During the morning 開会／開廷／会期 of August 23 the last 嘆願s of the （刑事）被告 are continued.

"I together with Zinoviev and Trotsky," 宣言するs Kamenev, "was the 組織者 and leader of a テロリスト 陰謀（を企てる） which planned and 用意が出来ている a number of terroristic 試みる／企てるs on the lives of the leaders of the 政府 and the Party of our country, and which carried out the 暗殺 of Kirov.

"For ten years, if not more," continues Kamenev, "I 行うd a struggle against the Party, against the 政府 of the land of Soviets, and against Stalin 本人自身で. In this struggle, it seems to me, I 利用するd every 武器 in the political 兵器庫 known to me - open political discussion, 試みる／企てるs to 侵入する into factories and 作品, 違法な ちらしs, secret printing 圧力（をかける）s, deception of the Party, the organization of street demonstrations, 共謀 and, finally, テロ行為.

"I once 熟考する／考慮するd the history of the political movements and I cannot remember any form of political struggle that we did not use during the past ten years. The proletarian 革命 許すd us a period of time for our political struggle which no other 革命 gave its enemies. The bourgeois 革命 of the 18th century gave its enemies weeks and days, and then destroyed them. The proletarian 革命 gave us ten years in which to 改革（する） and to realize that we were in error. But we did not do that. Three times was I 復帰させるd in the Party. Iwas 解任するd from 追放する 単に on the strength of my personal 声明. After all the mistakes I had committed I was ゆだねるd with responsible 使節団s and 地位，任命するs. This is the third time I am 直面するing a proletarian 法廷，裁判所 on the 告発（する），告訴（する）／料金 of terroristic 意向s, designs and 活動／戦闘s.

"Twice my life was spared. But there is a 限界 to everything, there is a 限界 to the magnanimity of the proletariat, and that 限界 we have reached. I ask myself," says Kamenev その上の, "is it an 事故 that と一緒に of myself, Zinoviev, Evdokimov, Bakayev and Mrachkovsky are sitting 特使s of foreign secret-police departments, people with 誤った パスポートs, with 疑わしい biographies and undoubted 関係s with the Gestapo. No! it is not an 事故. We are sitting here 味方する by 味方する with the スパイ／執行官s of foreign secret-police departments because our 武器s were the same, because our 武器 became intertwined before our 運命／宿命 became intertwined here in this ドッキングする／減らす／ドックに入れる.

"Thus," says Kamenev in 結論, "we served fascism, thus we 組織するd 反対する-革命 against 社会主義, 用意が出来ている, 覆うd the way for the interventionists. Such was the path we took, and such was the 炭坑，オーケストラ席 contemptible treachery and all that is loathsome into which we have fallen.

"I want to say once again," says the （刑事）被告 Zinoviev at the 手始め of his last 嘆願, "that I 収容する／認める that I am fully and courpletely 有罪の I am 有罪の of having been an 組織者 of the Trotskyite-Zinovievite 圏  second only to Trotsky, the 圏  which 始める，決める itself the 目的（とする） of assassinating Stalin, Voroshilov and a number of other leaders of the Party and the 政府. I 罪を認める to having been the 主要な／長／主犯 組織者 of the 暗殺 of Kirov.

"The Party," continues Zinoviev, "saw where we were going and 警告するd us. In one of his speeches Stalin pointed out that 傾向s may arise の中で the 対立 to 課す its will upon the Party by 暴力／激しさ. At one of the 会議／協議会s held before the XIV 議会 of the Party, Dzerzhinski called us Kronstadtists. Stalin, Voroshilov, Orjonikidze, Dzerzhinski and Mikoyan did all they could to 説得する us, to save us. 得点する／非難する／２０s of times they said to us: you may do enormous 害（を与える） to the Party and the Soviet 政府, and you yourselves will 死なせる／死ぬ in doing so. But we did not 注意する these 警告s. We entered into an 同盟 with Trotsky. We filled the place of the Mensheviks, 社会主義者-革命のs and whiteguards who could not come out 率直に in our country. We took the place of the テロ行為 of the 社会主義者-革命のs. Not the pre-革命の テロ行為 which was directed against the 専制政治, but the 権利 社会主義者 革命のs' テロ行為 of the period of the Civil War, when the S-R's 発射 at Lenin.

"My 欠陥のある Bolshevism became transformed into anti-Bolshevism, and through Trotskyism I arrived at fascism. Trotskyism is a variety of fascism, and Zinovievism is a variety of Trotskyism.

"Believe me, 国民s 裁判官s, if I say that Isuffered the greatest 罰, greater than anything that を待つs me, when I heard the 証言 of Nathan Lurye and the 証言 of Olberg. I felt and understood that my 指名する will be associated with the 指名するs of those who stood beside me. On my 権利 手渡す Olberg, on my left - Nathan Lurye. . . ."

In his last 嘆願 Smirnov 取引，協定s in 詳細（に述べる） with the history of his struggle against the Party leadership after he was forgiven by the Party and 復帰させるd into its 階級s in 1929.

"I returned to the Party," says Smirnov, "in 1929-30, and the Party did all it could to help me get on the 権利 跡をつける. But I was unable to 正当化する its 信用／信任."

Continuing, Smirnov says that in 1931 he 再開するd the fight against the Party leadership.

"This was the mistake I made, which later grew into a 罪，犯罪. It induced me to 再開する 接触する with Trotsky, it induced me to 捜し出す 関係s with the Zinovievite group, it brought me into a 圏  with the group of Zinovievites, into receiving 指示／教授／教育s on テロ行為 from Trotsky through Gaven in November 1932, it brought me to テロ行為. I communicated Trotsky's 指示／教授／教育s on テロ行為 to the 圏  to which I belonged as a member of the centre. The 圏  受託するd these 指示／教授／教育s and began to 行為／法令／行動する."

Then Smirnov continues, just as during the 予選 調査 and the 裁判，公判, to 否定する 責任／義務 for the 罪，犯罪s committed by the Trotskyite-Zinovievite テロリスト centre after his 逮捕（する）.

その上の, Smirnov 控訴，上告s to all his adherents resolutely to break with the past, to fight against Trotskyism and Trotsky. He 宣言するs: "There is no other path for our country but the one it is now treading, and there is not, nor can there be, any other leadership than that which history has given us. Trotsky, who sends direction and 指示／教授／教育s on テロ行為, and regards our 明言する／公表する as a 国粋主義者／ファシスト党員 明言する／公表する, is an enemy; he is on the other 味方する of the バリケード; he must be fought."

"My entire political 見通し," says Olberg, "took 形態／調整 under the 影響（力） of Trotsky and Trotskyism. に引き続いて Trotsky, I shrank neither from テロ行為 nor from 協定s with the 国粋主義者／ファシスト党員s. The 目的（とする）s of the Trotskyite 反対する-革命の organization and the hopelessness of these 目的（とする）s became 特に （疑いを）晴らす to me at this 裁判，公判 during which I saw, やめる distinctly, how pitiful were the leaders of the Trotskyite-Zinovievite 反対する-革命 who led us, the young ones, along the path of terroristic struggle, and how 広大な／多数の／重要な was the 力／強力にする of the Soviet 明言する／公表する. . . I ask the 最高裁判所 to give me the 適切な時期 of trying at least to some extent to atone for my monstrous 罪，犯罪s."

"In my last 嘆願," says Berman-Yurin, "I do not want to defend myself by any arguments. There are no such arguments. I repented, but too late. Yesterday, in his speech for the 起訴, the 国民 明言する／公表する 検察官，検事 drew the 完全にする picture of my 罪，犯罪s. And the proletarian 明言する／公表する will を取り引きする me as I deserve. It is too late for contrition."

"Here," says Holtzman, "in the ドッキングする／減らす／ドックに入れる beside me, is a ギャング（団） of 殺害者s, not only 殺害者s, but 国粋主義者／ファシスト党員 殺害者s. I do not ask for mercy."

"My 罪，犯罪 is （疑いを）晴らす, it has been 証明するd," says N. Lurye. "I do not know what I might still say in my defence. In my last 嘆願 I can only 表明する 悔いる for what I have done . . . but my 悔いる comes too late."

In his last 嘆願 M Lurye says:

"I did not 隠す anything, I cannot be reproached for that. The 明言する／公表する 検察官，検事 需要・要求するd that I be 厳しく punished. But can my 罪，犯罪 be compared with the 罪，犯罪 of my 長，指導者?"

M. Lurye 嘆願d mitigating circumstances.

With this the morning 開会／開廷／会期 の近くにs.