I have few personal recollections of Georgy Valentinovich. Our 会合s were infrequent, although they were not devoid of significance and I 喜んで 記録，記録的な／記録する my memories of him.

In 1893 I left Russia for Zurich, as I felt that I could only acquire the education I needed by going abroad. My friends the Lindfors gave me a letter of introduction to Pavel Alexandrovich Axelrod.

Axelrod and his family received me with delightful 歓待. By then I was a more or いっそう少なく 納得させるd Marxist and considered myself a member of the Social Democratic party (I was eighteen and had begun work as an agitator and propagandist two years before going abroad). I am very much indebted to Axelrod for my education in 社会主義 and, however far apart he and I may have moved subsequently, I look upon him with 感謝 as one of my most 影響力のある teachers. Axelrod was 十分な of awe and reverence for Plekhanov and spoke of him with adoration. This, 追加するd to the impression of brilliance that I had already 伸び（る）d from reading Our Differences and さまざまな other articles by Plekhanov, filled me with an uneasy, 乱すing sense of 期待 at the prospect of 会合 this 広大な／多数の／重要な man.

At last Plekhanov （機の）カム from Geneva to Zurich, brought there by a 論争 の中で the ポーランドの（人） 社会主義者s on the 国籍 question. The 国家的に-minded 社会主義者s in Zurich were 長，率いるd by Jodko. Our 未来 comrades were led by Rosa Luxemburg, then a brilliant student at Zurich University. Plekhanov was to pronounce on the 衝突. For some 推論する／理由 his train was late, so that my first sight of Plekhanov was 運命にあるd to be わずかに theatrical. The 会合 had already begun; with rather wearisome 強調 Jodko had been defending his viewpoint for half an hour when into the Eintracht Hall strode Plekhanov.

That was twenty-eight years ago. Plekhanov must have been わずかに over thirty. He was a 井戸／弁護士席-割合d rather わずかな／ほっそりした man in an impeccable frock coat, with a handsome 直面する made 特に striking by his brilliant 注目する，もくろむs and - his most 示すd feature - by 厚い, shaggy eyebrows. Later at the Stuttgart 議会 one newspaper spoke of Plekhanov as 'eine aristokratische Erscheinung'. Indeed in Plekhanov's 外見, in his diction, his トン of 発言する／表明する and his whole 耐えるing there was the ineradicable stamp of the gentry - he was a gentleman from 長，率いる to toe. This was apt to 感情を害する／違反する some people's proletarian instincts, but when one remembered that this gentleman was an extreme 革命の and one of the 開拓するs of the 労働者s' movement, Plekhanov's aristocratic 空気／公表する became something impressive and moving: 'Look what sort of people are on our 味方する.'

I have no 意向 of 令状ing a character-熟考する／考慮する of Plekhanov - that is a 仕事 for another occasion - but I would 公式文書，認める in passing that in Plekhanov's very 外見 and manner something made me, a young man, involuntarily think: Herzen must have been like that.

Plekhanov sat 負かす／撃墜する at Axelrod's （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する, where I was also sitting, but we 交流d no more than a few 宣告，判決s.

Plekhanov's speech itself rather disappointed me, perhaps by contrast with Rosa's speech which was as sharp as a かみそり-blade and as brilliant as silver. When the loud 賞賛 for her speech had died 負かす／撃墜する, old Greulich, even then gray-haired, even then looking like Abraham (I saw him, by the way, twenty-five years later looking almost as lively as he had on that occasion although, 式のs, by then neither he nor Plekhanov were 進歩／革新的な 社会主義者s) 機動力のある the rostrum and said in a 特に solemn トン: 'Now comrade Plekhanov will speak. He will speak in French. His speech will be translated but, my friends, please try and 持続する 絶対の silence and follow his speech with attention.'

This 控訴，上告 by the chairman for reverential silence and the 抱擁する ovation with which Georgy Valentinovich was 迎える／歓迎するd 連合させるd to move me to 涙／ほころびs. A mere 青年, which made it pardonable, I was 極端に proud of my 広大な／多数の／重要な fellow-同国人. But his speech, I repeat, rather disappointed me.

For political 推論する／理由s Plekhanov 手配中の，お尋ね者 to 可決する・採択する a 中途の position. As a ロシアの he 明白に 設立する it ぎこちない to speak out against the ポーランドの（人） 国家の spirit, although he was theoretically wholly on Rosa Luxemburg's 味方する. At all events he 現れるd from this difficult 状況／情勢 with honour and with 広大な／多数の／重要な 技術, playing the part of the wise conciliator.

Georgy Valentinovich then stayed for several more days in Zurich and at the 危険 of seeming rude I ぐずぐず残るd whole days at the Axelrods' to 掴む every possible chance of talking to him.

The 適切な時期s were 非常に／多数の. Plekhanov loved talking. I was a boy who was 井戸／弁護士席-read, not unintelligent and 極端に eager. In spite of my awe of Plekhanov I got on my high horse and, as it were, 招待するd 戦闘 on さまざまな philosophical questions. Plekhanov liked this; いつかs he would 取引，協定 playfully with me like a big dog with a puppy and would knock me on my 支援する with an 予期しない swipe of his 広大な／多数の／重要な paw, いつかs he grew angry and いつかs he would expound his 見解（をとる）s with 広大な／多数の／重要な earnestness.

Plekhanov was an 絶対 incomparable conversationalist in the brilliance of his wit, the wealth of his knowledge, the 緩和する with which he could 動員する the most enormous 集中 of mental 力／強力にする on any 支配する. The Germans have a word 'geistreich' - rich of mind. It 正確に／まさに 述べるs Plekhanov.

I should について言及する that Plekhanov did not shake my 約束 in the 広大な／多数の／重要な significance of 'left realism', i.e. Avenarius's philosophy. He said jokingly to me: 'Let's talk about Kant instead, if you really want to flounder about in the theory of knowledge - he at least was a man.' Although Plekhanov was 有能な of 取引，協定ing an 知識人 knock-out blow on occasions, he was also 傾向がある to strike off-的.

However, these 会談 had an immeasurably 広大な／多数の／重要な 影響（力） on me when Plekhanov dwelt on the 広大な／多数の／重要な Idealist philosophers Fichte, Schelling and Hegel.

自然に I was already 井戸／弁護士席 aware of the enormous significance of Hegel in the history of 社会主義 and of the impossibility of having a proper しっかり掴む of the Marxist philosophy of history without a sound 知識 with Hegel.

Later Plekhanov was to 告発する／非難する me in one of our public 論争s of not having 熟考する／考慮するd Hegel 適切に. Partly thanks to Plekhanov I had in fact read Hegel with some thoroughness, but I would have done so in any 事例／患者, as befitted an aspiring 社会主義者 theoretician. Fichte and Schelling were another 事柄. I thought it やめる 適する to have read about them in histories of philosophy, considering them to be a dead letter and not 価値（がある） 熟考する／考慮するing. Plekhanov, however, spoke of them with 予期しない enthusiasm. Without for a moment relapsing into any heresy such as '支援する to Fichte!' (later 布告するd by Struve), he にもかかわらず held 前へ／外へ to me in such a 熱烈な, glorious paean to Fichte and Schelling as the architects of a monumental philosophical edifice that I すぐに ran to the Zurich 国家の library and 急落（する），激減（する）d into reading the 作品 of those 広大な／多数の／重要な Idealists, who were to leave such a stamp not only on my whole philosophical 見通し but indeed on my entire personality.

It is a 広大な／多数の／重要な shame that Plekhanov did no more than touch on the Idealist philosophers. He knew them exhaustively, indeed with astonishing exactitude, and could have written a 調書をとる／予約する on them which would certainly have been no いっそう少なく brilliant than his 調書をとる／予約する on the materialist precursors of Marxism. It is true, I think, that in Plekhanov's undoubtedly rather Bazarov-like mind, of the forerunners of Marxism his favourites d'Holbach and Helvetius were dearer to him than the Idealists. But anyone who imagined that he ignored that other 広大な／多数の／重要な root of Marxism would be doing Plekhanov an 不正.

Georgy Valentinovich 示唆するd that I should visit him to continue our 会談; but it was a year or so before I was able to go to Geneva from Paris. Those, too, were happy days. Georgy Valentinovich was then 令状ing his foreword to the 共産主義者 Manifesto and had become very 利益／興味d in art. I had always been passionately 利益／興味d in it and その結果 the 長，指導者 主題 of our 会談 was the dependence of the cultural superstructure on the 経済的な base of society, 特に where art was 関心d. I used to 会合，会う him in his 熟考する／考慮する in the rue de Candole and いつかs in the Cafe Landolt where we would spend hours over many a 襲う，襲って強奪する of beer.

I remember one 出来事/事件 which made a tremendous impression on me. Plekhanov was pacing up and 負かす／撃墜する his 熟考する／考慮する explaining something. Suddenly he walked over to a cupboard, took out a large album, laid it on the （米）棚上げする／（英）提議する in 前線 of me and opened it. It 含む／封じ込めるd some wonderful engravings by Boucher, 極端に frivolous and - by my 基準s of those days - almost pornographic; I at once said something to that 影響, that here was a typical 指示，表示する物 of the decadence of a 判決，裁定 class on the eve of 革命.

'Yes,' said Plekhanov, looking at me with his glittering 注目する，もくろむs, 'but look how superb they are - what style, what life, what elegance, what sensuality.'

I shall not 試みる／企てる to 記録，記録的な／記録する the 残り／休憩（する） of the conversation - it would mean 令状ing a minor treatise on rococo art. I can only say that Plekhanov more or いっそう少なく 心配するd all of Hausenstein's main 結論s, although I do not 解任する him telling me 正確に／まさに whether or not Boucher's art was fundamentally a bourgeois art that had been 単に 移植（する）d into a 枠組み of 法廷，裁判所 life.

To me his aesthetic perception was astounding - his 力／強力にするs of 裁判／判断 on 事柄s of art were wide-範囲ing and unprejudiced. Plekhanov's taste was, I think, infallible. On any work of art that he disliked he could 表明する himself in two words, with an 絶対 lethal irony which 全く 武装解除するd you if you happened to 同意しない with him. About 作品 of art which pleased him Plekhanov spoke with such precision, at times with such excitement that it became obvious why he was an 影響力のある writer on the history of art. His 比較して modest 熟考する／考慮するs, 取引，協定ing only with a few periods, have become one of the cornerstones of その後の work in that field.

From no 調書をとる／予約する, from no museum, have I ever 伸び（る）d so much stimulation and insight as from those 会談 of 地雷 with Georgy Valentinovich.

Unfortunately our その後の 会合s took place in rather いっそう少なく happy circumstances, where we 遭遇（する）d each other as political enemies.

I did not 会合，会う Plekhanov again until the Stuttgart 議会. The Bolshevik 代表 had 任命するd me their 公式の／役人 代表者／国会議員 on the very important 委員会 始める，決める up to work out the Party's 政策 に向かって the 貿易（する）s unions. Plekhanov 代表するd the Mensheviks. At the very start a 論争 arose within the ロシアの 代表. The 大多数 投票（する）d for our viewpoint and the waverers 結局 swung over to our 味方する. The 事柄 was in no sense a personal victory of 地雷 over Plekhanov: he defended his 論題／論文 brilliantly, but the 論題／論文 itself was 容認できない. Plekhanov 主張するd that の近くに 同盟 between the Party and the 貿易（する）s unions might be detrimental to the Party, that the 仕事 of the 貿易（する）s unions was to 改善する the 労働者s' lot within the 資本主義者 system 反して the Party's 仕事 was to destroy that system itself. He 支持するd independence. The …に反対するing 傾向 was 長，率いるd by the ベルギー De Brouckere. (De Brouckere was then a very left-wing 社会主義者 whose thinking had much in ありふれた with ours, although he was later to deviate.) De Brouckere stood for the need to 侵入する the 貿易（する）-union movement with a 社会主義者 consciousness of the indissoluble まとまり of the working class, the guiding 役割 of the Party and so on. In the 統治するing atmosphere of heated discussion of the general strike as a fighting 武器, everyone was tending to 再考する their previous 見解（をとる）s. We were all aware that parliamentarism was becoming a more and more 不十分な 武器, that without the 貿易（する）s unions the Party would never 遂行する the 革命 and that after the 革命 the 貿易（する）s unions were bound to play a major part in 再構築するing a new world. As a result, Plekhanov's 態度, 代表するd at the international level by Guesde, was 最終的に 拒絶するd both by our 委員会 and by the 議会 itself.

To my surprise I （悪事，秘密などを）発見するd a 確かな trace of the 'Old 信奉者' in Plekhanov's political 態度s. For the first time his orthodoxy seemed わずかに ossified and it occurred to me that politics were far from 存在 Plekhanov's strong 控訴. One might have deduced this in any 事例／患者 from the way in which he wavered between one and the other of the Party's two main 派閥s.

We next met at the Stockholm 議会, where this characteristic behaviour of Plekhanov's became all too evident. He was far from 存在 a 納得させるd Menshevik at this congress. In part his 目的（とする） was conciliationist. He stood for Party まとまり (this was, after all, the '統一' congress) and 持続するd that if 革命の feeling were to 増加する in Russia the Mensheviks would find no 同盟（する）s except from the 階級s of the Bolsheviks. On the other 手渡す he was 脅すd by the rigidity of the Bolsheviks' position. In his opinion Bolshevism was not 正統派の. Indeed the main feature which differentiated the two 派閥s at that time was their 政策 on the peasantry.

The 計画／陰謀 of the 革命 as the Mensheviks 想像するd it was as follows: a bourgeois 革命 was in 進歩 in Russia, which would 最高潮に達する in a 立憲君主国, or at best in a bourgeois 共和国. The working class should support the protagonists of this 資本主義者 革命, 同時に ひったくるing from them positions of advantage for their 未来 仕事 of 対立 and - 最終的に - of 革命. It was assumed that there would be a かなりの time-lag between the bourgeois 革命 and the 社会主義者 革命.

Comrade Trotsky held the 見解（をとる） that both 革命s, although they might not 同時に起こる／一致する, were so の間の-connected that we would 直面する a 状況／情勢 of '永久の 革命'. Starting with a seizure of 力／強力にする by bourgeois political 軍隊s, the ロシアの people would enter a 革命の period; along with it the 残り／休憩（する） of the world, too, would not 現れる from this period until the total 完成 of the social 革命. It is 否定できない that in 明確に表すing these 見解（をとる）s comrade Trotsky showed 広大な／多数の／重要な prescience, although his タイミング was wrong by fifteen years.

Incidentally I should point out that in a 主要な article in New Life I also 輪郭（を描く）d the 可能性 of a seizure of 力／強力にする by the proletariat and of the retention, under proletarian 支配（する）／統制する, of a form of capitalism which would 速く 発展させる に向かって 社会主義. I 述べるd a 状況／情勢 remarkably 類似の to our 現在の N.E.P., but I was given a telling-off by L. B. Krasin who 設立する my article ill-advised and un-Marxist.

The Bolsheviks, with comrade Lenin at their 長，率いる, were in fact 極端に 用心深い; they held that there were no 調印するs of the proletarian social 革命 having begun, but they thought that this 革命 had to be encouraged as much as possible without engaging in any theoretical guesswork and 予測, which were foreign to Vladimir Ilyich's nature. In practical 条件 the Bolsheviks 前進するd confidently along the 訂正する path. To bring about a plebeian 革命, a 革命 類似の to the French 革命 that could be taken even その上の than '93, an 同盟 with the bourgeoisie was useless: その結果 our 策略 需要・要求するd a break with the bourgeoisie. But we had no 意向 of 孤立するing the proletariat, for whom we 想像するd the enormous 仕事 of 組織するing an 同盟 with the peasantry, above all with the poor peasantry. Plekhanov was incapable of understanding this. 演説（する）／住所ing Lenin he said: 'This new idea of yours sounds a pretty 古代の one to me!' Why '古代の' ? Because it seemed to be borrowing the worn-out 政策 of the S.Rs and to 原因（となる） us to abandon our characteristic 強調 on the proletariat.

Plekhanov's 失敗 to comprehend our 見地 should not be lightly 解任するd as 存在 no more than a typical example of his blinkered 最高の-orthodoxy. Were we not, in the course of our 広大な／多数の／重要な 革命, once 強いるd to 含む some S.Rs, even if left S.Rs, in our 政府, and was this move 完全に 解放する／自由な of danger ? Are we not delighted now that the childish 政策s of the left S.Rs themselves have 原因（となる）d their severance from the 政府? The 恐れるs of a 'peasantization' of the Soviet 政府, of which comrades Shlyapoikov, Kollontai and others occasionally 警告する us, are unfounded, but the 国／地域 which nourishes them is （疑いを）晴らす to everybody. At the moment it is impossible to say with 絶対の certainty how a 共同の 労働者s' and 小作農民s' 政府 will 後継する, although everything appears to support comrade Lenin's 予測s at the Party 議会 that the 抱擁する deadweight of the peasantry which, once the 計画（する）s for a political union of towns and country are 完全にするd, will have to be carried with us, is slowing 負かす／撃墜する our movement; but it will never 原因（となる） us to deviate from the straight and 狭くする path に向かって 共産主義.

But all that lay then in the 未来. At the time, one thing was （疑いを）晴らす: the 労働者s'-and-小作農民s' 革命 is a proletarian 革命, a bourgeois-and-労働者s' 革命 is a betrayal of the working class. To us this was （疑いを）晴らす, but not to Plekhanov. I remember that during a very biting speech by Plekhanov my 隣人 in the next seat, Alexinsky, then a Bolshevik 極端論者, nearly boxed his ears but was stopped in time by comrade Sedoi, himself a pretty fiery character, who 掴むd him by the coat-tails.

式のs, all that was to end much later in the 哀れな 同盟 between Alexinsky and Plekhanov.

It was at the Stockholm 議会 that I moved a 投票（する） of 非難 against Plekhanov. My 反対 量d to contrasting his 見解（をとる） with that of another 正統派の theoretician, Kautsky. This was 平易な, because at that time Kautsky in his 小冊子 'The 動機 軍隊 of the ロシアの 革命' had shown himself to be in sympathy with us. But Plekhanov was 特に annoyed by my reply to his 告訴，告発 of Blanquism, when I said that as far as practical notions of making and 主要な an actual 革命 were 関心d, he had 明らかに gathered his ideas from the operetta Mademoiselle Angot. In his final rejoinder Plekhanov said some very angry words.

Several more years went by and we met again at the Copenhagen international congress, when our hopes for the first ロシアの 革命 had 創立者d. I …に出席するd the Copenhagen 議会 as a 代表者／国会議員 of the 今後 group with a 諮問の 投票（する）, but I had 事実上 joined the Bolsheviks and they looked upon me as one of them; indeed they again 権力を与えるd me to 代表する them on one of the most important 委員会s - the 委員会 取引，協定ing with the 協同組合s. The same thing happened here. Plekhanov 主張するd on the strictest 分離 of the Party from the 協同組合s, 恐れるing 汚染 by the 協同組合s' small-shopkeeper mentality.

I should について言及する that at the Copenhagen 議会 Plekhanov was much closer to the Bolsheviks than to the Mensheviks. As far as I remember Vladimir Ilyich was not too 利益／興味d in the 協同組合s, but にもかかわらず the ロシアの 代表 listened to my 報告（する）／憶測 on the 委員会 and to Plekhanov's 反対s. Our differences were more or いっそう少なく 平行の to those which had arisen between us at Stuttgart on the 支配する of the 貿易（する）s unions. On this occasion, however, Plekhanov had had little experience of the problem under discussion and there was no particular 原因（となる） for a 衝突／不一致 with him.

In spite of all this, we remained 本人自身で on very good 条件. He 招待するd me several times to his rooms, we would leave the congress 会合s together and he enjoyed giving me his off-the-記録，記録的な／記録する impressions of the 会議／協議会. Plekhanov had by then 老年の a 広大な／多数の／重要な 取引，協定 and was ill, so 本気で ill in fact that we were all 関心d about him. This did not stop him from 存在 as sharp as ever, and making witty 発言／述べるs to left and 権利, 堅固に biased though they were. He was fondest of all of the old guard. He spoke 特に 温かく and graphically of Guesde and of Lafargue, who was already dead. I について言及するd Lenin. Here Plekhanov fell silent and he replied to my enthusiasm ーに関して／ーの点でs that were not 正確に／まさに deprecatory - if anything they were 同情的な - but were somehow vague.

I remember how during a speech by Vandervelde Plekhanov said to me: 'Isn't he 正確に／まさに like an archdeacon ?' His bon mot struck me so 強制的に that to this day I cannot disentangle the image of an 正統派の 助祭 詠唱するing the 返答s from the rhetorical fervour of that famous ベルギー. I remember, too, in the course of a speech by Bebel how Plekhanov surprised me by the lapidary precision of his 発言／述べる: 'Look at that old man - he has 正確に／まさに the 長，率いる of Demosthenes.' At once there arose before my mind's 注目する，もくろむ the famous statue of Demosthenes and the likeness seemed truly striking.

After the Copenhagen 議会 I had to read a 報告（する）／憶測 on it at Geneva and at that 会合 Plekhanov was my 対抗者. Later we arranged a few more discussion 会合s, いつかs of a philosophical nature (for instance on a lecture by Deborin) and there Plekhanov and I met again. I was 極端に fond of having discussions with Plekhanov, にもかかわらず their 複雑さ and difficulty, but I will 差し控える from 述べるing them here as I might appear rather one-味方するd.

After Plekhanov defected from the 革命の 原因（となる）, i.e. after his deviation into social-patriotism, I never saw him again.

This is not, I repeat, an 試みる／企てる to draw a character-sketch of Plekhanov as a man, a thinker or a 政治家，政治屋, but it is 簡単に a 出資／貢献 to the 団体／死体 of literature on Plekhanov drawn from my personal recollections. It may be that they are coloured rather subjectively, but a writer is 必然的に subjective. Let the reader 受託する them as such. No one man, in any 事例／患者, is 有能な of encompassing such a 広大な／多数の／重要な 人物／姿／数字 with 絶対の objectivity. That monumental image can 最終的に only be recreated from a host of 変化させるing opinions. But one thing I can 明言する／公表する: Plekhanov and I often 衝突／不一致d, his printed 発言／述べるs about me were 大部分は 消極的な and 敵意を持った, yet in spite of that my memory of Plekhanov is extraordinarily 有望な, it is a joy to 解任する those glittering 注目する，もくろむs, that astounding 知識人 agility, that greatness of spirit or, as Lenin put it, that physical 軍隊 of his brain, that aristocratic forehead 栄冠を与えるing a 広大な／多数の／重要な 民主主義者. In the final 分析 even our 広大な／多数の／重要な differences, as they are transmuted into the stuff of history, 大部分は 減少（する） from the 規模s whilst the brilliant 面s of Plekhanov's character will 耐える forever.

In ロシアの literature Plekhanov stands の近くに to Herzen, in the history of 社会主義 he belongs to that 星座 (Kautsky, Lafargue, Guesde, Bebel, old Liebknecht) which 回転するs 一連の会議、交渉／完成する those twin suns, Plekhanov's demigods of whom he - strong, intelligent, incisive and proud as he was - would speak only with the 発言する／表明する of a disciple: Marx and Engels.

公式文書，認める: Anatoly Lunacharsky (1873-1933) wrote the 調書をとる／予約する "革命の Silhouettes" in 1918. It was 問題／発行するd in a couple of 版s until 1924, now this now that biography was 削減（する） out or put in. This text is taken from the 1923 版. In the last 版, the profiles of Trotsky, Zinoviev and others were omitted. The 調書をとる／予約する was never published again. Stalin was almost not について言及するd at all in the 調書をとる／予約する, which maybe was the biggest problem with it. /KET