"On New 僕主主義" (January 1940), Selected 作品,  Vol. II, pp. 360-61.*

The 社会主義者 system will 結局 取って代わる the 資本主義者 system; this is an 客観的な 法律 独立した・無所属 of man's will. However much the reactionaries try to 持つ／拘留する 支援する the wheel of history, sooner or later 革命 will take place and will 必然的に 勝利.

"Speech at the 会合 of the 最高会議 of the U.S.S.R. in 祝賀 of the 40th 周年記念日 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な October 社会主義者 革命" (November 6, 1957).

We 共産主義者s never 隠す our political 見解（をとる）s. Definitely and beyond all 疑問, our 未来 or 最大限 programme is to carry 中国 今後 to 社会主義 and 共産主義. Both the 指名する of our Party and our Marxist world 見通し unequivocally point to this 最高の ideal of the 未来, a 未来 of incomparable brightness and splendour.

"On 連合 政府" (April 24, 1945), Selected 作品,  Vol. III, p. 282.*

Taken as a whole, the Chinese 革命の movement led by the 共産主義者 Party embraces the two 行う／開催する／段階s, i.e., the democratic and the 社会主義者 革命s, which are two essentially different 革命の 過程s, and the second 過程 can be carried through only after the first has been 完全にするd. The democratic 革命 is the necessary 準備 for the 社会主義者 革命, and the 社会主義者 革命 is the 必然的な sequel to the democratic 革命. The ultimate 目的（とする） for which all 共産主義者s 努力する／競う is to bring about a 社会主義者 and 共産主義者 society.

"The Chinese 革命 and the Chinese 共産主義者 Party" (December 1939), Selected 作品,  Vol. II, pp. 330-31.*

社会主義者 革命 目的（とする）s at 解放するing the 生産力のある 軍隊s. The change-over from individual to 社会主義者, 集団の／共同の 所有権 in 農業 and handicrafts and from 資本主義者 to 社会主義者 所有権 in 私的な 産業 and 商業 is bound to bring about a tremendous 解放 of the 生産力のある 軍隊s. Thus the social 条件s are 存在 created for a tremendous 拡大 of 産業の and 農業の 生産／産物.

Speech at the 最高の 明言する／公表する 会議／協議会 (January 25, 1956).

We are now carrying out a 革命 not only in the social system, the change from 私的な to public 所有権, but also in 科学（工学）技術, the change from handicraft to large-規模 modern machine 生産／産物, and the two 革命s are interconnected. In 農業, with 条件s as they are in our country co-操作／手術 must に先行する the use of big 機械／機構 (in 資本主義者 countries 農業 develops in a 資本主義者 way). Therefore we must on no account regard 産業 and 農業, 社会主義者 industrialization and the 社会主義者 変形 of 農業 as two separate and 孤立するd things, and on no account must we 強調する the one and 軽視する the other.

On the Question of 農業の Co-操作／手術  (July 51, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 19-20.

The new social system has only just been 設立するd and 要求するs time for its consolidation. It must not be assumed that the new system can be 完全に 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd the moment it is 設立するd, for that is impossible. It has to be 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd step by step. To 達成する its ultimate consolidation, it is necessary not only to bring about the 社会主義者 industrialisation of the country and persevere in the 社会主義者 革命 on the 経済的な 前線, but to carry on constant and arduous 社会主義者 革命の struggles and 社会主義者 education on the political and 観念的な 前線s. Moreover, さまざまな contributory international factors are 要求するd.

Speech at the Chinese 共産主義者 Party's 国家の 会議／協議会 on 宣伝 Work  (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*

In 中国 the struggle to 強固にする／合併する／制圧する the 社会主義者 system, the struggle to decide whether 社会主義 or capitalism will 勝つ／広く一帯に広がる, will still take a long historical period. But we should all realise that the new system of 社会主義 will unquestionably be 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd. We can assuredly build a 社会主義者 明言する／公表する with modern 産業, modern 農業, and modern science and culture.

Ibid.,  pp. 2-3.

The number of 知識人s who are 敵意を持った to our 明言する／公表する is very small. They do not like our 明言する／公表する, i.e., the 独裁政治 of the proletariat, and yearn for the old society. Whenever there is an 適切な時期 they will 動かす up trouble and 試みる／企てる to 倒す the 共産主義者 Party and 回復する the old 中国. As between the proletarian and the bourgeois roads, as between the 社会主義者 and the 資本主義者 roads, these people stubbornly choose to follow the latter. In fact this road is impossible, and in fact, therefore, they are ready to capitulate to 帝国主義, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism. Such people are to be 設立する in political circles and in 産業の and 商業の, cultural and 教育の, 科学の and 科学技術の and 宗教的な circles, and they are 極端に reactionary.

Ibid.,  pp. 3-4.

The serious problem is the education of the peasantry. The 小作農民 economy is scattered, and the socialization of 農業, 裁判官ing by the Soviet Union's experience, will 要求する a long time and painstaking work. Without socialization of 農業, there can be no 完全にする, 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd 社会主義.

"On the People's Democratic 独裁政治" June 30, 1949), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 419.

We must have 約束, first, that the 小作農民 集まりs are ready to 前進する step by step along the road of 社会主義 under the leadership of the Party, and second, that the Party is 有能な of 主要な the 小作農民s along this road. These two points are the essence of the 事柄, the main 現在の.

On the Question of 農業の Co-操作／手術  (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., p. 18.*

The 主要な 団体／死体s in co-operatives must 設立する the 支配的な position of the poor 小作農民s and the new lower middle 小作農民s in these 団体／死体s, with the old lower middle 小作農民s and the upper middle 小作農民s - whether old or new - as the 補足の 軍隊. Only thus can uniq between the poor and middle 小作農民s be 達成するd, the co-operatives be 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd, 生産／産物 be 拡大するd and the 社会主義者 変形 of the entire countryside be 正確に 遂行するd in 一致 with the Party's 政策. さもなければ, まとまり between the middle and poor 小作農民s cannot be 達成するd, the co-operatives cannot be 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd, 生産／産物 cannot be 拡大するd, and the 社会主義者 変形 of the entire countryside cannot be 達成するd.

Introductory 公式文書，認める to "How 支配（する）／統制する of the Wutang Co-operative 転換d from the Middle to the Poor 小作農民s" (1955), The 社会主義者 沸き立つ in 中国's Countryside,  Chinese ed., Vol. II.

It is 必須の to 部隊 with the middle 小作農民s, and it is wrong not to do so. But on whom must the working class and the 共産主義者 Party rely in the countryside ーするために 部隊 with the middle 小作農民s and realize the 社会主義者 変形 of the entire countryside? Surely on 非，不，無 other than the poor 小作農民s. That was the 事例／患者 when the struggle against the landlords was 存在 行うd and the land 改革（する） was 存在 carried out, and that is the 事例／患者 today when the struggle against the rich 小作農民s and other 資本主義者 elements is 存在 行うd to 達成する the 社会主義者 変形 of 農業. In both these 革命の periods, the middle 小作農民s wavered in the 初期の 行う／開催する／段階s. It is only after they 明確に see the general 傾向 of events and the approaching 勝利 of the 革命 that the middle 小作農民s will come in on the 味方する of the 革命. The poor 小作農民s must work on the middle 小作農民s and 勝利，勝つ them over, so that the 革命 will broaden from day to day until final victory.

Introductory 公式文書，認める to "The Lesson of the 'Middle-小作農民 協同組合' and the 'Poor-小作農民 Co-operative' in Fuan 郡" (1955), The 社会主義者 沸き立つ in 中国's Countryside,  Chinese ed., Vol. II.

There is a serious 傾向 に向かって capitalism の中で the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do 小作農民s. This 傾向 will become はびこる if we in the slightest way neglect political work の中で the 小作農民s during the co-operative movement and for a very long period after.

Introductory 公式文書，認める to "A Resolute Struggle Must Be 行うd Against the 傾向 に向かって Capitalism" (1955), The 社会主義者 沸き立つ in 中国's Countryside,  Chinese ed., Vol. I.

The 農業の co-operative movement has been a 厳しい 観念的な and political struggle from the very beginning. No 協同組合 can be 設立するd without going through such a struggle. Before a brand-new social system can be built on the 場所／位置 of the old, the 場所／位置 must be swept clean. Invariably, 残余s of old ideas 反映するing the old system remain in people's minds for a long time, and they do not easily give way. After a co-operative is 設立するd, it must go through many more struggles before it can be 強固にする／合併する／制圧するd. Even then, the moment it relaxes its 成果／努力s it may 崩壊（する）.

Introductory 公式文書，認める to "A Serious Lesson" (1955), The 社会主義者 沸き立つ in 中国's Countryside,  Chinese ed., Vol. I.

The spontaneous 軍隊s of capitalism have been 刻々と growing in the countryside in 最近の years, with new rich 小作農民s springing up everywhere and many 井戸／弁護士席-to-do middle 小作農民s 努力する／競うing to become rich 小作農民s. On the other 手渡す, many poor 小作農民s are still living in poverty for 欠如（する） of 十分な means of 生産／産物, with some in 負債 and others selling or renting out their land. If this 傾向 goes unchecked, the polarization in the countryside will 必然的に be 悪化させるd day by day. Those 小作農民s who lose their land and those who remain in poverty will complain that we are doing nothing to save them from 廃虚 or to help them 打ち勝つ their difficulties. Nor will the 井戸／弁護士席-to-do middle 小作農民s who are 長，率いるing in the 資本主義者 direction be pleased with us, for we shall never be able to 満足させる their 需要・要求するs unless we ーするつもりである to take the 資本主義者 road. Can the 労働者-小作農民 同盟 continue to stand hrm in these circumstances ? 明白に not. There is no 解答 to this problem except on a new basis. And that means to bring about, step by step, the 社会主義者 変形 of the whole of 農業 同時に with the 漸進的な 現実化 of 社会主義者 industrialization and the 社会主義者 変形 of handicrafts and 資本主義者 産業 and 商業; in other words, it means to carry out co-操作／手術 and 除去する the rich-小作農民 economy and the individual economy in the countryside so that all the 田舎の people will become ますます 井戸／弁護士席 off together. We 持続する that this is the only way to 強固にする／合併する／制圧する the 労働者-小作農民 同盟.

On the Question of 農業の Co-操作／手術  (July 31, 1955), 3rd ed., pp. 26-27.*

By over-all planning we mean planning which takes into consideration the 利益／興味s of the 600 million people of our country. In 製図／抽選 up 計画（する）s, 扱うing 事件／事情／状勢s or thinking over problems, we must proceed from the fact that 中国 has a 全住民 of 600 million people, and we must never forget this fact.

On the 訂正する 扱うing of Contradictions の中で the People  (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed. p. 47.

In 新規加入 to the leadership of the Party, a 決定的な factor is our 全住民 of 600 million. More people mean a greater ferment of ideas, more enthusiasm and more energy. Never before have the 集まりs of the people been so 奮起させるd, so 交戦的な and so daring as at 現在の.

"Introducing a Co-operative" (April 15, 1958).

Apart from their other 特徴, the 優れた thing about 中国's 600 million people is that they are "poor and blank". This may seem a bad thing, but in reality it is a good thing. Poverty gives rise to the 願望（する） for change, the 願望（する） for 活動／戦闘 and the 願望（する） for 革命. On a blank sheet of paper 解放する／自由な from any 示す, the freshest and most beautiful characters can be written, the freshest and most beautiful pictures can be painted.

Ibid . 

After the country-wide victory of the Chinese 革命 and the 解答 of the land problem, two basic contradictions will still 存在する in 中国. The first is 内部の, that is, the contradiction between the working class and the bourgeoisie. The second is 外部の, that is, the contradiction between 中国 and the 帝国主義の countries. その結果, after the victory of the people's democratic 革命, the 明言する／公表する 力／強力にする of the people's 共和国 under the leadership of the working class must not be 弱めるd but must be 強化するd.

"報告（する）／憶測 to the Second 全員出席の 開会／開廷／会期 of the Seventh Central 委員会 of the 共産主義者 Party of 中国" (March 5, 1949), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 369.

"Don't you want to 廃止する 明言する／公表する 力／強力にする?" Yes, we do, but not 権利 now; we cannot do it yet. Why? Because 帝国主義 still 存在するs, because 国内の reaction still 存在するs, because classes still 存在する in our country. Our 現在の 仕事 is to 強化する the people's 明言する／公表する apparatus - おもに the people's army, the people's police and the people's 法廷，裁判所s - ーするために 強固にする／合併する／制圧する 国家の defence and 保護する the people's 利益／興味s.

"On the People's Democratic 独裁政治" (June 30, 1949), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 418.

Our 明言する／公表する is a people's democratic 独裁政治 led by the working class and based on the 労働者-小作農民 同盟. What is this 独裁政治 for? Its first 機能（する）／行事 is to 抑える the reactionary classes and elements and those exploiters in our country who resist the 社会主義者 革命, to 抑える those who try to 難破させる our 社会主義者 construction, or in other words, to 解決する the 内部の contradictions between ourselves and the enemy. For instance, to 逮捕（する）, try and 宣告，判決 確かな counterrevolutionaries, and to 奪う landlords and bureaucrat-資本主義者s of their 権利 to 投票（する） and their freedom of speech for a 明示するd period of time - all this comes within the 範囲 of our 独裁政治. To 持続する public order and 保護（する）／緊急輸入制限 the 利益／興味s of the people, it is likewise necessary to 演習 独裁政治 over embezzlers, 詐欺師s, 放火犯人s, 殺害者s, 犯罪の ギャング（団）s and other scoundrels who 本気で 混乱に陥れる／中断させる public order. The second 機能（する）／行事 of this 独裁政治 is to 保護する our country from subversion and possible 侵略 by 外部の enemies. In that event, it is the 仕事 of this 独裁政治 to 解決する the 外部の contradiction between ourselves and the enemy. The 目的（とする） of this 独裁政治 is to 保護する all our people so that they can 充てる themselves to 平和的な 労働 and build 中国 into a 社会主義者 country with a modern 産業, 農業, science and culture.

On the 訂正する 扱うing of Contradictions の中で the People  (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 6-7.

The people's democratic 独裁政治 needs the leadership of the working class. For it is only the working class that is most far-sighted, most selfless and most 完全に 革命の. The entire history of 革命 証明するs that without the leadership of the working class 革命 fails and that with the leadership of the working class 革命 勝利s.

"On the People's Democratic 独裁政治" (June 30, 1949), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 421.

The people's democratic 独裁政治 is based on the 同盟 of the working class, the peasantry and the 都市の petty bourgeoisie, and おもに on the 同盟 of the 労働者s and the 小作農民s, because these two classes 構成する 80 to go per cent of 中国's 全住民. These two classes are the main 軍隊 in 倒すing 帝国主義 and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The 移行 from New 僕主主義 to 社会主義 also depends おもに upon their 同盟.

Ibid. 

Class struggle, the struggle for 生産／産物 and 科学の 実験 are the three 広大な／多数の／重要な 革命の movements for building a mighty 社会主義者 country. These movements are a sure 保証（人） that 共産主義者s will be 解放する／自由な from 官僚主義 and 免疫の against 修正主義 and dogmatism, and will for ever remain invincible. They are a reliable 保証（人） that the proletariat will be able to 部隊 with the 幅の広い working 集まりs and realize a democratic 独裁政治. If, in the absence of these movements, the landlords, rich 小作農民s, counterrevolutionaries, bad elements and monsters were all 許すd to はう out, while our cadres were to shut their 注目する，もくろむs to all this and in many 事例／患者s fail even to differentiate between the enemy and ourselves but were to 共同製作する with the enemy and were corrupted, divided and demoralized by him, if our cadres were thus pulled out or the enemy were able to こそこそ動く in, and if many of our 労働者s, 小作農民s, and 知識人s were left defenceless against both the soft and the hard 策略 of the enemy, then it would not take long, perhaps only several years or a １０年間, or several １０年間s at most, before a counterrevolutionary 復古／返還 on a 国家の 規模 必然的に occurred, the Marxist-Leninist party would undoubtedly become a revisionist party or a 国粋主義者／ファシスト党員 party, and the 穴を開ける of 中国 would change its colour.

公式文書，認める on "The Seven 井戸／弁護士席-Written 文書s of Chekiang 州 関心ing Cadres' 参加 in Physical 労働" (May 9, 1963), 引用するd in On Khrushchov's Phoney 共産主義 and Its Historical Lessons for the World,  pp. 7l-72.*

The people's democratic 独裁政治 uses two methods. に向かって the enemy, it uses the method of 独裁政治, that is, for as long a period of time as is necessary it does not let them 参加する political activities and 強要するs them to obey the 法律 of the People's 政府 and to engage in 労働 and, through 労働, transform themselves into new men. に向かって the people, on the contrary, it uses the method not of compulsion but of 僕主主義, that is, it must やむを得ず let them 参加する political activities and does not 強要する them to do this or that, but uses the method of 僕主主義 in educating and 説得するing them.

の近くにing speech at the Second 開会／開廷／会期 of the First 国家の 委員会 of the Chinese People's Political 諮問の 会議／協議会 (June 23, 1950).

Under the leadership of the 共産主義者 Party, the Chinese people are carrying out a vigorous rectification movement ーするために bring about the 早い 開発 of 社会主義 in 中国 on a firmer basis. It is a movement for carrying out a nation-wide 審議 which is both guided and 解放する／自由な, a 審議 in the city and the countryside on such questions as the 社会主義者 road versus the 資本主義者 road, the basic system of the 明言する／公表する and its major 政策s, the working style of Party and 政府 functionaries, and the question of the 福利事業 of the people, a 審議 which is 行為／行うd by setting 前へ／外へ facts and 推論する／理由ing things out, so as 正確に to 解決する those actual contradictions の中で the people which 需要・要求する 即座の 解答. This is a 社会主義者 movement for the self-education and selfremoulding of the people.

"Speech at the 会合 of the 最高会議 of the U.S.S.R. in 祝賀 of the 40th 周年記念日 of the 広大な／多数の／重要な October 社会主義者 革命" (November 6, 1957)

Most arduous 仕事s 嘘（をつく） ahead of us in the 広大な／多数の／重要な work of construction. Although there are over I0 million members in our Party, they still 構成する a very small 少数，小数派 of the country's 全住民. In 政府 departments and public organizations and 企業s much work has to be done by 非，不，無-Party people. It is impossible to get this work 井戸／弁護士席 done unless we are good at relying on the 集まりs and co-operating with 非，不，無-Party people. While continuing to 強化する the まとまり of the whole Party, we must also continue to 強化する the まとまり of all our 国籍s, democratic classes, democratic parties and people's organizations, and to 強固にする／合併する／制圧する and 拡大する the people's democratic 部隊d 前線, and we must conscientiously get rid of every unhealthy manifestation in any link in our work that is detrimental to the まとまり between the Party and the people.

"開始 演説（する）／住所 at the Eighth 国家の 議会 of the 共産主義者 Party of 中国" (September 15, 1956).