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Civil Disobedience
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Civil Disobedience

Henry David Thoreau

I heartily 受託する the motto, "That 政府 is best which 治める/統治するs least"; and I should like to see it 行為/法令/行動するd up to more 速く and systematically. Carried out, it finally 量s to this, which also I believe - "That 政府 is best which 治める/統治するs not at all"; and when men are 用意が出来ている for it, that will be the 肉親,親類d of 政府 which they will have. 政府 is at best but an expedient; but most 政府s are usually, and all 政府s are いつかs, inexpedient. The 反対s which have been brought against a standing army, and they are many and 重大な, and deserve to 勝つ/広く一帯に広がる, may also at last be brought against a standing 政府. The standing army is only an arm of the standing 政府. The 政府 itself, which is only the 方式 which the people have chosen to 遂行する/発効させる their will, is 平等に liable to be 乱用d and perverted before the people can 行為/法令/行動する through it. 証言,証人/目撃する the 現在の Mexican war, the work of comparatively a few individuals using the standing 政府 as their 道具; for, in the 手始め, the people would not have 同意d to this 手段.

This American 政府 - what is it but a tradition, though a 最近の one, 努力するing to 送信する/伝染させる itself unimpaired to posterity, but each instant losing some of its 正直さ? It has not the vitality and 軍隊 of a 選び出す/独身 living man; for a 選び出す/独身 man can bend it to his will. It is a sort of 木造の gun to the people themselves. But it is not the いっそう少なく necessary for this; for the people must have some 複雑にするd 機械/機構 or other, and hear its din, to 満足させる that idea of 政府 which they have. 政府s show thus how 首尾よく men can be 課すd on, even 課す on themselves, for their own advantage. It is excellent, we must all 許す. Yet this 政府 never of itself その上のd any 企業, but by the alacrity with which it got out of its way. It does not keep the country 解放する/自由な. It does not settle the West. It does not educate. The character inherent in the American people has done all that has been 遂行するd; and it would have done somewhat more, if the 政府 had not いつかs got in its way. For 政府 is an expedient by which men would fain 後継する in letting one another alone; and, as has been said, when it is most expedient, the 治める/統治するd are most let alone by it. 貿易(する) and 商業, if they were not made of india-rubber, would never manage to bounce over the 障害s which 立法議員s are continually putting in their way; and, if one were to 裁判官 these men wholly by the 影響s of their 活動/戦闘s and not partly by their 意向s, they would deserve to be classed and punished with those mischievous persons who put obstructions on the 鉄道/強行採決するs.

But, to speak 事実上 and as a 国民, unlike those who call themselves no-政府 men, I ask for, not at once no 政府, but at once a better 政府. Let every man make known what 肉親,親類d of 政府 would 命令(する) his 尊敬(する)・点, and that will be one step toward 得るing it.

After all, the practical 推論する/理由 why, when the 力/強力にする is once in the 手渡すs of the people, a 大多数 are permitted, and for a long period continue, to 支配する is not because they are most likely to be in the 権利, nor because this seems fairest to the 少数,小数派, but because they are 肉体的に the strongest. But a 政府 in which the 大多数 支配する in all 事例/患者s cannot be based on 司法(官), even as far as men understand it. Can there not be a 政府 in which 大多数s do not 事実上 decide 権利 and wrong, but 良心? - in which 大多数s decide only those questions to which the 支配する of expediency is applicable? Must the 国民 ever for a moment, or in the least degree, 辞職する his 良心 to the 法律制定? Why has every man a 良心, then? I think that we should be men first, and 支配するs afterward. It is not 望ましい to cultivate a 尊敬(する)・点 for the 法律, so much as for the 権利. The only 義務 which I have a 権利 to assume is to do at any time what I think 権利. It is truly enough said that a 会社/団体 has no 良心; but a 会社/団体 of conscientious men is a 会社/団体 with a 良心. 法律 never made men a whit more just; and, by means of their 尊敬(する)・点 for it, even the 井戸/弁護士席-性質の/したい気がして are daily made the スパイ/執行官s of 不正. A ありふれた and natural result of an undue 尊敬(する)・点 for 法律 is, that you may see a とじ込み/提出する of 兵士s, 陸軍大佐, captain, corporal, 私的なs, 砕く-monkeys, and all, marching in admirable order over hill and dale to the wars, against their wills, ay, against their ありふれた sense and 良心s, which makes it very 法外な marching indeed, and produces a palpitation of the heart. They have no 疑問 that it is a damnable 商売/仕事 in which they are 関心d; they are all peaceably inclined. Now, what are they? Men at all? or small movable forts and magazines, at the service of some unscrupulous man in 力/強力にする? Visit the 海軍-Yard, and behold a 海洋, such a man as an American 政府 can make, or such as it can make a man with its 黒人/ボイコット arts - a mere 影をつくる/尾行する and remin iscence of humanity, a man laid out alive and standing, and already, as one may say, buried under 武器 with funeral accompaniments, though it may be,

"Not a 派手に宣伝する was heard, not a funeral 公式文書,認める,
As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
Not a 兵士 発射する/解雇するd his 別れの(言葉,会) 発射
O'er the 墓/厳粛/彫る/重大な where our hero we buried."

The 集まり of men serve the 明言する/公表する thus, not as men おもに, but as machines, with their 団体/死体s. They are the standing army, and the 民兵, jailers, constables, posse comitatus, etc. In most 事例/患者s there is no 解放する/自由な 演習 whatever of the judgment or of the moral sense; but they put themselves on a level with 支持を得ようと努めるd and earth and 石/投石するs; and 木造の men can perhaps be 製造(する)d that will serve the 目的 同様に. Such 命令(する) no more 尊敬(する)・点 than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of 価値(がある) only as horses and dogs. Yet such as these even are 一般的に esteemed good 国民s. Others - as most 立法議員s, 政治家,政治屋s, lawyers, 大臣s, and office-支えるもの/所有者s - serve the 明言する/公表する 主として with their 長,率いるs; and, as they rarely make any moral distinctions, they are as likely to serve the devil, without ーするつもりであるing it, as God. A very few - as heroes, 愛国者s, 殉教者s, 改革者s in the 広大な/多数の/重要な sense, and men - serve the 明言する/公表する with their 良心s also, and so やむを得ず resist it for the most part; and they are 一般的に 扱う/治療するd as enemies by it. A wise man will only be useful as a man, and will not 服従させる/提出する to be "clay," and "stop a 穴を開ける to keep the 勝利,勝つd away," but leave that office to his dust at least:

"I am too high-born to be 所有物/資産/財産d,
To be a 第2位 at 支配(する)/統制する,
Or useful serving-man and 器具
To any 君主 明言する/公表する throughout the world."

He who gives himself 完全に to his fellow-men appears to them useless and selfish; but he who gives himself 部分的に/不公平に to them is pronounced a benefactor and philanthropist.

How does it become a man to behave toward this American 政府 today? I answer, that he cannot without 不名誉 be associated with it. I cannot for an instant 認める that political organization as my 政府 which is the slave's 政府 also.

All men 認める the 権利 of 革命; that is, the 権利 to 辞退する 忠誠 to, and to resist, the 政府, when its tyranny or its inefficiency are 広大な/多数の/重要な and unendurable. But almost all say that such is not the 事例/患者 now. But such was the 事例/患者, they think, in the 革命 Of '75. If one were to tell me that this was a bad 政府 because it 税金d 確かな foreign 商品/必需品s brought to its ports, it is most probable that I should not make an ado about it, for I can do without them. All machines have their 摩擦; and かもしれない this does enough good to counterbalance the evil. At any 率, it is a 広大な/多数の/重要な evil to make a 動かす about it. But when the 摩擦 comes to have its machine, and 圧迫 and 強盗 are 組織するd, I say, let us not have such a machine any longer. In other words, when a sixth of the 全住民 of a nation which has undertaken to be the 避難 of liberty are slaves, and a whole country is 不正に 侵略(する)/超過(する) and 征服する/打ち勝つd by a foreign army, and 支配するd to 軍の 法律, I think that it is not too soon for honest men to 反逆者/反逆する and revolutionize. What makes this 義務 the more 緊急の is the fact that the country so 侵略(する)/超過(する) is not our own, but ours is the 侵略するing army.

Paley, a ありふれた 当局 with many on moral questions, in his 一時期/支部 on the "義務 of Submission to Civil 政府," 解決するs all civil 義務 into expediency; and he proceeds to say that "so long as the 利益/興味 of the whole society 要求するs it, that is, so long as the 設立するd 政府 cannot be resisted or changed without public inconveniency, it is the will of God... that the 設立するd 政府 be obeyed - and no longer. This 原則 存在 認める, the 司法(官) of every particular 事例/患者 of 抵抗 is 減ずるd to a computation of the 量 of the danger and grievance on the one 味方する, and of the probability and expense of 是正するing it on the other." Of this, he says, every man shall 裁判官 for himself. But Paley appears never to have 熟視する/熟考するd those 事例/患者s to which the 支配する of expediency does not 適用する, in which a people, 同様に as an individual, must do 司法(官), cost what it may. If I have 不正に ひったくるd a plank from a 溺死するing man, I must 回復する it to him though I 溺死する myself. This, によれば Paley, would be inconvenient. But he that would save his life, in such a 事例/患者, shall lose it. This people must 中止する to 持つ/拘留する slaves, and to make war on Mexico, though it cost them their 存在 as a people.

In their practice, nations agree with Paley; but does any one think that Massachusetts does 正確に/まさに what is 権利 at the 現在の 危機?

"A 淡褐色 of 明言する/公表する, a cloth-o'-silver slut,
To have her train borne up, and her soul 追跡する in the dirt."

事実上 speaking, the 対抗者s to a 改革(する) in Massachusetts are not a hundred thousand 政治家,政治屋s at the South, but a hundred thousand merchants and 農業者s here, who are more 利益/興味d in 商業 and 農業 than they are in humanity, and are not 用意が出来ている to do 司法(官) to the slave and to Mexico, cost what it may. I quarrel not with far-off 敵s, but with those who, 近づく at home, 協力する with, and do the bidding of those far away, and without whom the latter would be 害のない. We are accustomed to say, that the 集まり of men are unprepared; but 改良 is slow, because the few are not materially wiser or better than the many. It is not so important that many should be as good as you, as that there be some 絶対の goodness somewhere; for that will leaven the whole lump. There are thousands who are in opinion …に反対するd to slavery and to the war, who yet in 影響 do nothing to put an end to them; who, esteeming themselves children of Washington and Franklin, sit 負かす/撃墜する with their 手渡すs in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing; who even 延期する the question of freedom to the question of 自由貿易, and 静かに read the prices-現在の along with the 最新の advices from Mexico, after dinner, and, it may be, 落ちる asleep over them both. What is the price-現在の of an honest man and 愛国者 today? They hesitate, and they 悔いる, and いつかs they 嘆願(書); but they do nothing in earnest and with 影響. They will wait, 井戸/弁護士席 性質の/したい気がして, for others to 治療(薬) the evil, that they may no longer have it to 悔いる. At most, they give only a cheap 投票(する), and a feeble countenance and God-速度(を上げる), to the 権利, as it goes by them. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man. But it is easier to を取り引きする the real possessor of a thing than with the 一時的な 後見人 of it.

All 投票(する)ing is a sort of gaming, like checkers or backgammon, with a slight moral tinge to it, a playing with 権利 and wrong, with moral questions; and betting 自然に …を伴ってs it. The character of the 投票者s is not 火刑/賭けるd. I cast my 投票(する), perchance, as I think 権利; but I am not vitally 関心d that that 権利 should 勝つ/広く一帯に広がる. I am willing to leave it to the 大多数. Its 義務, therefore, never 越えるs that of expediency. Even 投票(する)ing for the 権利 is doing nothing for it. It is only 表明するing to men feebly your 願望(する) that it should 勝つ/広く一帯に広がる. A wise man will not leave the 権利 to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to 勝つ/広く一帯に広がる through the 力/強力にする of the 大多数. There is but little virtue in the 活動/戦闘 of 集まりs of men. When the 大多数 shall at length 投票(する) for the 廃止 of slavery, it will be because they are indifferent to slavery, or because there is but little slavery left to be 廃止するd by their 投票(する). They will then be the only slaves. Only his 投票(する) can 急いで the 廃止 of slavery who 主張するs his own freedom by his 投票(する).

I hear of a 条約 to be held at Baltimore, or どこかよそで, for the 選択 of a 候補者 for the 大統領/総裁などの地位, made up 主として of editors, and men who are 政治家,政治屋s by profession; but I think, what is it to any 独立した・無所属, intelligent, and respectable man what 決定/判定勝ち(する) they may come to? Shall we not have the advantage of his 知恵 and honesty, にもかかわらず? Can we not count upon some 独立した・無所属 投票(する)s? Are there not many individuals in the country who do not …に出席する 条約s? But no: I find that the respectable man, so called, has すぐに drifted from his position, and despairs of his country, when his country has more 推論する/理由 to despair of him. He forthwith 可決する・採択するs one of the 候補者s thus selected as the only 利用できる one, thus 証明するing that he is himself 利用できる for any 目的s of the demagogue. His 投票(する) is of no more 価値(がある) than that of any unprincipled foreigner or hireling native, who may have been bought. O for a man who is a man, and, as my neighbor says, has a bone in his 支援する which you cannot pass your 手渡す through! Our 統計(学) are at fault: the 全住民 has been returned too large. How many men are there to a square thousand miles in this country? Hardly one. Does not America 申し込む/申し出 any 誘導 for men to settle here? The American has dwindled into an 半端物 Fellow - one who may be known by the 開発 of his 組織/臓器 of gregariousness, and a manifest 欠如(する) of intellect and cheerful self-依存; whose first and 長,指導者 関心, on coming into the world, is to see that the almshouses are in good 修理; and, before yet he has 合法の donned the virile garb, to collect a 基金 for the support of the 未亡人s and 孤児s that may be; who, in short, 投機・賭けるs to live only by the 援助(する) of the 相互の 保険 company, which has 約束d to bury him decently.

It is not a man's 義務, as a 事柄 of course, to 充てる himself to the eradication of any, even the most enormous, wrong; he may still 適切に have other 関心s to engage him; but it is his 義務, at least, to wash his 手渡すs of it, and, if he gives it no thought longer, not to give it 事実上 his support. If I 充てる myself to other 追跡s and contemplations, I must first see, at least, that I do not 追求する them sitting upon another man's shoulders. I must get off him first, that he may 追求する his contemplations too. See what 甚だしい/12ダース inconsistency is 許容するd. I have heard some of my townsmen say, "I should like to have them order me out to help put 負かす/撃墜する an insurrection of the slaves, or to march to Mexico; - see if I would go"; and yet these very men have each, 直接/まっすぐに by their 忠誠, and so 間接に, at least, by their money, furnished a 代用品,人. The 兵士 is 拍手喝采する who 辞退するs to serve in an 不正な war by those who do not 辞退する to 支える the 不正な 政府 which makes the war; is 拍手喝采する by those whose own 行為/法令/行動する and 当局 he 無視(する)s and 始める,決めるs at naught; as if the 明言する/公表する were penitent to that degree that it 異なるd one to 天罰(を下す) it while it sinned, but not to that degree that it left off sinning for a moment. Thus, under the 指名する of Order and Civil 政府, we are all made at last to 支払う/賃金 homage to and support our own meanness. After the first blush of sin comes its 無関心/冷淡; and from immoral it becomes, as it were, unmoral, and not やめる unnecessary to that life which we have made.

The broadest and most 流布している error 要求するs the most disinterested virtue to 支える it. The slight reproach to which the virtue of patriotism is 一般的に liable, the noble are most likely to 背負い込む. Those who, while they disapprove of the character and 対策 of a 政府, 産する/生じる to it their 忠誠 and support are undoubtedly its most conscientious 支持者s, and so frequently the most serious 障害s to 改革(する). Some are 嘆願(書)ing the 明言する/公表する to 解散させる the Union, to 無視(する) the requisitions of the 大統領. Why do they not 解散させる it themselves - the union between themselves and the 明言する/公表する - and 辞退する to 支払う/賃金 their 割当 into its 財務省? Do not they stand in the same relation to the 明言する/公表する that the 明言する/公表する does to the Union? And have not the same 推論する/理由s 妨げるd the 明言する/公表する from resisting the Union which have 妨げるd them from resisting the 明言する/公表する?

How can a man be 満足させるd to entertain an opinion 単に, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved? If you are cheated out of a 選び出す/独身 dollar by your neighbor, you do not 残り/休憩(する) 満足させるd with knowing that you are cheated, or with 説 that you are cheated, or even with 嘆願(書)ing him to 支払う/賃金 you your 予定; but you take effectual steps at once to 得る the 十分な 量, and see that you are never cheated again. 活動/戦闘 from 原則, the perception and the 業績/成果 of 権利, changes things and relations; it is essentially 革命の, and does not consist wholly with anything which was. It not only divides 明言する/公表するs and churches, it divides families; ay, it divides the individual, separating the diabolical in him from the divine.

不正な 法律s 存在する: shall we be content to obey them, or shall we 努力する to 修正する them, and obey them until we have 後継するd, or shall we transgress them at once? Men 一般に, under such a 政府 as this, think that they せねばならない wait until they have 説得するd the 大多数 to alter them. They think that, if they should resist, the 治療(薬) would be worse than the evil. But it is the fault of the 政府 itself that the 治療(薬) is worse than the evil. It makes it worse. Why is it not more apt to 心配する and 供給する for 改革(する)? Why does it not 心にいだく its wise 少数,小数派? Why does it cry and resist before it is 傷つける? Why does it not encourage its 国民s to be on the 警報 to point out its faults, and do better than it would have them? Why does it always crucify Christ, and excommunicate Copernicus and Luther, and pronounce Washington and Franklin 反逆者/反逆するs?

One would think, that a 審議する/熟考する and practical 否定 of its 当局 was the only offence never 熟視する/熟考するd by 政府; else, why has it not 割り当てるd its 限定された, its suitable and proportionate, 刑罰,罰則? If a man who has no 所有物/資産/財産 辞退するs but once to earn nine shillings for the 明言する/公表する, he is put in 刑務所,拘置所 for a period 制限のない by any 法律 that I know, and 決定するd only by the discretion of those who placed him there; but if he should steal ninety times nine shillings from the 明言する/公表する, he is soon permitted to go 捕まらないで again.

If the 不正 is part of the necessary 摩擦 of the machine of 政府, let it go, let it go: perchance it will wear smooth - certainly the machine will wear out. If the 不正 has a spring, or a pulley, or a rope, or a crank, 排他的に for itself, then perhaps you may consider whether the 治療(薬) will not be worse than the evil; but if it is of such a nature that it 要求するs you to be the スパイ/執行官 of 不正 to another, then, I say, break the 法律. Let your life be a 反対する-摩擦 to stop the machine. What I have to do is to see, at any 率, that I do not lend myself to the wrong which I 非難する.

As for 可決する・採択するing the ways which the 明言する/公表する has 供給するd for 治療(薬)ing the evil, I know not of such ways. They take too much time, and a man's life will be gone. I have other 事件/事情/状勢s to …に出席する to. I (機の)カム into this world, not 主として to make this a good place to live in, but to live in it, be it good or bad. A man has not everything to do, but something; and because he cannot do everything, it is not necessary that he should do something wrong. It is not my 商売/仕事 to be 嘆願(書)ing the 知事 or the 立法機関 any more than it is theirs to 嘆願(書) me; and if they should not 耐える my 嘆願(書), what should I do then? But in this 事例/患者 the 明言する/公表する has 供給するd no way: its very 憲法 is the evil. This may seem to be 厳しい and stubborn and unconciliatory; but it is to 扱う/治療する with the 最大の 親切 and consideration the only spirit that can 高く評価する/(相場などが)上がる or deserves it. So is an change for the better, like birth and death, which convulse the 団体/死体.

I do not hesitate to say, that those who call themselves Abolitionists should at once effectually 身を引く their support, both in person and 所有物/資産/財産, from the 政府 of Massachusetts, and not wait till they 構成する a 大多数 of one, before they 苦しむ the 権利 to 勝つ/広く一帯に広がる through them. I think that it is enough if they have God on their 味方する, without waiting for that other one. Moreover, any man more 権利 than his neighbors 構成するs a 大多数 of one already.

I 会合,会う this American 政府, or its 代表者/国会議員, the 明言する/公表する 政府, 直接/まっすぐに, and 直面する to 直面する, once a year - no more - in the person of its 税金-gatherer; this is the only 方式 in which a man 据えるd as I am やむを得ず 会合,会うs it; and it then says distinctly, 認める me; and the simplest, the most effectual, and, in the 現在の posture of 事件/事情/状勢s, the indispensablest 方式 of 扱う/治療するing with it on this 長,率いる, of 表明するing your little satisfaction with and love for it, is to 否定する it then. My civil neighbor, the 税金-gatherer, is the very man I have to を取り引きする - for it is, after all, with men and not with parchment that I quarrel - and he has 任意に chosen to be an スパイ/執行官 of the 政府. How shall he ever know 井戸/弁護士席 what he is and does as an officer of the 政府, or as a man, until he is 強いるd to consider whether he shall 扱う/治療する me, his neighbor, for whom he has 尊敬(する)・点, as a neighbor and 井戸/弁護士席-性質の/したい気がして man, or as a maniac and disturber of the peace, and see if he can get over this obstruction to his neighborliness without a ruder and more impetuous thought or speech corresponding with his 活動/戦闘. I know this 井戸/弁護士席, that if one thousand, if one hundred, if ten men whom I could 指名する - if ten honest men only - ay, if one HONEST man, in this 明言する/公表する of Massachusetts, 中止するing to 持つ/拘留する slaves, were 現実に to 身を引く from this copartnership, and be locked up in the 郡 刑務所,拘置所 therefor, it would be the 廃止 of slavery in America. For it 事柄s not how small the beginning may seem to be: what is once 井戸/弁護士席 done is done forever. But we love better to talk about it: that we say is our 使節団, 改革(する) keeps many 得点する/非難する/20s of newspapers in its service, but not one man. If my esteemed neighbor, the 明言する/公表する's 外交官/大使, who will 充てる his days to the 解決/入植地 of the question of human 権利s in the 会議 議会, instead of 存在 脅すd with the 刑務所,拘置所s of Carolina, were to sit 負かす/撃墜する the 囚人 of Massachusetts, that 明言する/公表する which is so anxious to foist the sin of slavery upon her sister - though at 現在の she can discover only an 行為/法令/行動する of inhospitality to be the ground of a quarrel with her - the 立法機関 would not wholly waive the 支配する the に引き続いて winter.

Under a 政府 which 拘留するs any 不正に, the true place for a just man is also a 刑務所,拘置所. The proper place today, the only place which Massachusetts has 供給するd for her freer and いっそう少なく desponding spirits, is in her 刑務所,拘置所s, to be put out and locked out of the 明言する/公表する by her own 行為/法令/行動する, as they have already put themselves out by their 原則s. It is there that the 逃亡者/はかないもの slave, and the Mexican 囚人 on 仮釈放(する), and the Indian come to 嘆願d the wrongs of his race should find them; on that separate, but more 解放する/自由な and honorable, ground, where the 明言する/公表する places those who are not with her, but against her - the only house in a slave 明言する/公表する in which a 解放する/自由な man can がまんする with 栄誉(を受ける). If any think that their 影響(力) would be lost there, and their 発言する/表明するs no longer afflict the ear of the 明言する/公表する, that they would not be as an enemy within its 塀で囲むs, they do not know by how much truth is stronger than error, nor how much more eloquently and 効果的に he can 戦闘 不正 who has experienced a little in his own person. Cast your whole 投票(する), not a (土地などの)細長い一片 of paper 単に, but your whole 影響(力). A 少数,小数派 is 権力のない while it 適合するs to the 大多数; it is not even a 少数,小数派 then; but it is irresistible when it clogs by its whole 負わせる. If the 代案/選択肢 is to keep all just men in 刑務所,拘置所, or give up war and slavery, the 明言する/公表する will not hesitate which to choose. If a thousand men were not to 支払う/賃金 their 税金-法案s this year, that would not be a violent and 血まみれの 手段, as it would be to 支払う/賃金 them, and enable the 明言する/公表する to commit 暴力/激しさ and shed innocent 血. This is, in fact, the 鮮明度/定義 of a peaceable 革命, if any such is possible. If the 税金-gatherer, or any other public officer, asks me, as one has done, "But what shall I do?" my answer is, "If you really wish to do anything, 辞職する your office." When the 支配する has 辞退するd 忠誠, and the officer has 辞職するd his office, then the 革命 is 遂行するd. But even suppose 血 should flow. Is there not a sort of 血 shed when the conscie nce is 負傷させるd? Through this 負傷させる a man's real manhood and immortality flow out, and he bleeds to an everlasting death. I see this 血 flowing now.

I have 熟視する/熟考するd the 監禁,拘置 of the 違反者/犯罪者, rather than the seizure of his goods - though both will serve the same 目的 - because they who 主張する the purest 権利, and その結果 are most dangerous to a corrupt 明言する/公表する, 一般的に have not spent much time in 蓄積するing 所有物/資産/財産. To such the 明言する/公表する (判決などを)下すs comparatively small service, and a slight 税金 is wont to appear exorbitant, 特に if they are 強いるd to earn it by special labor with their 手渡すs. If there were one who lived wholly without the use of money, the 明言する/公表する itself would hesitate to 需要・要求する it of him. But the rich man - not to make any invidious comparison - is always sold to the 会・原則 which makes him rich. 絶対 speaking, the more money, the いっそう少なく virtue; for money comes between a man and his 反対するs, and 得るs them for him; and it was certainly no 広大な/多数の/重要な virtue to 得る it. It puts to 残り/休憩(する) many questions which he would さもなければ be 税金d to answer; while the only new question which it puts is the hard but superfluous one, how to spend it. Thus his moral ground is taken from under his feet. The 適切な時期s of living are 減らすd in 割合 as what are called the "means" are 増加するd. The best thing a man can do for his culture when he is rich is to 努力する to carry out those 計画/陰謀s which he entertained when he was poor. Christ answered the Herodians によれば their 条件. "Show me the 尊敬の印-money," said he; - and one took a penny out of his pocket; - if you use money which has the image of Caesar on it, and which he has made 現在の and 価値のある, that is, if you are men of the 明言する/公表する, and 喜んで enjoy the advantages of Caesar's 政府, then 支払う/賃金 him 支援する some of his own when he 需要・要求するs it. "(判決などを)下す therefore to Caesar that which is Caesar's, and to God those things which are God's" - leaving them no wiser than before as to which was which; for they did not wish to know.

When I converse with the freest of my neighbors, I perceive that, whatever they may say about the magnitude and 真面目さ of the question, and their regard for the public tranquillity, the long and the short of the 事柄 is, that they cannot spare the 保護 of the 存在するing 政府, and they dread the consequences to their 所有物/資産/財産 and families of disobedience to it. For my own part, I should not like to think that I ever rely on the 保護 of the 明言する/公表する. But, if I 否定する the 当局 of the 明言する/公表する when it 現在のs its 税金-法案, it will soon take and waste all my 所有物/資産/財産, and so 悩ます me and my children without end. This is hard. This makes it impossible for a man to live honestly, and at the same time comfortably, in outward 尊敬(する)・点s. It will not be 価値(がある) the while to 蓄積する 所有物/資産/財産; that would be sure to go again. You must 雇う or squat somewhere, and raise but a small 刈る, and eat that soon. You must live within yourself, and depend upon yourself always tucked up and ready for a start, and not have many 事件/事情/状勢s. A man may grow rich in Turkey even, if he will be in all 尊敬(する)・点s a good 支配する of the Turkish 政府. Confucius said: "If a 明言する/公表する is 治める/統治するd by the 原則s of 推論する/理由, poverty and 悲惨 are 支配するs of shame; if a 明言する/公表する is not 治める/統治するd by the 原則s of 推論する/理由, riches and 栄誉(を受ける)s are the 支配するs of shame." No: until I want the 保護 of Massachusetts to be 延長するd to me in some distant Southern port, where my liberty is 危うくするd, or until I am bent 単独で on building up an 広い地所 at home by 平和的な 企業, I can afford to 辞退する 忠誠 to Massachusetts, and her 権利 to my 所有物/資産/財産 and life. It costs me いっそう少なく in every sense to 背負い込む the 刑罰,罰則 of disobedience to the 明言する/公表する than it would to obey. I should feel as if I were 価値(がある) いっそう少なく in that 事例/患者.

Some years ago, the 明言する/公表する met me in に代わって of the Church, and 命令(する)d me to 支払う/賃金 a 確かな sum toward the support of a clergyman whose preaching my father …に出席するd, but never I myself. "支払う/賃金," it said, "or be locked up in the 刑務所,拘置所." I 拒絶する/低下するd to 支払う/賃金. But, unfortunately, another man saw fit to 支払う/賃金 it. I did not see why the schoolmaster should be 税金d to support the priest, and not the priest the schoolmaster; for I was not the 明言する/公表する's schoolmaster, but I supported myself by voluntary subscription. I did not see why the lyceum should not 現在の its 税金-法案, and have the 明言する/公表する to 支援する its 需要・要求する, 同様に as the Church. However, at the request of the selectmen, I condescended to make some such 声明 as this in 令状ing: - "Know all men by these 現在のs, that I, Henry Thoreau, do not wish to be regarded as a member of any 会社にする/組み込むd society which I have not joined." This I gave to the town clerk; and he has it. The 明言する/公表する, having thus learned that I did not wish to be regarded as a member of that church, has never made a like 需要・要求する on me since; though it said that it must 固執する to its 初めの presumption that time. If I had known how to 指名する them, I should then have 調印するd off in 詳細(に述べる) from all the societies which I never 調印するd on to; but I did not know where to find a 完全にする 名簿(に載せる)/表(にあげる).

I have paid no 投票-税金 for six years. I was put into a 刑務所,拘置所 once on this account, for one night; and, as I stood considering the 塀で囲むs of solid 石/投石する, two or three feet 厚い, the door of 支持を得ようと努めるd and アイロンをかける, a foot 厚い, and the アイロンをかける grating which 緊張するd the light, I could not help 存在 struck with the foolishness of that 会・原則 which 扱う/治療するd me as if I were mere flesh and 血 and bones, to be locked up. I wondered that it should have 結論するd at length that this was the best use it could put me to, and had never thought to avail itself of my services in some way. I saw that, if there was a 塀で囲む of 石/投石する between me and my townsmen, there was a still more difficult one to climb or break through before they could get to be as 解放する/自由な as I was. I did not for a moment feel 限定するd, and the 塀で囲むs seemed a 広大な/多数の/重要な waste of 石/投石する and 迫撃砲. I felt as if I alone of all my townsmen had paid my 税金. They plainly did not know how to 扱う/治療する me, but behaved like persons who are underbred. In every 脅し and in every compliment there was a 失敗; for they thought that my 長,指導者 願望(する) was to stand the other 味方する of that 石/投石する 塀で囲む. I could not but smile to see how industriously they locked the door on my meditations, which followed them out again without let or hindrance, and they were really all that was dangerous. As they could not reach me, they had 解決するd to punish my 団体/死体; just as boys, if they cannot come at some person against whom they have a spite, will 乱用 his dog. I saw that the 明言する/公表する was half-witted, that it was timid as a 孤独な woman with her silver spoons, and that it did not know its friends from its 敵s, and I lost all my remaining 尊敬(する)・点 for it, and pitied it.

Thus the 明言する/公表する never 故意に 直面するs a man's sense, 知識人 or moral, but only his 団体/死体, his senses. It is not 武装した with superior wit or honesty, but with superior physical strength. I was not born to be 軍隊d. I will breathe after my own fashion. Let us see who is the strongest. What 軍隊 has a multitude? They only can 軍隊 me who obey a higher 法律 than I. They 軍隊 me to become like themselves. I do not hear of men 存在 軍隊d to have this way or that by 集まりs of men. What sort of life were that to live? When I 会合,会う a 政府 which says to me, "Your money or your life," why should I be in haste to give it my money? It may be in a 広大な/多数の/重要な 海峡, and not know what to do: I cannot help that. It must help itself; do as I do. It is not 価値(がある) the while to snivel about it. I am not 責任がある the successful working of the 機械/機構 of society. I am not the son of the engineer. I perceive that, when an acorn and a chestnut 落ちる 味方する by 味方する, the one does not remain inert to make way for the other, but both obey their own 法律s, and spring and grow and 繁栄する as best they can, till one, perchance, 影を投げかけるs and destroys the other. If a 工場/植物 cannot live によれば its nature, it dies; and so a man.

The night in 刑務所,拘置所 was novel and 利益/興味ing enough. The 囚人s in their shirt-sleeves were enjoying a 雑談(する) and the evening 空気/公表する in the doorway, when I entered. But the jailer said, "Come, boys, it is time to lock up"; and so they 分散させるd, and I heard the sound of their steps returning into the hollow apartments. My room-mate was introduced to me by the jailer as "a first-率 fellow and a clever man." When the door was locked, he showed me where to hang my hat, and how he managed 事柄s there. The rooms were whitewashed once a month; and this one, at least, was the whitest, most 簡単に furnished, and probably the neatest apartment in the town. He 自然に 手配中の,お尋ね者 to know where I (機の)カム from, and what brought me there; and, when I had told him, I asked him in my turn how he (機の)カム there, 推定するing him to be an honest man, of course; and, as the world goes, I believe he was. "Why," said he, "they 告発する/非難する me of 燃やすing a barn; but I never did it." As 近づく as I could discover, he had probably gone to bed in a barn when drunk, and smoked his 麻薬を吸う there; and so a barn was burnt. He had the 評判 of 存在 a clever man, had been there some three months waiting for his 裁判,公判 to come on, and would have to wait as much longer; but he was やめる domesticated and contented, since he got his board for nothing, and thought that he was 井戸/弁護士席 扱う/治療するd.

He 占領するd one window, and I the other; and I saw that if one stayed there long, his 主要な/長/主犯 商売/仕事 would be to look out the window. I had soon read all the tracts that were left there, and 診察するd where former 囚人s had broken out, and where a grate had been sawed off, and heard the history of the さまざまな occupants of that room; for I 設立する that even here there was a history and a gossip which never 循環させるd beyond the 塀で囲むs of the 刑務所,拘置所. Probably this is the only house in the town where 詩(を作る)s are composed, which are afterward printed in a circular form, but not published. I was shown やめる a long 名簿(に載せる)/表(にあげる) of 詩(を作る)s which were composed by some young men who had been (悪事,秘密などを)発見するd in an 試みる/企てる to escape, who avenged themselves by singing them.

I pumped my fellow-囚人 as 乾燥した,日照りの as I could, for 恐れる I should never see him again; but at length he showed me which was my bed, and left me to blow out the lamp.

It was like travelling into a far country, such as I had never 推定する/予想するd to behold, to 嘘(をつく) there for one night. It seemed to me that I never had heard the town clock strike before, nor the evening sounds of the village; for we slept with the windows open, which were inside the grating. It was to see my native village in the light of the Middle Ages, and our Concord was turned into a Rhine stream, and 見通しs of knights and 城s passed before me. They were the 発言する/表明するs of old burghers that I heard in the streets. I was an involuntary 観客 and auditor of whatever was done and said in the kitchen of the 隣接する village inn - a wholly new and rare experience to me. It was a closer 見解(をとる) of my native town. I was 公正に/かなり inside of it. I never had seen its 会・原則s before. This is one of its peculiar 会・原則s; for it is a shire town. I began to comprehend what its inhabitants were about.

In the morning, our breakfasts were put through the 穴を開ける in the door, in small oblong-square tin pans, made to fit, and 持つ/拘留するing a pint of chocolate, with brown bread, and an アイロンをかける spoon. When they called for the 大型船s again, I was green enough to return what bread I had left; but my comrade 掴むd it, and said that I should lay that up for lunch or dinner. Soon after he was let out to work at haying in a 隣接地の field, whither he went every day, and would not be 支援する till noon; so he bade me good-day, 説 that he 疑問d if he should see me again.

When I (機の)カム out of 刑務所,拘置所 - for some one 干渉するd, and paid that 税金 - I did not perceive that 広大な/多数の/重要な changes had taken place on the ありふれた, such as he 観察するd who went in a 青年 and 現れるd a tottering and gray-長,率いるd man; and yet a change had to my 注目する,もくろむs come over the scene - the town, and 明言する/公表する, and country - greater than any that mere time could 影響. I saw yet more distinctly the 明言する/公表する in which I lived. I saw to what extent the people の中で whom I lived could be 信用d as good neighbors and friends; that their friendship was for summer 天候 only; that they did not 大いに 提案する to do 権利; that they were a 際立った race from me by their prejudices and superstitions, as the Chinamen and Malays are; that in their sacrifices to humanity they ran no 危険s, not even to their 所有物/資産/財産; that after all they were not so noble but they 扱う/治療するd the どろぼう as he had 扱う/治療するd them, and hoped, by a 確かな outward observance and a few 祈りs, and by walking in a particular straight though useless path from time to time, to save their souls. This may be to 裁判官 my neighbors 厳しく; for I believe that many of them are not aware that they have such an 会・原則 as the 刑務所,拘置所 in their village.

It was 以前は the custom in our village, when a poor debtor (機の)カム out of 刑務所,拘置所, for his 知識s to salute him, looking through their fingers, which were crossed to 代表する the grating of a 刑務所,拘置所 window, "How do ye do?" My neighbors did not thus salute me, but first looked at me, and then at one another, as if I had returned from a long 旅行. I was put into 刑務所,拘置所 as I was going to the shoemaker's to get a shoe which was mended. When I was let out the next morning, I proceeded to finish my errand, and, having put on my mended shoe, joined a huckleberry party, who were impatient to put themselves under my 行為/行う; and in half an hour - for the horse was soon 取り組むd - was in the 中央 of a huckleberry field, on one of our highest hills, two miles off, and then the 明言する/公表する was nowhere to be seen.

This is the whole history of "My 刑務所,拘置所s."

I have never 拒絶する/低下するd 支払う/賃金ing the 主要道路 税金, because I am as desirous of 存在 a good neighbor as I am of 存在 a bad 支配する; and as for supporting schools, I am doing my part to educate my fellow-countrymen now. It is for no particular item in the 税金-法案 that I 辞退する to 支払う/賃金 it. I 簡単に wish to 辞退する 忠誠 to the 明言する/公表する, to 身を引く and stand aloof from it effectually. I do not care to trace the course of my dollar, if I could, till it buys a man or a musket to shoot one with - the dollar is innocent - but I am 関心d to trace the 影響s of my 忠誠. In fact, I 静かに 宣言する war with the 明言する/公表する, after my fashion, though I will still make what use and get what advantage of her I can, as is usual in such 事例/患者s.

If others 支払う/賃金 the 税金 which is 需要・要求するd of me, from a sympathy with the 明言する/公表する, they do but what they have already done in their own 事例/患者, or rather they 扇動する 不正 to a greater extent than the 明言する/公表する 要求するs. If they 支払う/賃金 the 税金 from a mistaken 利益/興味 in the individual 税金d, to save his 所有物/資産/財産, or 妨げる his going to 刑務所,拘置所, it is because they have not considered wisely how far they let their 私的な feelings 干渉する with the public good.

This, then, is my position at 現在の. But one cannot be too much on his guard in such a 事例/患者, lest his 活動/戦闘 be biased by obstinacy or an undue regard for the opinions of men. Let him see that he does only what belongs to himself and to the hour.

I think いつかs, Why, this people mean 井戸/弁護士席, they are only ignorant; they would do better if they knew how: why give your neighbors this 苦痛 to 扱う/治療する you as they are not inclined to? But I think again, This is no 推論する/理由 why I should do as they do, or 許す others to 苦しむ much greater 苦痛 of a different 肉親,親類d. Again, I いつかs say to myself, When many millions of men, without heat, without ill will, without personal feeling of any 肉親,親類d, 需要・要求する of you a few shillings only, without the 可能性, such is their 憲法, of 撤回するing or altering their 現在の 需要・要求する, and without the 可能性, on your 味方する, of 控訴,上告 to any other millions, why expose yourself to this 圧倒的な brute 軍隊? You do not resist 冷淡な and hunger, the 勝利,勝つd and the waves, thus obstinately; you 静かに 服従させる/提出する to a thousand 類似の necessities. You do not put your 長,率いる into the 解雇する/砲火/射撃. But just in 割合 as I regard this as not wholly a brute 軍隊, but partly a human 軍隊, and consider that I have relations to those millions as to so many millions of men, and not of mere brute or inanimate things, I see that 控訴,上告 is possible, first and instantaneously, from them to the 製造者 of them, and, secondly, from them to themselves. But if I put my 長,率いる deliberately into the 解雇する/砲火/射撃, there is no 控訴,上告 to 解雇する/砲火/射撃 or to the 製造者 of 解雇する/砲火/射撃, and I have only myself to 非難する. If I could 納得させる myself that I have any 権利 to be 満足させるd with men as they are, and to 扱う/治療する them accordingly, and not (許可,名誉などを)与えるing, in some 尊敬(する)・点s, to my requisitions and 期待s of what they and I せねばならない be, then, like a good Mussulman and fatalist, I should 努力する to be 満足させるd with things as they are, and say it is the will of God. And, above all, there is this difference between resisting this and a 純粋に brute or natural 軍隊, that I can resist this with some 影響; but I cannot 推定する/予想する, like Orpheus, to change the nature of the 激しく揺するs and trees and beasts.

I do not wish to quarrel with any man or nation. I do not wish to 分裂(する) hairs, to make 罰金 distinctions, or 始める,決める myself up as better than my neighbors. I 捜し出す rather, I may say, even an excuse for 適合するing to the 法律s of the land. I am but too ready to 適合する to them. Indeed, I have 推論する/理由 to 嫌疑者,容疑者/疑う myself on this 長,率いる; and each year, as the 税金-gatherer comes 一連の会議、交渉/完成する, I find myself 性質の/したい気がして to review the 行為/法令/行動するs and position of the general and 明言する/公表する 政府s, and the spirit of the people, to discover a pretext for 順応/服従.

"We must 影響する/感情 our country as our parents,
And if at any time we 疎遠にする
Our love or 産業 from doing it 栄誉(を受ける),
We must 尊敬(する)・点 影響s and teach the soul
事柄 of 良心 and 宗教,
And not 願望(する) of 支配する or 利益."

I believe that the 明言する/公表する will soon be able to take all my work of this sort out of my 手渡すs, and then I shall be no better a 愛国者 than my fellow-countrymen. Seen from a lower point of 見解(をとる), the 憲法, with all its faults, is very good; the 法律 and the 法廷,裁判所s are very respectable; even this 明言する/公表する and this American 政府 are, in many 尊敬(する)・点s, very admirable, and rare things, to be thankful for, such as a 広大な/多数の/重要な many have 述べるd them; but seen from a point of 見解(をとる) a little higher, they are what I have 述べるd them; seen from a higher still, and the highest, who shall say what they are, or that they are 価値(がある) looking at or thinking of at all?

However, the 政府 does not 関心 me much, and I shall bestow the fewest possible thoughts on it. It is not many moments that I live under a 政府, even in this world. If a man is thought-解放する/自由な, fancy-解放する/自由な, imagination-解放する/自由な, that which is not never for a long time appearing to be to him, unwise 支配者s or 改革者s cannot fatally interrupt him.

I know that most men think 異なって from myself; but those whose lives are by profession 充てるd to the 熟考する/考慮する of these or kindred 支配するs content me as little as any. Statesmen and 立法議員s, standing so 完全に within the 会・原則, never distinctly and nakedly behold it. They speak of moving society, but have no 残り/休憩(する)ing-place without it. They may be men of a 確かな experience and 差別, and have no 疑問 invented ingenious and even useful systems, for which we 心から thank them; but all their wit and usefulness 嘘(をつく) within 確かな not very wide 限界s. They are wont to forget that the world is not 治める/統治するd by 政策 and expediency. Webster never goes behind 政府, and so cannot speak with 当局 about it. His words are 知恵 to those 立法議員s who 熟視する/熟考する no 必須の 改革(する) in the 存在するing 政府; but for thinkers, and those who 立法者 for all time, he never once ちらりと見ることs at the 支配する. I know of those whose serene and wise 憶測s on this 主題 would soon 明らかにする/漏らす the 限界s of his mind's 範囲 and 歓待. Yet, compared with the cheap professions of most 改革者s, and the still cheaper 知恵 and eloquence of 政治家,政治屋s in general, his are almost the only sensible and 価値のある words, and we thank Heaven for him. Comparatively, he is always strong, 初めの, and, above all, practical. Still, his 質 is not 知恵, but prudence. The lawyer's truth is not Truth, but consistency or a 一貫した expediency. Truth is always in harmony with herself, and is not 関心d 主として to 明らかにする/漏らす the 司法(官) that may consist with wrong-doing. He 井戸/弁護士席 deserves to be called, as he has been called, the Defender of the 憲法. There are really no blows to be given by him but 防御の ones. He is not a leader, but a 信奉者. His leaders are the men of '87 - "I have never made an 成果/努力," he says, "and never 提案する to make an 成果/努力; I have never countenanced an 成果/努力, and never mean to countenance an 成果/努力, to 乱す the 協定 as 初めは made, by whi ch the さまざまな 明言する/公表するs (機の)カム into the Union." Still thinking of the 許可/制裁 which the 憲法 gives to slavery, he says, "Because it was a part of the 初めの compact - let it stand." Notwithstanding his special acuteness and ability, he is unable to take a fact out of its 単に political relations, and behold it as it lies 絶対 to be 性質の/したい気がして of by the intellect - what, for instance, it behooves a man to do here in America today with regard to slavery - but 投機・賭けるs, or is driven, to make some such desperate answer as the に引き続いて, while professing to speak 絶対, and as a 私的な man - from which what new and singular code of social 義務s might be inferred? "The manner," says he, "in which the 政府s of those 明言する/公表するs where slavery 存在するs are to 規制する it is for their own consideration, under their 責任/義務 to their 選挙権を持つ/選挙人s, to the general 法律s of propriety, humanity, and 司法(官), and to God. 協会s formed どこかよそで, springing from a feeling of humanity, or any other 原因(となる), have nothing whatever to do with it. They have never received any 激励 from me, and they never will."

They who know of no purer sources of truth, who have traced up its stream no higher, stand, and wisely stand, by the Bible and the 憲法, and drink at it there with reverence and humility; but they who behold where it comes trickling into this lake or that pool, gird up their loins once more, and continue their 巡礼の旅 toward its fountain-長,率いる.

No man with a genius for 法律制定 has appeared in America. They are rare in the history of the world. There are orators, 政治家,政治屋s, and eloquent men, by the thousand; but the (衆議院の)議長 has not yet opened his mouth to speak who is 有能な of settling the much-悩ますd questions of the day. We love eloquence for its own sake, and not for any truth which it may utter, or any heroism it may 奮起させる. Our 立法議員s have not yet learned the comparative value of 自由貿易 and of freedom, of union, and of rectitude, to a nation. They have no genius or talent for comparatively humble questions of 課税 and 財政/金融, 商業 and 製造(する)s and 農業. If we were left 単独で to the wordy wit of 立法議員s in 議会 for our 指導/手引, uncorrected by the ある時節に特有の experience and the effectual (民事の)告訴s of the people, America would not long 保持する her 階級 の中で the nations. For eighteen hundred years, though perchance I have no 権利 to say it, the New Testament has been written; yet where is the 立法議員 who has 知恵 and practical talent enough to avail himself of the light which it sheds on the science of 法律制定?

The 当局 of 政府, even such as I am willing to 服従させる/提出する to - for I will cheerfully obey those who know and can do better than I, and in many things even those who neither know nor can do so 井戸/弁護士席 - is still an impure one: to be 厳密に just, it must have the 許可/制裁 and 同意 of the 治める/統治するd. It can have no pure 権利 over my person and 所有物/資産/財産 but what I 譲歩する to it. The 進歩 from an 絶対の to a 限られた/立憲的な 君主国, from a 限られた/立憲的な 君主国 to a 僕主主義, is a 進歩 toward a true 尊敬(する)・点 for the individual. Even the Chinese philosopher was wise enough to regard the individual as the basis of the empire. Is a 僕主主義, such as we know it, the last 改良 possible in 政府? Is it not possible to take a step その上の に向かって 認めるing and 組織するing the 権利s of man? There will never be a really 解放する/自由な and enlightened 明言する/公表する until the 明言する/公表する comes to 認める the individual as a higher and 独立した・無所属 力/強力にする, from which all its own 力/強力にする and 当局 are derived, and 扱う/治療するs him accordingly. I please myself with imagining a 明言する/公表する at least which can afford to be just to all men, and to 扱う/治療する the individual with 尊敬(する)・点 as a neighbor; which even would not think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to live aloof from it, not 干渉 with it, nor embraced by it, who 実行するd all the 義務s of neighbors and fellow-men. A 明言する/公表する which bore this 肉親,親類d of fruit, and 苦しむd it to 減少(する) off as 急速な/放蕩な as it ripened, would 準備する the way for a still more perfect and glorious 明言する/公表する, which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen.

The End


公式文書,認める: Henry David Thoreau (1817-62), American writer and naturalist. 1846, one year after he had moved into his famous cabin on Ralph Waldo Emerson's land at Walden Pond, Massachusetts, Thoreau 辞退するd to 支払う/賃金 his 税金, as a 抗議する against slavery in America. He went to 刑務所,拘置所 (although his aunt 支払う/賃金d the 税金 for him, so he was 解放(する)d the next morning). Thoreau then wrote "抵抗 to Civil 政府," which was published 1849 and later became known as "Civil Disobedience." /KET
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