit in any man, or any 活動／戦闘, or any political 原則 any その上の than as they may 今後 or retard their design of change; they therefore （問題を）取り上げる, one day, the most violent and stretched prerogative, and another time the wildest democratic ideas of freedom, and pass from one to the other without any sort of regard to 原因（となる）, to person, or to party.

IN FRANCE, you are now in the 危機 of a 革命 and in the 輸送 from one form of 政府 to another- you cannot see that character of men 正確に／まさに in the same 状況／情勢 in which we see it in this country. With us it is 交戦的な; with you it is 勝利を得た; and you know how it can 行為／法令／行動する when its 力／強力にする is 相応した to its will. I would not be supposed to 限定する those 観察s to any description of men or to comprehend all men of any description within them- No! far from it. I am as incapable of that 不正 as I am of keeping 条件 with those who profess 原則s of extremities and who, under the 指名する of 宗教, teach little else than wild and dangerous politics. The worst of these politics of 革命 is this: they temper and harden the breast ーするために 準備する it for the desperate 一打／打撃s which are いつかs used in extreme occasions. But as these occasions may never arrive, the mind receives a gratuitous taint; and the moral 感情s 苦しむ not a little when no political 目的 is served by the depravation. This sort of people are so taken up with their theories about the 権利s of man that they have 全く forgotten his nature. Without 開始 one new avenue to the understanding, they have 後継するd in stopping up those that lead to the heart. They have perverted in themselves, and in those that …に出席する to them, all the 井戸／弁護士席-placed sympathies of the human breast.

This famous sermon of the Old Jewry breathes nothing but this spirit through all the political part. 陰謀（を企てる）s, 大虐殺s, 暗殺s seem to some people a trivial price for 得るing a 革命. Cheap, 無血の reformation, a guiltless liberty appear flat and vapid to their taste. There must be a 広大な／多数の／重要な change of scene; there must be a magnificent 行う／開催する／段階 影響; there must be a grand spectacle to rouse the imagination grown torpid with the lazy enjoyment of sixty years' 安全 and the still unanimating repose of public 繁栄. The preacher 設立する them all in the French 革命. This 奮起させるs a juvenile warmth through his whole でっちあげる，人を罪に陥れる. His enthusiasm kindles as he 前進するs; and when he arrives at his peroration it is in a 十分な 炎. Then 見解（をとる）ing, from the Pisgah of his pulpit, the 解放する／自由な, moral, happy, 繁栄するing and glorious 明言する／公表する of フラン as in a bird's-注目する，もくろむ landscape of a 約束d land, he breaks out into the に引き続いて rapture: What an eventful period is this! I am thankful that I have lived to it; I could almost say, Lord, now lettest thou thy servant 出発／死 in peace, for 地雷 注目する，もくろむs have seen thy 救済.- I have lived to see a diffusion of knowledge, which has 土台を崩すd superstition and error.- I have lived to see the 権利s of men better understood than ever; and nations panting for liberty which seemed to have lost the idea of it.- I have lived to see thirty millions of people, indignant and resolute, 拒絶するing at slavery, and 需要・要求するing liberty with an irresistible 発言する／表明する. Their king led in 勝利 and an 独断的な 君主 降伏するing himself to his 支配するs.*

* Another of these reverend gentlemen, who was 証言，証人／目撃する to some of the spectacles which Paris has lately 展示（する）d, 表明するs himself thus:- "A king dragged in submissive 勝利 by his 征服する／打ち勝つing 支配するs, is one of those 外見s of grandeur which seldom rise in the prospect of human 事件／事情／状勢s, and which, during the 残りの人，物 of my life, I shall think of with wonder and gratification". These gentlemen agree marvelously in their feelings.

Before I proceed その上の, I have to 発言／述べる that Dr. Price seems rather to overvalue the 広大な／多数の／重要な 取得／買収s of light which he has 得るd and diffused in this age. The last century appears to me to have been やめる as much enlightened. It had, though in a different place, a 勝利 as memorable as that of Dr. Price; and some of the 広大な／多数の／重要な preachers of that period partook of it as 熱望して as he has done in the 勝利 of フラン. On the 裁判，公判 of the Rev. Hugh Peters for high 背信, it was 退位させる／宣誓証言するd that, when King Charles was brought to London for his 裁判，公判, the Apostle of Liberty in that day 行為／行うd the 勝利. "I saw", says the 証言，証人／目撃する, "his Majesty in the coach with six horses, and Peters riding before the king, 勝利ing". Dr. Price, when he 会談 as if he had made a 発見, only follows a precedent, for after the 開始／学位授与式 of the king's 裁判，公判 this precursor, the same Dr. Peters, 結論するing a long 祈り at the 王室の Chapel at Whitehall (he had very triumphantly chosen his place), said, "I have prayed and preached these twenty years; and now I may say with old Simeon, Lord, now lettest thou thy servant 出発／死 in peace, for 地雷 注目する，もくろむs have seen thy 救済".* Peters had not the fruits of his 祈り, for he neither 出発／死d so soon as he wished, nor in peace. He became (what I heartily hope 非，不，無 of his 信奉者s may be in this country) himself a sacrifice to the 勝利 which he led as pontiff.

* 明言する／公表する 裁判，公判s, vol. ii, pp. 360, 363.

They dealt at the 復古／返還, perhaps, too hardly with this poor good man. But we 借りがある it to his memory and his sufferings that he had as much 照明 and as much zeal, and had as effectually 土台を崩すd all the superstition and error which might 妨げる the 広大な／多数の／重要な 商売／仕事 he was engaged in, as any who follow and repeat after him in this age, which would assume to itself an 排除的 肩書を与える to the knowledge of the 権利s of men and all the glorious consequences of that knowledge.

After this sally of the preacher of the Old Jewry, which 異なるs only in place and time, but agrees perfectly with the spirit and letter of the rapture of 1648, the 革命 Society, the fabricators of 政府s, the heroic 禁止（する）d of cashierers of 君主s, electors of 君主s, and leaders of kings in 勝利, strutting with a proud consciousness of the diffusion of knowledge of which every member had 得るd so large a 株 in the donative, were in haste to make a generous diffusion of the knowledge they had thus gratuitously received. To make this bountiful communication, they 延期，休会するd from the church in the Old Jewry to the London Tavern, where the same Dr. Price, in whom the ガス／煙s of his oracular tripod were not 完全に evaporated, moved and carried the 決意／決議 or 演説（する）／住所 of congratulation transmitted by Lord Stanhope to the 国家の 議会 of フラン.

I find a preacher of the gospel profaning the beautiful and prophetic ejaculation, 一般的に called "nunc dimittis", made on the first 贈呈 of our Saviour in the 寺, and 適用するing it with an 残忍な and unnatural rapture to the most horrid, atrocious, and afflicting spectacle that perhaps ever was 展示（する）d to the pity and indignation of mankind. This "主要な in 勝利", a thing in its best form unmanly and irreligious, which fills our preacher with such unhallowed 輸送（する）s, must shock, I believe, the moral taste of every 井戸／弁護士席-born mind. Several English were the stupefied and indignant 観客s of that 勝利. It was (unless we have been strangely deceived) a spectacle more 似ているing a 行列 of American savages, entering into Onondaga after some of their 殺人s called victories and 主要な into hovels hung 一連の会議、交渉／完成する with scalps their 捕虜s, overpowered with the scoffs and buffets of women as ferocious as themselves, much more than it 似ているd the triumphal pomp of a civilized 戦争の nation - if a civilized nation, or any men who had a sense of generosity, were 有能な of a personal 勝利 over the fallen and afflicted.

THIS, MY DEAR SIR, was not the 勝利 of フラン. I must believe that, as a nation, it 圧倒するd you with shame and horror. I must believe that the 国家の 議会 find themselves in a 明言する／公表する of the greatest humiliation in not 存在 able to punish the authors of this 勝利 or the actors in it, and that they are in a 状況／情勢 in which any 調査 they may make upon the 支配する must be destitute even of the 外見 of liberty or 公平さ. The 陳謝 of that 議会 is 設立する in their 状況／情勢; but when we 認可する what they must 耐える, it is in us the degenerate choice of a vitiated mind.

With a compelled 外見 of 審議, they 投票（する） under the dominion of a 厳しい necessity. They sit in the heart, as it were, of a foreign 共和国: they have their 住居 in a city whose 憲法 has emanated neither from the 借り切る／憲章 of their king nor from their 法律を制定する 力／強力にする. There they are surrounded by an army not raised either by the 当局 of their 栄冠を与える or by their 命令（する）, and which, if they should order to 解散させる itself, would 即時に 解散させる them. There they sit, after a ギャング（団） of 暗殺者s had driven away some hundreds of the members, whilst those who held the same 穏健な 原則s, with more patience or better hope, continued every day exposed to outrageous 侮辱s and murderous 脅しs. There a 大多数, いつかs real, いつかs pretended, 捕虜 itself, 強要するs a 捕虜 king to 問題／発行する as 王室の edicts, at third 手渡す, the 汚染するd nonsense of their most licentious and giddy coffeehouses. It is 悪名高い that all their 対策 are decided before they are 審議d. It is beyond 疑問 that, under the terror of the bayonet and the lamp-地位，任命する and the たいまつ to their houses, they are 強いるd to 可決する・採択する all the 天然のまま and desperate 対策 示唆するd by clubs composed of a monstrous medley of all 条件s, tongues, and nations. の中で these are 設立する persons, in comparison of whom Catiline would be thought scrupulous and Cethegus a man of sobriety and moderation. Nor is it in these clubs alone that the public 対策 are deformed into monsters. They を受ける a previous distortion in 学院s, ーするつもりであるd as so many seminaries for these clubs, which are 始める，決める up in all the places of public 訴える手段／行楽地. In these 会合s of all sorts every counsel, in 割合 as it is daring and violent and perfidious, is taken for the 示す of superior genius. Humanity and compassion are ridiculed as the fruits of superstition and ignorance. Tenderness to individuals is considered as 背信 to the public. Liberty is always to be 概算の perfect, as 所有物／資産／財産 is （判決などを）下すd insecure. まっただ中に 暗殺, massa cre, and 没収, （罪などを）犯すd or meditated, they are forming 計画（する）s for the good order of 未来 society. Embracing in their 武器 the carcasses of base 犯罪のs and 促進するing their relations on the 肩書を与える of their offences, they 運動 hundreds of virtuous persons to the same end, by 軍隊ing them to subsist by beggary or by 罪，犯罪.

The 議会, their 組織／臓器, 行為／法令／行動するs before them the farce of 審議 with as little decency as liberty. They 行為／法令／行動する like the comedians of a fair before a riotous audience; they 行為／法令／行動する まっただ中に the tumultuous cries of a mixed 暴徒 of ferocious men, and of women lost to shame, who, によれば their insolent fancies, direct, 支配（する）／統制する, applaud, 爆発する them, and いつかs mix and take their seats amongst them, domineering over them with a strange mixture of servile petulance and proud, presumptuous 当局. As they have inverted order in all things, the gallery is in the place of the house. This 議会, which 倒すs kings and kingdoms, has not even the physiognomy and 面 of a 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な 法律を制定する 団体／死体- nec color imperii, nec frons ulla senatus. They have a 力／強力にする given to them, like that of the evil 原則, to subvert and destroy, but 非，不，無 to 建設する, except such machines as may be fitted for その上の subversion and その上の 破壊.

世界保健機構 is it that admires, and from the heart is 大（公）使館員d to, 国家の 代表者／国会議員 議会s, but must turn with horror and disgust from such a profane burlesque, and abominable perversion of that sacred 学校／設ける? Lovers of 君主国, lovers of 共和国s must alike abhor it. The members of your 議会 must themselves groan under the tyranny of which they have all the shame, 非，不，無 of the direction, and little of the 利益（をあげる）. I am sure many of the members who compose even the 大多数 of that 団体／死体 must feel as I do, notwithstanding the 賞賛s of the 革命 Society. 哀れな king! 哀れな 議会! How must that 議会 be silently scandalized with those of their members who could call a day which seemed to blot the sun out of heaven "un beau jour!"* How must they be inwardly indignant at 審理，公聴会 others who thought fit to 宣言する to them "that the 大型船 of the 明言する／公表する would 飛行機で行く 今後 in her course toward regeneration with more 速度(を上げる） than ever", from the stiff 強風 of 背信 and 殺人 which に先行するd our preacher's 勝利! What must they have felt whilst, with outward patience and inward indignation, they heard, of the 虐殺（する） of innocent gentlemen in their houses, that "the 血 流出／こぼすd was not the most pure!" What must they have felt, when they were 包囲するd by （民事の）告訴s of disorders which shook their country to its 創立／基礎s, at 存在 compelled coolly to tell the 原告，告訴人s that they were under the 保護 of the 法律, and that they would 演説（する）／住所 the king (the 捕虜 king) to 原因（となる） the 法律s to be 施行するd for their 保護; when the enslaved 大臣s of that 捕虜 king had 正式に 通知するd to them that there were neither 法律 nor 当局 nor 力／強力にする left to 保護する? What must they have felt at 存在 強いるd, as a felicitation on the 現在の new year, to request their 捕虜 king to forget the 嵐の period of the last, on account of the 広大な／多数の／重要な good which he was likely to produce to his people; to the 完全にする attainment of which good they adjou rned the practical demonstrations of their 忠義, 保証するing him of their obedience when he should no longer 所有する any 当局 to 命令（する）?

* 6th of October, 1789.

This 演説（する）／住所 was made with much good nature and affection, to be sure. But の中で the 革命s in フラン must be reckoned a かなりの 革命 in their ideas of politeness. In England we are said to learn manners at second-手渡す from your 味方する of the water, and that we dress our 行為 in the frippery of フラン. If so, we are still in the old 削減（する） and have not so far 適合するd to the new Parisian 方式 of good 産む／飼育するing as to think it やめる in the most 精製するd 緊張する of delicate compliment (whether in 弔慰 or congratulation) to say, to the most humiliated creature that はうs upon the earth, that 広大な／多数の／重要な public 利益s are derived from the 殺人 of his servants, the 試みる／企てるd 暗殺 of himself and of his wife, and the mortification, 不名誉, and degradation that he has 本人自身で 苦しむd. It is a topic of なぐさみ which our ordinary of Newgate would be too humane to use to a 犯罪の at the foot of the gallows. I should have thought that the hangman of Paris, now that he is 自由化するd by the 投票（する） of the 国家の 議会 and is 許すd his 階級 and 武器 in the 先触れ（する）'s college of the 権利s of men, would be too generous, too gallant a man, too 十分な of the sense of his new dignity to 雇う that cutting なぐさみ to any of the persons whom the lese nation might bring under the 行政 of his (n)役員／(a)執行力のある 力／強力にする.

A man is fallen indeed when he is thus flattered. The anodyne draught of oblivion, thus drugged, is 井戸／弁護士席 calculated to 保存する a galling wakefulness and to 料金d the living ulcer of a corroding memory. Thus to 治める the opiate potion of 恩赦，大赦, 砕くd with all the 成分s of 軽蔑（する） and contempt, is to 持つ／拘留する to his lips, instead of "the balm of 傷つける minds", the cup of human 悲惨 十分な to the brim and to 軍隊 him to drink it to the dregs.

産する／生じるing to 推論する／理由s at least as forcible as those which were so delicately 勧めるd in the compliment on the new year, the king of フラン will probably 努力する to forget these events and that compliment. But history, who keeps a 持続する 記録，記録的な／記録する of all our 行為／法令／行動するs and 演習s her awful 非難 over the 訴訟／進行s of all sorts of 君主s, will not forget either those events or the 時代 of this 自由主義の refinement in the intercourse of mankind. History will 記録，記録的な／記録する that on the morning of the 6th of October, 1789, the king and queen of フラン, after a day of 混乱, alarm, 狼狽, and 虐殺（する）, lay 負かす／撃墜する, under the 誓約（する）d 安全 of public 約束, to indulge nature in a few hours of 一時的休止，執行延期 and troubled, melancholy repose. From this sleep the queen was first startled by the sentinel at her door, who cried out to her to save herself by flight- that this was the last proof of fidelity he could give- that they were upon him, and he was dead. 即時に he was 削減（する） 負かす／撃墜する. A 禁止（する）d of cruel ruffians and 暗殺者s, reeking with his 血, 急ぐd into the 議会 of the queen and pierced with a hundred 一打／打撃s of 銃剣 and poniards the bed, from whence this 迫害するd woman had but just time to 飛行機で行く almost naked, and, through ways unknown to the 殺害者s, had escaped to 捜し出す 避難 at the feet of a king and husband not 安全な・保証する of his own life for a moment.

This king, to say no more of him, and this queen, and their 幼児 children (who once would have been the pride and hope of a 広大な／多数の／重要な and generous people) were then 軍隊d to abandon the 聖域 of the most splendid palace in the world, which they left swimming in 血, 汚染するd by 大虐殺 and まき散らすd with scattered 四肢s and mutilated carcasses. Thence they were 行為／行うd into the 資本／首都 of their kingdom.

Two had been selected from the unprovoked, unresisted, promiscuous 虐殺（する）, which was made of the gentlemen of birth and family who composed the king's 団体／死体 guard. These two gentlemen, with all the parade of an 死刑執行 of 司法（官）, were cruelly and 公然と dragged to the 封鎖する and beheaded in the 広大な／多数の／重要な 法廷，裁判所 of the palace. Their 長，率いるs were stuck upon spears and led the 行列, whilst the 王室の 捕虜s who followed in the train were slowly moved along, まっただ中に the horrid yells, and shrilling 叫び声をあげるs, and frantic dances, and 悪名高い contumelies, and all the unutterable abominations of the furies of hell in the 乱用d 形態／調整 of the vilest of women. After they had been made to taste, 減少（する） by 減少（する）, more than the bitterness of death in the slow 拷問 of a 旅行 of twelve miles, 長引いた to six hours, they were, under a guard composed of those very 兵士s who had thus 行為／行うd them through this famous 勝利, 宿泊するd in one of the old palaces of Paris, now 変えるd into a bastille for kings.

Is this a 勝利 to be consecrated at altars? to be 祝う／追悼するd with 感謝する thanksgiving? to be 申し込む／申し出d to the divine humanity with 熱烈な 祈り and enthusiastic ejaculation?- These Theban and Thracian orgies, 行為／法令／行動するd in フラン and 拍手喝采する only in the Old Jewry, I 保証する you, kindle prophetic enthusiasm in the minds but of very few people in this kingdom, although a saint and apostle, who may have 発覚s of his own and who has so 完全に vanquished all the mean superstitions of the heart, may incline to think it pious and decorous to compare it with the 入り口 into the world of the Prince of Peace, 布告するd in a 宗教上の 寺 by a venerable 下落する, and not long before not worse 発表するd by the 発言する／表明する of angels to the 静かな innocence of shepherds.

At first I was at a loss to account for this fit of unguarded 輸送（する）. I knew, indeed, that the sufferings of 君主s make a delicious repast to some sort of palates. There were reflections which might serve to keep this appetite within some bounds of temperance. But when I took one circumstance into my consideration, I was 強いるd to 自白する that much allowance せねばならない be made for the Society, and that the 誘惑 was too strong for ありふれた discretion - I mean, the circumstance of the Io Paean of the 勝利, the animating cry which called "for all the BISHOPS to be hanged on the lampposts",* might 井戸／弁護士席 have brought 前へ／外へ a burst of enthusiasm on the foreseen consequences of this happy day. I 許す to so much enthusiasm some little deviation from prudence. I 許す this prophet to break 前へ／外へ into hymns of joy and thanksgiving on an event which appears like the precursor of the Millennium and the 事業／計画（する）d fifth 君主国 in the 破壊 of all church 設立s.

* "Tous les Eveques a la lanterne".

There was, however, (as in all human 事件／事情／状勢s there is) in the 中央 of this joy something to 演習 the patience of these worthy gentlemen and to try the long-苦しむing of their 約束. The actual 殺人 of the king and queen, and their child, was wanting to the other auspicious circumstances of this "beautiful day". The actual 殺人 of the bishops, though called for by so many 宗教上の ejaculations, was also wanting. A group of regicide and sacrilegious 虐殺（する） was indeed boldly sketched, but it was only sketched. It unhappily was left unfinished in this 広大な／多数の／重要な history-piece of the 大虐殺 of innocents. What hardy pencil of a 広大な／多数の／重要な master from the school of the 権利s of man will finish it is to be seen hereafter. The age has not yet the 完全にする 利益 of that diffusion of knowledge that has 土台を崩すd superstition and error; and the king of フラン wants another 反対する or two to consign to oblivion, in consideration of all the good which is to arise from his own sufferings and the 愛国的な 罪，犯罪s of an enlightened age.*

* It is proper here to 言及する to a letter written upon this 支配する by an 注目する，もくろむ 証言，証人／目撃する. That 注目する，もくろむ 証言，証人／目撃する was one of the most honest, intelligent, and eloquent members of the 国家の 議会, one of the most active and 熱心な 改革者s of the 明言する／公表する. He was 強いるd to 脱退する from the 議会; and he afterwards became a voluntary 追放する, on account of the horrors of this pious 勝利 and the dispositions of men who, 利益（をあげる）ing of 罪，犯罪s, if not 原因（となる）ing them, have taken the lead in public 事件／事情／状勢s.
抽出する of M. de Lally Tollendal's Second Letter to a Friend.

"Parlons du parti que j'ai pris; il est bien justifie dans ma 良心.- Ni cette ville coupable, ni cette 組み立てる／集結する 加える coupable encore, ne meritoient que je me justifie; mais j'ai a coeur que vous, et les personnes qui pensent comme vous, ne me condamnent pas.- Ma sante, je vous jure, me rendoit mes fonctions impossibles; mais meme en les mettant de cote il a ete au-dessus de mes 軍隊s de 支持者 加える long-tems l'horreur que me causoit ce sang,- ces tetes - cette reine presque egorgee,- ce roi,- amene esclave,- entrant a Paris, au milieu de ses 暗殺者s, et に先行する des tetes de ses malheureux gardes.- Ces perfides jannissaires, ces 暗殺者s, ces femmes cannibales, ce cri de, TOUS LES EVEQUES A LA LANTERNE, dans le moment ou le roi entre sa 資本／首都 avec deux eveques de son conseil dans sa voiture. Un クーデター de fusil, que j'ai vu tirer dans un des carosses de la reine. M. Bailly 控訴人，上告人 cela un beau jour. L'組み立てる／集結する ayant 宣言する froidement le matin, qu'il n'etoit pas de sa dignite d'aller toute entiere environner le roi. M. Mirabeau disant impunement dans cette 組み立てる／集結する, que le vaisseau de l'etat, loin d'etre arrete dans sa course, s'elanceroit avec 加える de rapidite que jamais vers sa regeneration. M. Barnave, riant avec lui, quand des flots de sang couloient autour de nous. Le vertueux Mounier(*) echappant par 奇蹟 a vingt 暗殺者s, qui avoient voulu faire de sa tete un trophee de 加える.

"Voila ce qui me fit jurer de ne 加える mettre le pied dans cette caverne d'Antropophages ou je n'avois 加える de 軍隊 d'elever la voix, ou depuis six semaines je l'avois elev仔 en vain. Moi, Mounier, et tous les honnetes gens, ont le dernier 成果／努力 a faire 注ぐ le bien etoit (sic) d'en sortir. Aucune id仔 de crainte ne s'est approch仔 de moi. Je rougirois de m'en defendre. J'avois encore recu sur la 大勝する de la part de ce peuple, moins coupable que ceux qui l'ont enivre de fureur, des acclamations, et des applaudissements, dont d'autres auroient ete flattes, et qui m'ont fait fremir. C'est a l'indignation, c'est a l'horreur, c'est aux convulsions physiques, que se seul 面 du sang me fait eprouver que j'ai cede. On 勇敢に立ち向かう une seule mort; on la 勇敢に立ち向かう plusieurs fois, quand elle peut etre utile. Mais aucune puissance sous le Ciel, mais aucune opinion publique ou privee n'ont le droit de me condamner a souffrir inutilement mille supplices par minute, et a perir de desespoir, de 激怒（する）, au milieu des triomphes, du 罪，犯罪 que je n'ai pu arreter. Ils me proscriront, ils confisqueront mes biens. Je labourerai la terre, et je ne les verrai 加える.- Voila ma justification. Vous pouvez la lire, la montrer, la laisser copier; tant pis 注ぐ ceux qui ne la comprendront pas; ce ne sera alors moi qui auroit eu tort de la leur donner".

This 軍の man had not so good 神経s as the peaceable gentleman of the Old Jewry.- See Mons. Mounier's narrative of these 処理／取引s; a man also of honour and virtue, and talents, and therefore a 逃亡者／はかないもの.

(*) N.B. Mr. Mounier was then （衆議院の）議長 of the 国家の 議会. He has since been 強いるd to live in 追放する, though one of the firmest assertors of liberty.

Although this work of our new light and knowledge did not go to the length that in all probability it was ーするつもりであるd it should be carried, yet I must think that such 治療 of any human creatures must be shocking to any but those who are made for 遂行するing 革命s. But I cannot stop here. 影響（力）d by the inborn feelings of my nature, and not 存在 illuminated by a 選び出す／独身 ray of this new-sprung modern light, I 自白する to you, Sir, that the exalted 階級 of the persons 苦しむing, and 特に the sex, the beauty, and the amiable 質s of the 子孫 of so many kings and emperors, with the tender age of 王室の 幼児s, insensible only through 幼少／幼藍期 and innocence of the cruel 乱暴／暴力を加えるs to which their parents were exposed, instead of 存在 a 支配する of exultation, 追加するs not a little to any sensibility on that most melancholy occasion.

I hear that the august person who was the 主要な／長／主犯 反対する of our preacher's 勝利, though he supported himself, felt much on that shameful occasion. As a man, it became him to feel for his wife and his children, and the faithful guards of his person that were 大虐殺d in 冷淡な 血 about him; as a prince, it became him to feel for the strange and frightful 変形 of his civilized 支配するs, and to be more grieved for them than solicitous for himself. It derogates little from his fortitude, while it 追加するs infinitely to the 栄誉（を受ける） of his humanity. I am very sorry to say it, very sorry indeed, that such personages are in a 状況／情勢 in which it is not unbecoming in us to 賞賛する the virtues of the 広大な／多数の／重要な.

I hear, and I rejoice to hear, that the 広大な／多数の／重要な lady, the other 反対する of the 勝利, has borne that day (one is 利益／興味d that 存在s made for 苦しむing should 苦しむ 井戸／弁護士席), and that she 耐えるs all the 後継するing days, that she 耐えるs the 監禁，拘置 of her husband, and her own 捕らわれた, and the 追放する of her friends, and the 侮辱ing adulation of 演説（する）／住所s, and the whole 負わせる of her 蓄積するd wrongs, with a serene patience, in a manner ふさわしい to her 階級 and race, and becoming the offspring of a 君主 distinguished for her piety and her courage; that, like her, she has lofty 感情s; that she feels with the dignity of a Roman matron; that in the last extremity she will save herself from the last 不名誉; and that, if she must 落ちる, she will 落ちる by no ignoble 手渡す.

It is now sixteen or seventeen years since I saw the queen of フラン, then the dauphiness, at Versailles, and surely never lighted on this orb, which she hardly seemed to touch, a more delightful 見通し. I saw her just above the horizon, decorating and 元気づける the elevated sphere she just began to move in- glittering like the morning 星／主役にする, 十分な of life and splendor and joy. Oh! what a 革命! and what a heart must I have to 熟視する／熟考する without emotion that elevation and that 落ちる! Little did I dream when she 追加するd 肩書を与えるs of veneration to those of enthusiastic, distant, respectful love, that she should ever be 強いるd to carry the sharp antidote against 不名誉 隠すd in that bosom; little did I dream that I should have lived to see such 災害s fallen upon her in a nation of gallant men, in a nation of men of 栄誉（を受ける） and of cavaliers. I thought ten thousand swords must have leaped from their scabbards to avenge even a look that 脅すd her with 侮辱. But the age of chivalry is gone. That of sophisters, 経済学者s; and calculators has 後継するd; and the glory of Europe is 消滅させるd forever. Never, never more shall we behold that generous 忠義 to 階級 and sex, that proud submission, that dignified obedience, that subordination of the heart which kept alive, even in servitude itself, the spirit of an exalted freedom. The unbought grace of life, the cheap 弁護 of nations, the nurse of manly 感情 and heroic 企業, is gone! It is gone, that sensibility of 原則, that chastity of 栄誉（を受ける） which felt a stain like a 負傷させる, which 奮起させるd courage whilst it mitigated ferocity, which ennobled whatever it touched, and under which 副／悪徳行為 itself lost half its evil by losing all its grossness.

THIS mixed system of opinion and 感情 had its origin in the 古代の chivalry; and the 原則, though 変化させるd in its 外見 by the 変化させるing 明言する／公表する of human 事件／事情／状勢s, subsisted and 影響（力）d through a long succession of 世代s even to the time we live in. If it should ever be 全く 消滅させるd, the loss I 恐れる will be 広大な／多数の／重要な. It is this which has given its character to modern Europe. It is this which has distinguished it under all its forms of 政府, and distinguished it to its advantage, from the 明言する／公表するs of Asia and かもしれない from those 明言する／公表するs which 繁栄するd in the most brilliant periods of the antique world. It was this which, without confounding 階級s, had produced a noble equality and 手渡すd it 負かす／撃墜する through all the gradations of social life. It was this opinion which mitigated kings into companions and raised 私的な men to be fellows with kings. Without 軍隊 or 対立, it subdued the fierceness of pride and 力／強力にする, it 強いるd 君主s to 服従させる／提出する to the soft collar of social esteem, compelled 厳しい 当局 to 服従させる／提出する to elegance, and gave a 支配, vanquisher of 法律s, to be subdued by manners.

But now all is to be changed. All the pleasing illusions which made 力／強力にする gentle and obedience 自由主義の, which 調和させるd the different shades of life, and which, by a bland assimilation, 会社にする／組み込むd into politics the 感情s which beautify and 軟化する 私的な society, are to be 解散させるd by this new 征服する／打ち勝つing empire of light and 推論する／理由. All the decent drapery of life is to be rudely torn off. All the 最高の-追加するd ideas, furnished from the wardrobe of a moral imagination, which the heart owns and the understanding 批准するs as necessary to cover the defects of our naked, shivering nature, and to raise it to dignity in our own estimation, are to be 爆発するd as a ridiculous, absurd, and 古風な fashion.

On this 計画／陰謀 of things, a king is but a man, a queen is but a woman; a woman is but an animal, and an animal not of the highest order. All homage paid to the sex in general as such, and without 際立った 見解（をとる）s, is to be regarded as romance and folly. Regicide, and 親殺し, and sacrilege are but fictions of superstition, corrupting jurisprudence by destroying its 簡単. The 殺人 of a king, or a queen, or a bishop, or a father are only ありふれた 殺人; and if the people are by any chance or in any way gainers by it, a sort of 殺人 much the most pardonable, and into which we ought not to make too 厳しい a scrutiny.

On the 計画／陰謀 of this barbarous philosophy, which is the offspring of 冷淡な hearts and muddy understandings, and which is as 無効の of solid 知恵 as it is destitute of all taste and elegance, 法律s are to be supported only by their own terrors and by the 関心 which each individual may find in them from his own 私的な 憶測s or can spare to them from his own 私的な 利益／興味s. In the groves of their 学院, at the end of every vista, you see nothing but the gallows. Nothing is left which engages the affections on the part of the 連邦／共和国. On the 原則s of this mechanic philosophy, our 会・原則s can never be 具体的に表現するd, if I may use the 表現, in persons, so as to create in us love, veneration, 賞賛, or attachment. But that sort of 推論する／理由 which banishes the affections is incapable of filling their place. These public affections, 連合させるd with manners, are 要求するd いつかs as 補足（する）s, いつかs as correctives, always as 援助（する）s to 法律. The precept given by a wise man, 同様に as a 広大な／多数の／重要な critic, for the construction of poems is 平等に true as to 明言する／公表するs:- 非，不，無 satis est pulchra esse poemata, dulcia sunto. There せねばならない be a system of manners in every nation which a 井戸／弁護士席-知らせるd mind would be 性質の／したい気がして to relish. To make us love our country, our country せねばならない be lovely.

But 力／強力にする, of some 肉親，親類d or other, will 生き残る the shock in which manners and opinions 死なせる／死ぬ; and it will find other and worse means for its support. The usurpation which, ーするために subvert 古代の 会・原則s, has destroyed 古代の 原則s will 持つ／拘留する 力／強力にする by arts 類似の to those by which it has acquired it. When the old 封建的 and chivalrous spirit of fealty, which, by 解放する／自由なing kings from 恐れる, 解放する／自由なd both kings and 支配するs from the 警戒s of tyranny, shall be extinct in the minds of men, 陰謀（を企てる）s and 暗殺s will be 心配するd by 予防の 殺人 and 予防の 没収, and that long roll of grim and 血まみれの maxims which form the political code of all 力／強力にする not standing on its own 栄誉（を受ける） and the 栄誉（を受ける） of those who are to obey it. Kings will be tyrants from 政策 when 支配するs are 反逆者／反逆するs from 原則.

When 古代の opinions and 支配するs of life are taken away, the loss cannot かもしれない be 概算の. From that moment we have no compass to 治める／統治する us; nor can we know distinctly to what port we steer. Europe, undoubtedly, taken in a 集まり, was in a 繁栄するing 条件 the day on which your 革命 was 完全にするd. How much of that 繁栄する 明言する／公表する was 借りがあるing to the spirit of our old manners and opinions is not 平易な to say; but as such 原因（となる）s cannot be indifferent in their 操作／手術, we must 推定する that on the whole their 操作／手術 was 有益な.

We are but too apt to consider things in the 明言する／公表する in which we find them, without 十分に adverting to the 原因（となる）s by which they have been produced and かもしれない may be upheld. Nothing is more 確かな than that our manners, our civilization, and all the good things which are connected with manners and with civilization have, in this European world of ours, depended for ages upon two 原則s and were, indeed, the result of both 連合させるd: I mean the spirit of a gentleman and the spirit of 宗教. The nobility and the clergy, the one by profession, the other by patronage, kept learning in 存在, even in the 中央 of 武器 and 混乱s, and whilst 政府s were rather in their 原因（となる）s than formed. Learning paid 支援する what it received to nobility and to 聖職者, and paid it with usury, by 大きくするing their ideas and by furnishing their minds. Happy if they had all continued to know their indissoluble union and their proper place! Happy if learning, not debauched by ambition, had been 満足させるd to continue the 指導者, and not aspired to be the master! Along with its natural protectors and 後見人s, learning will be cast into the 苦境に陥る and trodden 負かす／撃墜する under the hoofs of a swinish* multitude.

* See the 運命／宿命 of Bailly and Condorcet, supposed to be here 特に alluded to. Compare the circumstances of the 裁判，公判 and 死刑執行 of the former with this 予測.

If, as I 嫌疑者，容疑者／疑う, modern letters 借りがある more than they are always willing to own to 古代の manners, so do other 利益／興味s which we value 十分な as much as they are 価値（がある）. Even 商業 and 貿易（する） and 製造（する）, the gods of our economical 政治家，政治屋s, are themselves perhaps but creatures, are themselves but 影響s which, as first 原因（となる）s, we choose to worship. They certainly grew under the same shade in which learning 繁栄するd. They, too, may decay with their natural 保護するing 原則s. With you, for the 現在の at least, they all 脅す to disappear together. Where 貿易（する） and 製造（する）s are wanting to a people, and the spirit of nobility and 宗教 remains, 感情 供給（する）s, and not always ill 供給（する）s, their place; but if 商業 and the arts should be lost in an 実験 to try how 井戸／弁護士席 a 明言する／公表する may stand without these old 根底となる 原則s, what sort of a thing must be a nation of 甚だしい／１２ダース, stupid, ferocious, and, at the same time, poor and sordid barbarians, destitute of 宗教, 栄誉（を受ける）, or manly pride, 所有するing nothing at 現在の, and hoping for nothing hereafter?

I wish you may not be going 急速な／放蕩な, and by the shortest 削減（する）, to that horrible and disgustful 状況／情勢. Already there appears a poverty of conception, a coarseness, and a vulgarity in all the 訴訟／進行s of the 議会 and of all their 指導者s. Their liberty is not 自由主義の. Their science is presumptuous ignorance. Their humanity is savage and 残虐な.

It is not （疑いを）晴らす whether in England we learned those grand and decorous 原則s and manners, of which かなりの traces yet remain, from you or whether you took them from us. But to you, I think, we trace them best. You seem to me to be gentis incunabula nostrae. フラン has always more or いっそう少なく 影響（力）d manners in England; and when your fountain is choked up and 汚染するd, the stream will not run long, or not run （疑いを）晴らす, with us or perhaps with any nation. This gives all Europe, in my opinion, but too の近くに and connected a 関心 in what is done in フラン. Excuse me, therefore, if I have dwelt too long on the atrocious spectacle of the 6th of October, 1789, or have given too much 範囲 to the reflections which have arisen in my mind on occasion of the most important of all 革命s, which may be 時代遅れの from that day- I mean a 革命 in 感情s, manners, and moral opinions. As things now stand, with everything respectable destroyed without us, and an 試みる／企てる to destroy within us every 原則 of 尊敬（する）・点, one is almost 軍隊d to わびる for harboring the ありふれた feelings of men.

WHY do I feel so 異なって from the Reverend Dr. Price and those of his lay flock who will choose to 可決する・採択する the 感情s of his discourse?- For this plain 推論する／理由: because it is natural I should; because we are so made as to be 影響する／感情d at such spectacles with melancholy 感情s upon the 安定性のない 条件 of mortal 繁栄 and the tremendous 不確定 of human greatness; because in those natural feelings we learn 広大な／多数の／重要な lessons; because in events like these our passions 教える our 推論する／理由; because when kings are 投げつけるd from their 王位s by the 最高の Director of this 広大な／多数の／重要な 演劇 and become the 反対するs of 侮辱 to the base and of pity to the good, we behold such 災害s in the moral as we should behold a 奇蹟 in the physical order of things. We are alarmed into reflection; our minds (as it has long since been 観察するd) are purified by terror and pity, our weak, unthinking pride is humbled under the 免除s of a mysterious 知恵. Some 涙／ほころびs might be drawn from me if such a spectacle were 展示（する）d on the 行う／開催する／段階. I should be truly ashamed of finding in myself that superficial, theatric sense of painted 苦しめる whilst I could exult over it in real life. With such a perverted mind I could never 投機・賭ける to show my 直面する at a 悲劇. People would think the 涙／ほころびs that Garrick 以前は, or that Siddons not long since, have だまし取るd from me were the 涙／ほころびs of hypocrisy; I should know them to be the 涙／ほころびs of folly.

Indeed, the theatre is a better school of moral 感情s than churches, where the feelings of humanity are thus 乱暴／暴力を加えるd. Poets who have to を取り引きする an audience not yet 卒業生（する）d in the school of the 権利s of men and who must 適用する themselves to the moral 憲法 of the heart would not dare to produce such a 勝利 as a 事柄 of exultation. There, where men follow their natural impulses, they would not 耐える the 嫌悪すべき maxims of a Machiavellian 政策, whether 適用するd to the attainments of monarchical or democratic tyranny. They would 拒絶する them on the modern as they once did on the 古代の 行う／開催する／段階, where they could not 耐える even the hypothetical proposition of such wickedness in the mouth of a personated tyrant, though suitable to the character he 支えるd. No theatric audience in Athens would 耐える what has been borne in the 中央 of the real 悲劇 of this triumphal day: a 主要な／長／主犯 actor 重さを計るing, as it were, in 規模s hung in a shop of horrors, so much actual 罪，犯罪 against so much 次第で変わる／派遣部隊 advantage; and after putting in and out 負わせるs, 宣言するing that the balance was on the 味方する of the advantages. They would not 耐える to see the 罪，犯罪s of new 僕主主義 地位，任命するd as in a ledger against the 罪，犯罪s of old 先制政治, and the 調書をとる／予約する-keepers of politics finding 僕主主義 still in 負債, but by no means unable or unwilling to 支払う／賃金 the balance. In the theater, the first intuitive ちらりと見ること, without any (a)手の込んだ／(v)詳述する 過程 of 推論する／理由ing, will show that this method of political computation would 正当化する every extent of 罪，犯罪. They would see that on these 原則s, even where the very worst 行為／法令／行動するs were not （罪などを）犯すd, it was 借りがあるing rather to the fortune of the conspirators than to their parsimony in the 支出 of treachery and 血. They would soon see that 犯罪の means once 許容するd are soon preferred. They 現在の a shorter 削減（する） to the 反対する than through the 主要道路 of the moral virtues. 正当化するing perfidy and 殺人 for public 利益, public 利益 would soon become the pretext, and perfidy and 殺人 the end, until rapacity, malice, 復讐, and 恐れる more dreadful than 復讐 could satiate their insatiable appetites. Such must be the consequences of losing, in the splendor of these 勝利s of the 権利s of men, all natural sense of wrong and 権利.

But the reverend 牧師 exults in this "主要な in 勝利", because truly Louis the Sixteenth was "an 独断的な 君主"; that is, in other words, neither more nor いっそう少なく than because he was Louis the Sixteenth, and because he had the misfortune to be born king of フラン, with the prerogatives of which a long line of ancestors and a long acquiescence of the people, without any 行為／法令／行動する of his, had put him in 所有／入手. A misfortune it has indeed turned out to him that he was born king of フラン. But misfortune is not 罪，犯罪, nor is indiscretion always the greatest 犯罪. I shall never think that a prince the 行為／法令／行動するs of whose whole 統治する was a 一連の 譲歩s to his 支配するs, who was willing to relax his 当局, to remit his prerogatives, to call his people to a 株 of freedom not known, perhaps not 願望（する）d, by their ancestors- such a prince, though he should be 支配するd to the ありふれた frailties 大（公）使館員d to men and to princes, though he should have once thought it necessary to 供給する 軍隊 against the desperate designs manifestly carrying on against his person and the 残余s of his 当局- though all this should be taken into consideration, I shall be led with 広大な／多数の／重要な difficulty to think he deserves the cruel and 侮辱ing 勝利 of Paris and of Dr. Price. I tremble for the 原因（となる） of liberty from such an example to kings. I tremble for the 原因（となる） of humanity in the unpunished 乱暴／暴力を加えるs of the most wicked of mankind. But there are some people of that low and degenerate fashion of mind, that they look up with a sort of complacent awe and 賞賛 to kings who know to keep 会社／堅い in their seat, to 持つ／拘留する a strict を引き渡す their 支配するs, to 主張する their prerogative, and, by the awakened vigilance of a 厳しい 先制政治, to guard against the very first approaches to freedom. Against such as these they never elevate their 発言する／表明する. 見捨てる人／脱走兵s from 原則, 名簿（に載せる）／表（にあげる）d with fortune, they never see any good in 苦しむing virtue, nor any 罪，犯罪 in 繁栄する usurpation.

If it could have been made （疑いを）晴らす to me that the king and queen of フラン (those I mean who were such before the 勝利) were inexorable and cruel tyrants, that they had formed a 審議する／熟考する 計画／陰謀 for 大虐殺ing the 国家の 議会 (I think I have seen something like the latter insinuated in 確かな 出版（物）s), I should think their 捕らわれた just. If this be true, much more せねばならない have been done, but done, in my opinion, in another manner. The 罰 of real tyrants is a noble and awful 行為／法令／行動する of 司法（官）; and it has with truth been said to be consolatory to the human mind. But if I were to punish a wicked king, I should regard the dignity in avenging the 罪，犯罪. 司法（官） is 墓／厳粛／彫る／重大な and decorous, and in its 罰s rather seems to 服従させる／提出する to a necessity than to make a choice. Had Nero, or Agrippina, or Louis the Eleventh, or Charles the Ninth been the 支配する; if Charles the Twelfth of Sweden, after the 殺人 of Patkul, or his 前任者 Christina, after the 殺人 of Monaldeschi, had fallen into your 手渡すs, Sir, or into 地雷, I am sure our 行為／行う would have been different.

If the French king, or king of the French (or by whatever 指名する he is known in the new vocabulary of your 憲法), has in his own person and that of his queen really deserved these unavowed, but unavenged, murderous 試みる／企てるs and those たびたび（訪れる） 侮辱／冷遇s more cruel than 殺人, such a person would ill deserve even that subordinate executory 信用 which I understand is to be placed in him, nor is he fit to be called 長，指導者 in a nation which he has 乱暴／暴力を加えるd and 抑圧するd. A worse choice for such an office in a new 連邦／共和国 than that of a 退位させる／宣誓証言するd tyrant could not かもしれない be made. But to degrade and 侮辱 a man as the worst of 犯罪のs and afterwards to 信用 him in your highest 関心s as a faithful, honest, and 熱心な servant is not 一貫した to 推論する／理由ing, nor 慎重な in 政策, nor 安全な in practice. Those who could make such an 任命 must be 有罪の of a more 極悪の 違反 of 信用 than any they have yet committed against the people. As this is the only 罪，犯罪 in which your 主要な 政治家，政治屋s could have 行為／法令／行動するd inconsistently, I 結論する that there is no sort of ground for these horrid insinuations. I think no better of all the other calumnies.

IN ENGLAND, we give no credit to them. We are generous enemies; we are faithful 同盟（する）s. We 拒絶する from us with disgust and indignation the 名誉き損，中傷s of those who bring us their anecdotes with the 任命 of the flower-de-luce on their shoulder. We have Lord George Gordon 急速な／放蕩な in Newgate; and neither his 存在 a public proselyte to Judaism, nor his having, in his zeal against カトリック教徒 priests and all sorts of ecclesiastics, raised a 暴徒 (excuse the 称する，呼ぶ／期間／用語, it is still in use here) which pulled 負かす／撃墜する all our 刑務所，拘置所s, have 保存するd to him a liberty of which he did not （判決などを）下す himself worthy by a virtuous use of it. We have rebuilt Newgate and tenanted the mansion. We have 刑務所，拘置所s almost as strong as the Bastille for those who dare to 名誉き損 the queens of フラン. In this spiritual 退却／保養地, let the noble libeller remain. Let him there meditate on his Talmud until he learns a 行為／行う more becoming his birth and parts, and not so disgraceful to the 古代の 宗教 to which he has become a proselyte; or until some persons from your 味方する of the water, to please your new Hebrew brethren, shall 身代金 him. He may then be enabled to 購入（する） with the old boards of the synagogue and a very small poundage on the long 構内／化合物 利益／興味 of the thirty pieces of silver (Dr. Price has shown us what 奇蹟s 構内／化合物 利益／興味 will 成し遂げる in 1790 years,), the lands which are lately discovered to have been usurped by the Gallican church. Send us your Popish 大司教 of Paris, and we will send you our Protestant Rabbin. We shall 扱う／治療する the person you send us in 交流 like a gentleman and an honest man, as he is; but pray let him bring with him the 基金 of his 歓待, bounty, and charity, and, depend upon it, we shall never 押収する a shilling of that honorable and pious 基金, nor think of 濃厚にするing the 財務省 with the spoils of the poor-box.

[Continued in とじ込み／提出する 2]