"Cast Away Illusions, 準備する for Struggle" (August 14, 1949), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 428.

In class society everyone lives as a member of a particular class, and every 肉親，親類d of thinking, without exception, is stamped with the brand of a class.

"On Practice" (July 1937), Selected 作品,  Vol. I, p. 296.

Changes in society are 予定 主として to the 開発 of the 内部の contradictions in society, that is, the contradiction between the 生産力のある 軍隊s and the relations of 生産／産物, the contradiction between classes and the contradiction between the old and the new; it is the 開発 of these contradictions that 押し進めるs society 今後 and gives the impetu6 for the supersession of the old society by the new.

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), Selected 作品,  Vol. I, P. 314.

The ruthless 経済的な 開発／利用 and political 圧迫 of the 小作農民s by the landlord class 軍隊d them into 非常に／多数の 反乱s against its 支配する.... It was the class struggles of the 小作農民s, the 小作農民 反乱s and 小作農民 wars that 構成するd the real 動機 軍隊 of historical 開発 in Chinese 封建的 society.

"The Chinese 革命 and the Chinese 共産主義者 Party" (December 1939), Selected 作品,  Vol. II, p. 308.*

In the final 分析, 国家の struggle is a 事柄 of class struggle. の中で the whites in the 部隊d 明言する／公表するs it is only the reactionary 判決，裁定 circles who 抑圧する the 黒人／ボイコット people. They can in no way 代表する the 労働者s, 農業者s, 革命の 知識人s and other enlightened persons who 構成する the 圧倒的な 大多数 of the white people.

"声明 Supporting the American Negroes in Their Just Struggle Against Racial 差別 by U.S. 帝国主義" (August 8, 1963), People of the World, 部隊 and 敗北・負かす the U.S. 攻撃者s and All Their Lackeys,  2nd ed., pp. 3-4.*

It is up to us to 組織する the people. As for the reactionaries in 中国, it is up to us to 組織する the people to 倒す them. Everything reactionary is the same; if you don't 攻撃する，衝突する it, it won't 落ちる. This is also like 広範囲にわたる the 床に打ち倒す; as a 支配する, where the broom does not reach, the dust will not 消える of itself.

"The 状況／情勢 and Our 政策 After the Victory in the War of 抵抗 Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 19.

The enemy will not 死なせる／死ぬ of himself. Neither the Chinese reactionaries nor the 積極的な 軍隊s of U.S. 帝国主義 in 中国 will step 負かす／撃墜する from the 行う／開催する／段階 of history of their own （許可，名誉などを）与える.

"Carry the 革命 Through to the End" (December 30, 1948), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 301.

A 革命 is not a dinner party, or 令状ing an essay, or 絵 a picture, or doing embroidery; it cannot be so 精製するd, so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, 肉親，親類d, courteous, 抑制するd and magnanimous. A 革命 is an insurrection, an 行為／法令／行動する of 暴力／激しさ by which one class 倒すs another.

"報告（する）／憶測 on an 調査 of the 小作農民 Movement in Hunan" (March 1927), Selected 作品,  Vol. I, p. 28.*

Chiang Kai-shek always tries to ひったくる every ounce of 力／強力にする and every ounce of 伸び（る） from the people. And we? Our 政策 is to give him tit for tat and to fight for every インチ of land. We 行為／法令／行動する after his fashion. He always tries to 課す war on the people, one sword in his left 手渡す and another in his 権利. We （問題を）取り上げる swords, too, に引き続いて his example.... As Chiang Kai-shek is now sharpening his swords, we must sharpen ours too.

"The 状況／情勢 and Our 政策 After the Victory in the War of 抵抗 Against Japan" (August 13, 1945), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, pp. 14-l5.

Who are our enemies? Who are our friends? This is a question of the first importance for the 革命. The basic 推論する／理由 why all previous 革命の struggles in 中国 達成するd so little was their 失敗 to 部隊 with real friends ーするために attack real enemies. A 革命の party is the guide of the masscs, and no 革命 ever 後継するs when the 革命の party leads them astray. To 確実にする that we will definitely 達成する success in our 革命 and will not lead the 集まりs astray, we must 支払う／賃金 attention to 部隊ing with our real friends ーするために attack our real enemies. To distinguish real friends from real enemies, we must make a general 分析 of the 経済的な status of the さまざまな classes in Chinese society and of their 各々の 態度s に向かって the 革命.

"分析 of the Classes in Chinese Society" (March 1926), Selected 作品,  Vol. I, p. 13.

Our enemies are all those in league with 帝国主義 - the 将軍s, the bureaucrats, the comprador class, the big Landlord class and the teactionary section of the 知識階級 大（公）使館員d to them. The 主要な 軍隊 in our 革命 is the 産業の proletariat. Our closest friends are the entire 半分-proletariat and petty bourgeoisie. As for the vacillating middle bourgeoisie, their 右翼 may become our enemy and their left-wing may become our friend - but we must be 絶えず on our guard and not let them create 混乱 within our 階級s.

Ibid.,  p. 19.*

Whoever 味方するs with the 革命の people is a 革命の. Whoever 味方するs with 帝国主義, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism is a 反対する-革命の. Whoever 味方するs with the 革命の people in words only but 行為／法令／行動するs さもなければ is a 革命の in speech. Whoever 味方するs with the 革命の people in 行為 同様に as in word is a 革命の in the 十分な sense.

の近くにing speech at the Second 開会／開廷／会期 of the First 国家の 委員会 of the Chinese People's Political 諮問の 会議／協議会 (June 23, 1950).

I 持つ／拘留する that it is bad as far as we are 関心d if a person, a 政党, an army or a school is not attacked by the enemy, for in that 事例／患者 it would definitely mean that we have sunk to the level of the enemy. It is good if we are attacked by the enemy, since it 証明するs that we have drawn a （疑いを）晴らす line of 境界設定 between the enemy and ourselves. It is still better if the enemy attacks us wildly and paints us as utterly 黒人／ボイコット and without a 選び出す／独身 virtue; it 論証するs that we have not only drawn a （疑いを）晴らす line of 境界設定 between the enemy and ourselves but 達成するd a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 in our work.

To Be Attacked by the Enemy Is Not a Bad Thing but a Good Thing  (May 26, 1939), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.*

We should support whatever the enemy …に反対するs and …に反対する whatever the enemy supports.

"Interview with Three 特派員s from the Central News 機関, the Sao 強い味 Pao  and the Hsin Min Pao"  (September 16, 1939), Selected 作品,  Vol. II, p. 272.

Our stand is that of the proletariat and of the 集まりs. For members of the 共産主義者 Party, this means keeping to the stand of the Party, keeping to Party spirit and Party 政策.

"会談 at the Yenan 会議 on Literature and Art" (May 1942), Selected 作品,  Vol. III, p. 70.

After the enemies with guns have been wiped out, there will still be enemies without guns; they are bound to struggle 猛烈に against us, and we must never regard these enemies lightly. If we do nor now raise and understand the problem in this way, we shall commit the gravest mistakes.

"報告（する）／憶測 to the Second 全員出席の 開会／開廷／会期 of the Seventh Central 委員会 of the 共産主義者 Party of 中国" (March 5, 1949), Selected 作品,  Vol. IV, p. 364.

The 帝国主義のs and 国内の reactionaries will certainly not take their 敗北・負かす Iying 負かす／撃墜する and they will struggle to the last 溝へはまらせる／不時着する. After there is peace and otder throughout the country, they will still engage in 破壊行為 and create 騒動s in さまざまな ways and will try every day and every minute to 行う／開催する／段階 a come-支援する. This is 必然的な and beyond all 疑問, and under no circumstances must we relax our vigilance.

開始 演説（する）／住所 at the Pirst 全員出席の 開会／開廷／会期 of the Chinese People's Political 諮問の 会議／協議会 (September 21. 1949).

In 中国, although in the main 社会主義者 変形 has been 完全にするd with 尊敬（する）・点 to the system of 所有権, and although the large-規模 and 騒然とした class struggles of the 集まりs characteristic of the previous 革命の periods have in the main come to an end, there are still 残余s of the overthrown landlord and comprador classes, there is still a bourgeoisie, and the remoulding of the petty bourgeoisie has only just started. The class struggle is by no means over. The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between the different political 軍隊s, and the class struggle in the 観念的な held between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will continue to be long and tortuous and at times will even become very 激烈な／緊急の. The proletariat 捜し出すs to transform the world によれば its own world 見通し, and so does the bourgeoisie. In this 尊敬（する）・点, the question of which will 勝利，勝つ out, 社会主義 or capitalism, is still not really settled.

On the 訂正する 扱うing of Contradictions の中で the People  (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 51-52.

It will take a 公正に／かなり long period of time to decide the 問題／発行する in the 観念的な struggle between 社会主義 and capitalism in our country. The 推論する／理由 is that the 影響（力） of the bourgeoisie and of the 知識人s who come from the old society will remain in our country for a long time to come, and so will their class ideology. If this is not 十分に understood, or is not understood at all, the gravest mistakes will be made and the necessity of 行うing the struggle in the 観念的な field will be ignored.

Ibid.,  pp. 52-53.

In our country bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology, anti-Marxist ideology, will continue to 存在する for a long time. 基本的に, the 社会主義者 system has been 設立するd in our country. We have won the basic victory in transforming the 所有権 of the means of 生産／産物, but we have not yet won 完全にする victory on the political and 観念的な 前線s. In the 観念的な field, the question of who will 勝利，勝つ in the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie has not been really settled yet. We still have to 行う a 長引いた struggle against bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology. It is wrong not to understand this and to give up 観念的な struggle. All erroneous ideas, all poisonous 少しのd, all ghosts and monsters, must be 支配するd to 批評; in no circumstance should they be 許すd to spread unchecked. However, the 批評 should be fully 推論する／理由d, analytical and 納得させるing, and not rough, bureaucratic, metaphysical or dogmatic.

Speech at the Chinese 共産主義者 Party's 国家の 会議／協議会 on 宣伝 Work (March 12, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 26-27.*

Both dogmatism and 修正主義 run 反対する to Marxism. Marxism must certainly 前進する; it must develop along with the 開発 of practice and cannot stand still. It would become lifeless if it remained 沈滞した and stereotyped. However, the basic 原則s of Marxism must never be 侵害する／違反するd, or さもなければ mistakes will be made. It is dogmatism to approach Marxism from a metaphysical point of 見解（をとる） and to regard it as something rigid. It is 修正主義 to negate the basic 原則s of Marxism and to negate its 全世界の／万国共通の truth. 修正主義 is one form of bourgeois ideology. The revisionists 否定する the differences between 社会主義 and capitalism, between the 独裁政治 of the proletariat and the 独裁政治 of the bourgeoisie. What they 支持する is in fact not the 社会主義者 line but the 資本主義者 line. In 現在の circumstances, 修正主義 is more pernicious than dogmatism. One of our 現在の important 仕事s on the 観念的な 前線 is to 広げる 批評 of 修正主義.

Ibid.,  pp. 27-28.

修正主義, or 権利 opportunism, is a bourgeois 傾向 of thought that is even more dangerous than dogmatism. The revisionists, the 権利 opportunists, 支払う／賃金 lipservice to Marxism; they too attack "dogmatism". But what they are really attacking is the quintessence of Marxism. They …に反対する or distort materialism and dialectics, …に反対する or try to 弱める the people's democratic 独裁政治 and the 主要な 役割 of the 共産主義者 Party, and …に反対する or try to 弱める 社会主義者 変形 and 社会主義者 construction. After the basic victory of the 社会主義者 革命 in our country, there are still a number of people who vainly hope to 回復する the 資本主義者 system and fight the working class on every 前線, 含むing the 観念的な one. And their 権利-手渡す men in this struggle are the revisionists.

On the 訂正する 扱うing of Contradictions の中で the People  (February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 56-57.